Diocletian and the Great Persecution

November 26, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

Nothing in the long history of Roman hostility toward Christians compares to what unfolded under Diocletian. Earlier persecutions were real and often severe, but under Diocletian the empire launched a decade-long, organized effort to dismantle Christianity itself. His political reforms, his religious worldview, and the system he created known as the Tetrarchy all collided with a rapidly growing Christian movement that refused to participate in Rome’s sacrificial life. The result was the largest and most systematic attempt ever made to extinguish the Christian name.

Understanding why the Great Persecution erupts with such force in 303 requires beginning with the political and religious system Diocletian put into place.

The Tetrarchy and the Ideology of Unified Rule

The formal Tetrarchy was established in AD 293, but the divine pairing of Diocletian and Maximian began earlier, when they ruled together as co-emperors. This divine alignment was already well established before Galerius and Constantius were added as Caesars.

A panegyric delivered before the Tetrarchy was formally created makes this divine association unmistakable:

Panegyrici Latini 10.4 (AD 289)
“Diocletian and Maximian, the one associated with Jupiter and the other with Hercules, govern the world with the majesty of the gods and the strength of heroes.”

This does not mean the emperors claimed personal divinity in the manner of Caligula or Domitian. They did not demand that sacrifices be offered to themselves. Instead, they presented themselves as ruling under Jupiter and Hercules, receiving divine legitimacy from these gods.

Under this political theology, unified worship was essential.
Sacrifice maintained the gods’ favor.
Refusal to sacrifice undermined the religious foundation that supported imperial stability.

When the Tetrarchy was formally created in AD 293, this divine framework expanded to include Galerius and Constantius as partners in the same cosmic order.

Diocletian’s Rise and His Vision for Stability

Fourth-century historian Aurelius Victor describes the turbulent origins of Diocletian’s reign:

Aurelius Victor, Epitome 39 (AD 360s)
“Diocletian, a man of low birth but keen mind, was hailed emperor by the army after Numerian had been treacherously slain.”

Diocletian inherited an empire weakened by half a century of civil war, invasion, inflation, and constant leadership changes. For him, restoring Rome required both administrative reconstruction and the renewal of Rome’s relationship with the gods.

His public image reflected this divine partnership. Inscriptions and coins throughout his reign repeatedly invoke the gods who upheld his rule:

IOVI CONSERVATORI
“To Jupiter the Protector”

HERCVLI DEFENSORI
“To Hercules the Defender”

GENIVS POPVLI ROMANI
“To the Guardian Spirit of the Roman People”

Obverse: **IMP DIOCLETIANVS P AVG** — “Emperor Diocletian, Dutiful Augustus,” radiate and cuirassed bust right.
Reverse: **IOVI AVGG** — “To Jupiter of the Emperors,” showing Jupiter standing facing, head left, holding a scepter and Victory on a globe; eagle at his feet to the left

These inscriptions show not emperor worship but emperor alignment. Diocletian ruled under Jupiter’s protection, not as Jupiter himself. Christian refusal to sacrifice therefore struck at the foundation of the very system that legitimized the Tetrarchy.

A Rapidly Expanding Christian Movement

By the early fourth century, Christian communities were thriving. Eusebius describes this moment as a period of remarkable growth and public visibility:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.1.1 (AD 311–325)
“Before the persecution, the churches were at peace and multiplied everywhere. Rulers honored the Christians. Crowds assembled in the churches. New buildings rose from their foundations in every city.”

Archaeology confirms this account. Christian buildings became larger and more numerous; clergy gained public recognition; and Christians entered civic roles and even imperial service. A movement that once met quietly in homes now built large structures in major cities.

For an imperial system built upon unified sacrifice, this expanding Christian public life created unavoidable tension.

Galerius and the Push Toward Hostility

Lactantius, an eyewitness to these events, identifies Galerius as the chief instigator behind the coming persecution:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 11 (AD 313–315)
“Galerius, a man fierce in nature and hostile to the name of the Christians, urged the emperor daily to destroy the churches and to compel all to sacrifice.”

Galerius believed the empire’s troubles stemmed from neglect of the gods. Christian refusal to sacrifice was not private dissent but a direct challenge to Rome’s divine protection and the religious foundation of the Tetrarchy.

Diocletian hesitated for several years, but as pressure increased, he gradually shifted toward Galerius’s position.

Signs, Omens, and the Turning Point

Lactantius records a critical moment in AD 299, when the imperial household sought omens through a traditional sacrifice:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 10 (AD 313–315)
“When Diocletian and Galerius consulted the oracle, the diviners declared that the presence of Christians had disturbed the sacred rites.”

Christians in the imperial service did not participate in the gestures of reverence. The diviners blamed them for the failure of the ritual. In a political system where divine favor upheld the rulers, this carried enormous weight.

Eusebius describes the resulting shift in Diocletian’s attitude:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.2.1 (AD 311–325)
“Diocletian was persuaded that the time had come to wage war against the churches as if against enemies of the state.”

By AD 302, the decision was near.
By early AD 303, it was set.

The Destruction of the Nicomedia Church

The Great Persecution opened with a symbolic act carried out at the political center of the Eastern empire. On February 23, AD 303, Diocletian ordered the destruction of the major church in Nicomedia. Lactantius, writing only a decade later, gives us a vivid description of what happened that morning:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 12 (AD 313–315)
“On the morning of the day appointed for the celebration of the Terminalia, when the sun had not yet risen, the prefect together with tribunes and officers arrived at the church in Nicomedia, and having broken open the doors, they searched for the image of the god of the Christians, the Scriptures, and all that they used in their worship. When they found the Scriptures, they burned them; everything else they destroyed. The soldiers were allowed to seize whatever was found inside.”

The reference to the Terminalia, a festival dedicated to boundaries, is significant. Diocletian was drawing a line between the old religious order and the presence of Christianity in public life. By choosing this date, he signaled that the empire was redrawing its religious boundaries.

Eusebius, writing from within the Eastern provinces, confirms the same event from a different vantage point:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.2.4 (AD 311–325)
“The imperial edict commanded that the church in Nicomedia be leveled to the ground. Those who were present saw the building demolished from its foundations, and the sacred Scriptures committed to the flames.”

The two accounts, one Western and Latin (Lactantius) and one Eastern and Greek (Eusebius), give us the fullest picture we have of this opening blow.

The First Edict of 303

After the church was destroyed, Diocletian issued the first of four imperial laws. Lactantius reproduces the text in summary form, and his account is our primary source for its contents. According to him, the first edict contained four major provisions:

All churches were to be destroyed.
All Scriptures were to be burned.
Christians were to lose legal rights and protections.
Those in government positions were to be removed unless they sacrificed.

Here is the full text as preserved in Lactantius:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 13 (AD 313–315)
“An edict was published ordering that the assemblies of the Christians should be abolished, that their churches be torn down, that the Scriptures be burned, that those who held places of honor be degraded, that servants who persisted in the Christian faith be made incapable of freedom, and that those under accusation of following Christianity be not allowed to defend themselves in court.”

The brutality of the law becomes clear as Lactantius explains its underlying logic:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 13 (AD 313–315)
“The emperor believed that if he took away the opportunity of meeting for worship and destroyed their Scriptures, the religion itself could be abolished.”

This is the key sentence.
It shows the intent behind the Great Persecution: not merely to pressure Christians, but to erase the Christian movement by attacking its buildings, its Scriptures, and its legal status.

Refusal and Immediate Violence

Eusebius records the immediate resistance of some Christians in Nicomedia who tore down the imperial edict publicly:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.5.1 (AD 311–325)
“One of the Christians, moved with holy zeal, tore down the imperial edict that had been posted in a public place and put it into shreds as something profane and illegal.”

According to Eusebius, this man was arrested, tortured, and executed. His act represents one of the earliest martyrdoms of the Great Persecution.

Impact Across the Empire

The First Edict was carried out differently in East and West. In the East, where Galerius wielded influence, the laws were enforced strictly. Eusebius describes widespread destruction:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.2.5 (AD 311–325)
“Churches were torn down from top to bottom, and the sacred Scriptures were cast into the fire in the open marketplaces.”

In the West, Constantius enforced the law only minimally. Churches were destroyed, but he did not pursue Christians or burn Scriptures with the same severity. As Lactantius notes:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 15 (AD 313–315)
“Constantius, although he destroyed a few buildings, spared the Christians themselves and took no delight in their suffering.”

This divergence becomes much more pronounced in the years that follow. The edicts will be applied ruthlessly in the East and with comparative restraint in the West.

The Second Edict: Imprisonment of the Clergy

The First Edict had targeted buildings, Scriptures, and legal rights. When this failed to break Christian resolve, the imperial court issued a second command. This time, the goal was to dismantle the leadership of the churches.

Lactantius provides the clearest account:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 15 (AD 313–315)
“Diocletian published another edict, ordering that all the bishops and ministers should be thrown into prison.”

This marked a dramatic escalation. It was not aimed at all Christians, but at the entire structure that led and organized Christian communities.

Eusebius confirms the severity in the Eastern provinces:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.6.1 (AD 311–325)
“An edict was issued that all who were called ministers of the Word should be seized and committed to prison. And there was nothing mild in the execution of this command.”

Prisons filled rapidly. Eusebius writes:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.6.6 (AD 311–325)
“The prisons, which had previously held murderers and robbers, were now filled with bishops, presbyters, deacons, readers, and exorcists.”

This detail is important.
It shows the scale of the arrests and also how the empire quickly ran out of space to hold so many clergy.

The Third Edict: Forcing the Clergy to Sacrifice

By late 303, the prisons were overflowing. Rather than release the clergy, the imperial court issued a third edict directing that all imprisoned leaders be compelled to sacrifice.

Lactantius writes:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 16 (AD 313–315)
“A third edict commanded that all those in prison should be forced by every means to sacrifice.”

The phrase “by every means” implies torture, starvation, deprivation, and psychological pressure. Eusebius describes what happened in the East:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.6.8 (AD 311–325)
“Some endured every form of punishment in the attempt to force them to sacrifice; they suffered rackings, burnings, and all kinds of torment.”

Some clergy yielded. Many did not.
Those who refused were either kept imprisoned or executed.

The Fourth Edict: Universal Sacrifice

The fourth edict marked the full and final escalation. While the first three focused on property and clergy, the fourth edict extended to every Christian, commanding everyone to sacrifice to the gods or face punishment.

Lactantius states:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 17 (AD 313–315)
“A fourth edict was issued ordering that all persons, without exception, should sacrifice and taste the offerings.”

This was the heart of the Great Persecution.
For the first time in Roman history, a universal law required every Christian in the empire to sacrifice on pain of imprisonment, torture, or death.

Eusebius describes the impact:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.6.9 (AD 311–325)
“The command was given that all the inhabitants of the cities should be compelled to sacrifice and pour libations to the idols. Those who refused were subjected to various punishments.”

This edict brought the entire Christian population into direct conflict with the state.

Diverging Paths: East and West

The edicts applied to the whole empire, but enforcement differed dramatically.

The Western Provinces

Constantius, ruling in Gaul and Britain, enforced only part of the First Edict. He destroyed some church buildings but refused to persecute Christians themselves.

Lactantius remarks on this restraint:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 15 (AD 313–315)
“Constantius, though he destroyed a few buildings, did not harm the Christians and took no pleasure in their suffering.”

Under Constantine (after 306), persecution ceased entirely in the West.

The Eastern Provinces

The East was ruled first by Diocletian and Galerius, then by Galerius alone, and finally by Maximinus Daia. Here the edicts were enforced with full severity for nearly a decade.

Eusebius records the intense suffering that followed:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.9.1 (AD 311–325)
“In the regions under the rule of Maximinus an unbroken series of evils overwhelmed the Christians.”

This distinction between East and West explains why the Great Persecution lasted much longer in some regions. The universal sacrifice edict was enforced fiercely in the East and only lightly in the West.

The Scale of the Persecution

The four edicts created the most comprehensive legal assault Christianity ever faced:

• Churches destroyed
• Scriptures burned
• Legal rights removed
• Clergy imprisoned
• Clergy forced to sacrifice
• All Christians required to sacrifice
• Severe punishments for refusal
• Enforcement lasting nearly a decade in the East

This was not a short moment, like the requirement under Decius.
This was an attempt to eradicate Christian identity, its leadership, its Scripture, and its existence as a public movement.

The Height of the Persecution

After the fourth edict extended the requirement of sacrifice to every Christian in the empire, the persecution entered its most violent phase. This period, stretching from 303 through the early 310s in the East, produced scenes of cruelty unmatched in earlier Roman history. Eusebius and Lactantius, both eyewitnesses to portions of these events, provide detailed accounts of torture, imprisonments, and executions across the provinces.

Torture and Public Punishments

Eusebius describes how the authorities attempted to break Christian resolve with punishments designed to terrify the entire population.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.7.1 (AD 311–325)
“Some were scourged with whips, torn by the rack, and stretched out upon instruments of torture; some were burned with fire; others were crucified; some were beheaded; many were condemned to the mines or to the wild beasts.”

He emphasizes that these punishments were not isolated incidents but part of a coordinated effort:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.7.2 (AD 311–325)
“The cruelty of the governors was such that no words can adequately describe the variety and severity of their torments.”

Lactantius gives similar testimony, describing how the persecutors operated with deliberate intent to inflict suffering:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 18 (AD 313–315)
“Those who refused to sacrifice were tortured with every kind of instrument, and the cruelty of the judges seemed to have no end.”

These statements establish the environment of terror that spread through the Eastern provinces.

The Persecution in Egypt

Egypt experienced some of the most intense violence. Eusebius, who lived in Caesarea but had deep ties to Egypt, records the ferocity of the punishments in Alexandria:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.9.4 (AD 311–325)
“In Alexandria countless numbers were put to death. Some were beheaded; others burned; others cast into the sea; others given to the sword. The massacre continued day after day.”

He describes the courage of the martyrs:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.9.5 (AD 311–325)
“Not even the women were spared; they endured the same tortures as the men, and many met their end with remarkable courage.”

Egypt’s large Christian population meant that resistance was strong, and so was the response of the authorities. The violence continued for years.

The Suffering in Palestine

Eusebius’s Martyrs of Palestine (an appendix to his Ecclesiastical History) is one of the most detailed regional martyr narratives from the ancient world. In Part 4 of the main history, he describes the beginning of the violence:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.8.1 (AD 311–325)
“In Palestine, the persecutions were incessant. Every day brought new trials, and the judges devised new forms of torture.”

Some Christians were mutilated:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.8.3 (AD 311–325)
“Some had one eye gouged out, others had the joints of their ankles burned or severed, and thereafter were sent to the copper mines.”

Others were executed publicly:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.9.6 (AD 311–325)
“Many were beheaded or burned alive, so that the flames and the sword together took their daily victims.”

These passages give a vivid picture of the relentless and creative brutality that characterized the persecution in Palestine.

The Persecution Under Maximinus Daia

When Diocletian and Maximian abdicated in AD 305, the persecution did not end. Instead, it intensified in the East under Maximinus Daia, nephew of Galerius. Eusebius portrays his rule in especially dark terms:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.14.1 (AD 311–325)
“Maximinus, more cruel than any before him, inflamed with an unbounded hatred of the Christians, drove all to madness by his tyrannical measures.”

Under Maximinus, local officials were encouraged to compete in displays of cruelty, and mobs were incited to attack Christian communities.

Eusebius writes:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 9.2.1 (AD 311–325)
“The provinces under Maximinus were filled with executions; the tortures were carried out not only in the cities but in every village and district.”

This period saw some of the most gruesome executions in recorded Christian history.

The Attempt to Eradicate Christian Scripture

One of the defining features of the Great Persecution was the attempt to eliminate Christian Scripture. This was a continuation of the First Edict, which targeted the sacred writings. Eusebius describes systematic searches:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.2.5 (AD 311–325)
“The sacred Scriptures were sought out with diligence, and when found, they were burned in the open squares.”

Lactantius adds:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 12 (AD 313–315)
“They burned the Scriptures with fire, believing that if the writings were destroyed the religion itself would perish.”

This attempt to eliminate Christian Scripture sets the Great Persecution apart from all earlier Roman actions.

The Persecution of Bishops and Teachers

Because bishops and teachers played a central role in community identity, the authorities targeted them specifically. Eusebius emphasizes how the persecution dismantled Christian leadership:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.6.6 (AD 311–325)
“The prisons, which had previously been filled with criminals, were now crowded with bishops, presbyters, deacons, readers, and exorcists.”

This was not incidental. Destroying the leadership was essential to the imperial plan. Without clergy, the Christian movement would lose cohesion. Without bishops, the sacraments could not be administered. Without teachers, instruction would cease.

Crucifixion, Mutilation, and the Mines

The Great Persecution included punishments that earlier emperors rarely used against Christians, including crucifixion. Eusebius documents instances where believers were nailed to crosses:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.7.5 (AD 311–325)
“Some were nailed to crosses, others were stretched out on them while still alive.”

Condemnation to the mines was common:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.12.1 (AD 311–325)
“Many were sent to the mines in Lebanon, Cilicia, and Palestine, with one eye mutilated and the joints of the ankles burned.”

These punishments were intended not only to kill but to degrade and terrorize.

The Emotional Weight of the Persecution

Eusebius breaks from his usual historical tone when describing the intensity of the suffering:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.12.3 (AD 311–325)
“It is impossible to recount the sufferings of the martyrs one by one, for the cruelty of the tyrants exceeded all bounds.”

This statement from an eyewitness underscores why the Great Persecution stands apart in scale and severity.

Galerius Struck with Illness

For nearly eight years after the first edict, the persecution raged most violently in the Eastern empire under Galerius and, later, Maximinus Daia. But in AD 310–311, Galerius was struck by a sudden and horrifying disease. Lactantius describes the illness in graphic detail, presenting it as divine judgment.

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 33 (AD 313–315)
“A malignant ulcer broke out in the secret parts of Galerius’s body, which gradually spread and ate into his vitals; from it issued a stench so foul that it was impossible for any man to endure it.”

The disease worsened over time:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 33 (AD 313–315)
“It became a torpid mass of corrupt flesh, breeding worms which no medical skill could remove. The surgeons cut away decayed pieces, but the wound only grew larger.”

Eusebius confirms the same picture:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.16.2 (AD 311–325)
“He was reduced to such a condition by an incurable disease that even his physicians could no longer approach him because of the unbearable stench.”

In this agony, Galerius made a decision no one expected.

Galerius Issues the Edict of Toleration (AD 311)

On April 30, AD 311, Galerius issued an imperial proclamation ending the persecution he had driven for a decade. Lactantius preserves the text in full. This is the earliest surviving imperial law granting legal status to Christianity.

Here is the complete edict, without abbreviation:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 34 (AD 313–315)
“Among the other measures that we have taken for the advantage of the empire, we had desired first of all to set everything right in accordance with the ancient laws and public discipline of the Romans. We therefore sought to restore the worship of the gods who sustain our empire, believing that the Christians had abandoned the religion of their ancestors.

Since, however, many persisted in their purpose, and since we saw that they neither paid reverence to the gods nor worshipped them, we therefore judged it necessary to command that they return to the practices of the ancients.

Yet because many obeyed not our decrees but endured all kinds of suffering, and because they showed that they could in no way be turned from their purpose, we are compelled by our utmost indulgence to extend pardon to them, so that once more they may be Christians and may build the places in which they gather, always provided that they do nothing contrary to good order.

It will be required of them that they pray to their God for our safety and that of the empire, and for their own, so that the state may be preserved in security on every side and that they may live in peace within their own dwellings.”

This is one of the most extraordinary documents in Roman history.
The man who insisted Christianity must be destroyed now publicly acknowledges:

the Christians endured suffering,
they could not be broken,
and the imperial court now permits them to exist again.

After Galerius: Maximinus Daia Continues the Persecution

Although Galerius reversed imperial policy in 311, the violence did not end everywhere. In the Eastern provinces under Maximinus Daia, persecution continued until 313.

Eusebius describes Maximinus’s renewed hostility:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 9.1.2 (AD 311–325)
“Maximinus, inflamed with greater rage than before, would not permit the decree of Galerius to be carried out in his provinces.”

He incited cities to petition for continued persecution:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 9.2.4 (AD 311–325)
“Some of the cities sent formal petitions requesting that the Christians be forbidden to inhabit their lands. Maximinus eagerly granted such requests.”

It is only after Maximinus’s military defeat in 313 that Christianity finally receives full legal protection in the East.

Constantine and Licinius End the Persecution (AD 313)

In early 313, Constantine and Licinius met in Milan and jointly agreed to extend full toleration across the empire. Although the exact text survives in a provincial copy preserved by Lactantius, its purpose is clear: to restore full freedom to Christian communities.

The proclamation states:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 48 (AD 313–315)
“We resolved to grant both to the Christians and to all others full authority to observe whatever worship they choose, so that whatever divinity resides in heaven may be favorable to us and to all who are under our authority.”

By this point:

Constantius had always been mild in the West
Constantine ended persecution in 306
Galerius ended the persecution in 311 in his realms
Maximinus’s defeat in 313 ended the last violent enforcement

Thus, AD 313 marks the end of the Great Persecution, nearly ten years after it began.

The Long Aftermath

Eusebius depicts the rejoicing of Christian communities once the persecution ceased:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 10.2.1 (AD 311–325)
“After the tyrants had been removed, God wiped away every tear from their eyes, and the festival of freedom was celebrated throughout the cities.”

Churches were rebuilt.
Leaders returned from exile.
Scriptures were recopied.
The memory of the martyrs became foundational to Christian identity.

The Great Persecution had failed.
Instead of destroying Christianity, it had purified and strengthened it.

Eyewitness Martyr Testimonies and Christian Voices During the Persecution

To understand the intensity of the Great Persecution, it is necessary to hear the voices of those who lived through it. Beyond the narratives of Lactantius and Eusebius, several eyewitness accounts survive describing the sufferings of Christians across the empire. These texts record the trials, tortures, and executions of believers who endured the decade between 303 and 313. Their voices form one of the richest collections of primary sources from early Christian history.

The Martyrs of Palestine

Eusebius’s Martyrs of Palestine is among the most detailed eyewitness accounts of martyrdom from the ancient world. Written between AD 311 and 313, it describes the executions he witnessed in Caesarea and the surrounding regions.

Apphianus

The story of Apphianus is among the most vivid:

Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine 4.7–8 (AD 311–313)
“Apphianus was struck repeatedly on the face, yet his courage did not falter. When they wrenched his limbs with instruments of torture, he remained unshaken in his purpose. They wrapped his feet in linen steeped in oil and set them on fire. Then they bound heavy stones to him and cast him into the sea.”

Procopius

Eusebius also records the martyrdom of Procopius, a reader in the church:

Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine 1.2 (AD 311–313)
“Procopius was brought before the governor. When he refused to sacrifice, he was immediately beheaded, sealing his testimony with the sword.”

Agapius and the Beasts

One of the most dramatic scenes takes place in the amphitheater:

Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine 6.3 (AD 311–313)
“Agapius was sentenced to the wild beasts. When he confessed Christ boldly, the beasts were let loose upon him, and he met his end with steadfast courage.”

Pamphilus and the Scholars

Eusebius’s own mentor and teacher, Pamphilus of Caesarea, was martyred along with a group of scholars:

Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine 11.1 (AD 311–313)
“Pamphilus, the most admirable of men, endured imprisonment for two years. After countless tortures, he and his companions were put to death.”

The Alexandrian Martyrs

Alexandria remained one of the largest Christian centers in the empire, and the persecution struck it with unusual violence.

Eusebius writes:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.9.6 (AD 311–325)
“Some were burned, some were drowned, some beheaded, some given to the sword, and others cast into the fire. The massacre continued day after day.”

Peter of Alexandria

Peter, bishop of the city, was executed in AD 311:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.13.2 (AD 311–325)
“Peter, who presided over the church in Alexandria, was arrested and beheaded, giving a noble example to the flock.”

Phileas of Thmuis

Phileas, another Egyptian bishop, wrote an eyewitness letter describing the prisons and tortures. Eusebius preserves part of it:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.10.2–3 (AD 311–325)
“Phileas wrote in detail of the sufferings of the blessed martyrs: how they stood firm under countless torments, how the judges exhausted themselves in devising new forms of cruelty, and how the martyrs endured everything with admirable patience.”

The Egyptian Confessors Sent to the Mines

Among the most horrifying scenes is the mutilation and transportation of Egyptian confessors to the mines of Palestine.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.8.3 (AD 311–325)
“Some had the one eye gouged out, others had the joints of their ankles burned or severed. Then they were sent to the mines, bearing in their bodies the marks of Christ’s sufferings.”

These punishments were intended to break morale and terrorize Christian communities.

Martyrdom in Syria and Asia Minor

While Palestine and Egypt preserve the richest martyr narratives, persecution also raged throughout Syria and Asia Minor.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.12.1 (AD 311–325)
“Throughout Syria and the regions beyond, countless numbers were sent to the mines after being mutilated in their eyes and feet.”

And in a passage describing Maximinus Daia’s reign:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 9.2.1 (AD 311–325)
“The provinces under Maximinus were filled with executions, both in the cities and in the villages.”

The Martyrdom of Lucian of Antioch

Lucian, a priest and renowned biblical scholar, was executed in AD 312 at Nicomedia.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 9.6.3 (AD 311–325)
“Lucian, a man distinguished for his skill in the divine Scriptures, sealed his testimony at Nicomedia, offering a noble example of endurance.”

Methodius of Olympus

Methodius, an important theological writer, was martyred near the end of Galerius’s reign. Though Eusebius does not describe the details, Jerome preserves the tradition:

Jerome, On Illustrious Men 83 (AD 392)
“Methodius, bishop of Olympus, suffered martyrdom at the end of the reign of Galerius.”

His death represents the loss of one of the era’s great Christian thinkers.

Peter of Alexandria’s Pastoral Letters

Peter, the martyred bishop of Alexandria, wrote pastoral letters during the persecution addressing those who had lapsed under torture.

Peter of Alexandria, Canonical Letter 4 (AD 306–311)
“Those who betrayed the faith under the compulsion of torture must be received with mercy after they have shown due repentance, for they fell under force and not of their own will.”

These letters show how deeply the persecution impacted Christian pastoral life and discipline.

Restoration Inscriptions and Archaeological Witnesses

After the persecution ended, inscriptions commemorated the rebuilding of destroyed churches. One from North Africa reads:

Cirta inscription (Numidia), c. 315
“Restored from the ruins of the persecution.”

Archaeological evidence also preserves burn layers, smashed furnishings, and remnants of hidden Scriptures, confirming the literary accounts of destruction.

Conclusion: The Decade Rome Tried to Erase the Church

The Great Persecution stands alone in the history of the Roman Empire. Earlier persecutions were real and often severe, but none matched the scale, duration, coordination, or intent of the measures launched between AD 303 and 313. Across the Eastern empire especially, Christians faced a comprehensive legal and physical assault designed not merely to punish them but to erase their Scriptures, dismantle their leadership, destroy their churches, and compel all believers to abandon their faith.

The laws progressed step by step until the entire Christian population fell under their weight. Churches were torn down, Scriptures burned, clergy imprisoned, clergy tortured, and finally all Christians forced to sacrifice under threat of death. The edicts touched every element of Christian life.

The purpose is stated clearly in the primary sources. Lactantius records Diocletian’s reasoning with stark precision:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 13 (AD 313–315)
“He believed that if he took away the opportunity of meeting for worship and destroyed their Scriptures, the religion itself could be abolished.”

No earlier emperor had attempted something so broad, so systematic, or sustained for so many years.

The Witness of the Martyrs

The eyewitness narratives from the period show Christians suffering with extraordinary courage. These testimonies were not written decades later. They are contemporary accounts of real people, recorded by those who saw them.

Apphianus in Caesarea stood firm under repeated blows, brutal torture, and finally death by drowning:

Procopius was executed in a single stroke for refusing to sacrifice.
Agapius went to the beasts and met them with fearless confession.
Pamphilus, mentor of Eusebius, endured two years of imprisonment before being put to death.
Phileas of Thmuis described the judges exhausting themselves in inventing new torments.
The Egyptian confessors bore mutilated bodies as marks of their faith.
Lucian of Antioch sealed his testimony at Nicomedia.
Methodius of Olympus, a profound Christian thinker, was killed late in the persecution.
Peter of Alexandria guided his flock with pastoral letters, then faced martyrdom himself.

These names, and many more whose stories survive only in fragments or inscriptions, represent a generation of Christians who stood firm when Rome sought to destroy their faith at its roots.

Eusebius summarizes their endurance with solemn simplicity:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.13.12 (AD 311–325)
“In all these trials the athletes of religion shone with patient endurance, for they held fast to their faith with unshaken resolve.”

The Failure of the Persecution

Despite the severity of the laws and the brutality of their enforcement, the persecution ultimately failed.
It failed because Christians refused to abandon their faith.
It failed because Scripture was recopied even while authorities burned it.
It failed because the bishops and clergy held the communities together under unimaginable pressure.
It failed because Christian identity proved stronger than imperial coercion.

Galerius, the chief architect of the persecution, acknowledged this failure publicly in his Edict of Toleration:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 34 (AD 313–315)
“Since many obeyed not our decrees but endured all kinds of suffering, and since they showed that they could in no way be turned from their purpose, we are compelled by our utmost indulgence to extend pardon to them.”

The persecutor confessed that he could not break the Christians.
He allowed them once again to gather, rebuild, and worship.

Restoration After the Storm

Once Maximinus Daia was defeated in 313, the last remnants of persecution collapsed. Constantine and Licinius extended full religious freedom to all:

The rebuilding began immediately. Eusebius describes the rejoicing of Christian communities:

Inscriptions across the empire testify to this restoration:

Cirta inscription (Numidia), c. 315
“Restored from the ruins of the persecution.”

Churches were rebuilt larger than before. Scriptures were recopied. Clergy returned from exile. Communities gathered openly. The names of the martyrs were honored. The memory of their courage became foundational to Christian identity and theology.

A Final Reflection

The Great Persecution did not destroy Christianity. It revealed its strength.
It did not silence Christian witness. It amplified it.
It did not weaken the church. It purified and deepened it.

The empire had attempted to extinguish the Christian faith by burning its Scriptures, breaking its leadership, and torturing its people. Instead, Christianity emerged from this decade more unified, more resilient, and more firmly rooted in the conviction that no earthly power could overcome the truth of the gospel.

When the persecution ended, Christianity did not merely survive.
It stood on the threshold of transformation.
Within a single generation, emperors who once sought its destruction would support its growth and honor its martyrs.

The Great Persecution remains one of the defining moments in Christian memory:
a testimony to suffering, endurance, and the unwavering faith of those who stood firm when the world pressed hardest against them.

Multiplying by Mission: Session 9 at Mission Lake

November 1, 2025November 2, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

40% Growth Then, 5% Growth Now — What We Must Learn Anew

Our goal in this session is to present the essence of the Christian faith as seen through the earliest and most significant pieces of literature from the ancient church and from the Roman world in which it emerged. We are seeking to understand what is essential for Christianity—those truths that form the common foundation of belief and moral life—as distinguished from what is diverse in local application or interpretation. From the earliest creeds of the 30s AD to the writings of Eusebius in the early 300s, the evidence will show that the rule of faith remained consistent in its core confession of God, Christ, the Spirit, resurrection, judgment, and ethical life, while at the same time the Church celebrated and respected diversity in practice and interpretation among its many communities.

Earliest Christian Creeds and Hymns

Passage	Approx. Date (Content)	Theme / Focus	Broad Scholarly Consensus
1 Cor 15:3-7	Early 30s AD	Death, burial, and resurrection of Christ	Universal — accepted by atheist and believing scholars as the earliest Christian tradition
Phil 2:6-11	Early 30s AD	Pre-existence, incarnation, and exaltation	Universal — recognized as a pre-Pauline hymn used in earliest worship
Rom 1:3-4	Early 30s AD	Son of God declared in power by resurrection	Strong — widely regarded as an early Palestinian creed
1 Thess 4:14	40s AD	Resurrection hope and life to come	Strong — early confessional formula of faith and hope
Gal 3:28	40s AD	Equality and unity of believers in Christ	Strong — baptismal or ethical confession of oneness
Rom 12:9-13	40s AD	Love and moral conduct among believers	Moderate–Strong — early ethical summary shaped by creed
Col 1:15-20	40s AD (Pauline authorship disputed)	Cosmic Christ reconciling all things	Strong — pre-Pauline hymn emphasizing Christ’s lordship

Romans 1:3-4

Cited by Paul in Romans (AD 57-58); creed from the early 30s AD.

Concerning his Son, who was descended from David according to the flesh,
and was declared to be the Son of God in power according to the Spirit of holiness
by his resurrection from the dead, Jesus Christ our Lord.
(Rom 1:3-4 ESV)

1 Corinthians 15:3-11

Cited by Paul in 1 Corinthians (AD 54-55); creed from the early 30s AD.

For I delivered to you as of first importance what I also received:
that Christ died for our sins in accordance with the Scriptures,
that he was buried,
that he was raised on the third day in accordance with the Scriptures,
and that he appeared to Cephas, then to the twelve.
Then he appeared to more than five hundred brothers at one time, most of whom are still alive, though some have fallen asleep.
Then he appeared to James, then to all the apostles.
Last of all, as to one untimely born, he appeared also to me.
For I am the least of the apostles, unworthy to be called an apostle, because I persecuted the church of God.
But by the grace of God I am what I am, and his grace toward me was not in vain. On the contrary, I worked harder than any of them — though it was not I, but the grace of God that is with me.
Whether then it was I or they, so we preach and so you believed.
(1 Cor 15:3-11 ESV)

Philippians 2:6-11

Cited by Paul in Philippians (AD 55-60); chiastic hymn from the early 30s AD.

Christ Jesus, who, though he was in the form of God,
did not count equality with God a thing to be grasped,
but emptied himself, by taking the form of a servant,
being born in the likeness of men.
And being found in human form, he humbled himself
by becoming obedient to the point of death, even death on a cross.
Therefore God has highly exalted him
and bestowed on him the name that is above every name,
so that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow,
in heaven and on earth and under the earth,
and every tongue confess that Jesus Christ is Lord,
to the glory of God the Father.
(Phil 2:6-11 ESV)

1 Thessalonians 4:14

Cited by Paul in 1 Thessalonians (AD 49-50); confessional line from the 40s AD.

For since we believe that Jesus died and rose again, even so, through Jesus, God will bring with him those who have fallen asleep.
(1 Thess 4:14 ESV)

Galatians 3:28

Cited by Paul in Galatians (AD 48-49); baptismal or ethical formula from the 40s AD.

There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither slave nor free, there is no male and female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus.
(Gal 3:28 ESV)

Romans 12:9-13

Cited by Paul in Romans (AD 57-58); early ethical summary reflecting creedal life of the 40s AD.

Let love be genuine. Abhor what is evil; hold fast to what is good.
Love one another with brotherly affection. Outdo one another in showing honor.
Do not be slothful in zeal, be fervent in spirit, serve the Lord.
Rejoice in hope, be patient in tribulation, be constant in prayer.
Contribute to the needs of the saints and seek to show hospitality.
(Rom 12:9-13 ESV)

Colossians 1:15-20

Quoted in the (disputed) Letter to the Colossians (AD 55-60); chiastic hymn originating in the 40s AD.

He is the image of the invisible God, the firstborn of all creation.
For by him all things were created, in heaven and on earth, visible and invisible, whether thrones or dominions or rulers or authorities — all things were created through him and for him.
And he is before all things, and in him all things hold together.
And he is the head of the body, the church. He is the beginning, the firstborn from the dead, that in everything he might be preeminent.
For in him all the fullness of God was pleased to dwell,
and through him to reconcile to himself all things, whether on earth or in heaven, making peace by the blood of his cross.
(Col 1:15-20 ESV)

Ignatius of Antioch

Letter to the Philadelphians 3–4
Written about AD 107 while en route to martyrdom.

Be careful to share in only one Eucharist, for there is one flesh of our Lord Jesus Christ and one cup that brings us together in His blood, one altar just as there is one bishop with the presbyters and deacons who serve with him.
Whatever you do, then, do it as those who serve God.

Do not be misled by strange teachings or by old tales that are useless.
If we still live according to the standards of Judaism, we admit that we have not received grace.
The most divine prophets lived according to Christ Jesus, and for this reason they were persecuted; they were inspired by His grace to convince the unbelieving that there is one God who has revealed Himself through Jesus Christ His Son—His Word, who came forth from silence, and who in every way pleased the One who sent Him.

Therefore, my brothers and sisters, make every effort to share in the one Eucharist; for there is one flesh of our Lord Jesus Christ, and one cup that brings us together in His blood, one altar, as there is one bishop with the presbytery and deacons, my fellow servants.
Whatever you do, do it in harmony with God. Where there is diversity, if there is unity of faith and love, there God is glorified.

Those who repent and come together in the unity of the Church will belong to God, so that they may live according to Jesus Christ.
Do not let anything be done without the bishop; keep your bodies as the temple of God; love unity; avoid divisions; be imitators of Jesus Christ as He is of His Father.
The Lord forgives all who repent, if they turn back to the unity of God and to the council of the bishop.
I trust in the grace of Jesus Christ that He will free you from every chain.

I warn you, then, to stay away from the evil plants that Jesus Christ does not cultivate, because they are not the planting of the Father.
I have not found division among you, but rather a kind of purification.
For all who belong to God and Jesus Christ are with the bishop; and those who repent and return to the unity of the Church will also belong to God, that they may live according to Jesus Christ.

Historical Note

Ignatius is addressing a mixed congregation of Jewish and Gentile believers still learning how to relate the Mosaic law to the grace of Christ. His warning not to “live according to Judaism” meant that Gentile Christians must not treat the law as binding for salvation, yet his comment about diversity within unity shows that he respected those Jewish believers who continued their ancestral customs. Like James and Paul at the Jerusalem Council in Acts 15, Ignatius maintains that grace and unity in Christ are essential, while cultural practices may differ as long as they do not divide the Church.

Pliny the Younger to Emperor Trajan

Letters 10.96–97
Written about AD 112 describing the Christians of Bithynia.

It is my practice, my lord, to refer to you all matters concerning which I am in doubt.
For who can better give guidance to my hesitation or inform my ignorance?
I have never participated in trials of Christians; therefore I do not know what offenses are to be punished or investigated, or to what extent.

Meanwhile, in the case of those who were denounced to me as Christians, I have observed the following procedure.
I interrogated them as to whether they were Christians; those who confessed I interrogated a second and a third time, threatening them with punishment; those who persisted I ordered executed.
For I had no doubt that, whatever the nature of their creed, stubbornness and inflexible obstinacy surely deserve to be punished.

Those who denied that they were or had been Christians, when they invoked the gods in words dictated by me, offered prayer with incense and wine to your image, which I had ordered to be brought for this purpose together with statues of the gods, and moreover cursed Christ—none of which, it is said, those who are really Christians can be forced to do—these I thought should be discharged.
Others named by the informer declared that they were Christians, but then denied it; they said that they had ceased to be so, some three years before, others many years, some as much as twenty years.
They all worshiped your image and the statues of the gods, and cursed Christ.

They asserted, however, that the sum and substance of their fault or error had been that they were accustomed to meet on a fixed day before dawn and sing responsively a hymn to Christ as to a god, and to bind themselves by an oath—not to some crime, but not to commit fraud, theft, or adultery, not to falsify their trust, nor to refuse to return a deposit when called upon to do so.
When this was over, it was their custom to depart and to assemble again to partake of food—but ordinary and innocent food.
Even this, they affirmed, they had ceased to do after my edict, by which, in accordance with your instructions, I had forbidden political associations.

Accordingly, I judged it all the more necessary to find out what the truth was by torturing two female slaves who were called deaconesses.
But I discovered nothing else but depraved, excessive superstition.
I therefore postponed the investigation and hastened to consult you.
For many persons of every age, every rank, and also of both sexes are and will be endangered.
For the contagion of this superstition has spread not only to the cities but also to the villages and farms.
But it seems possible to check and cure it.

Trajan’s Reply

You have followed the right course, my dear Secundus, in investigating the cases of those who were denounced to you as Christians, for it is not possible to lay down any general rule that would apply as a fixed standard.
They are not to be sought out; if they are brought before you and the charge against them is proved, they are to be punished, with this reservation, however, that if anyone denies that he is a Christian and really proves it—that is, by worshiping our gods—he shall be pardoned on the ground of repentance.
Anonymous accusations have no place in any prosecution, for this is both a bad precedent and out of keeping with the spirit of our age.

Aristides of Athens

Apology XV–XVI
Written about AD 125–140 to Emperor Hadrian.

But the Christians, O King, reckon the beginning of their religion from Jesus Christ, who is named the Son of God Most High; and it is said that God came down from heaven, and from a Hebrew virgin took and clothed Himself with flesh, and that the Son of God lived in a daughter of man.
This is taught in the gospel, as it is called, which a short time ago was preached among them; and you also, if you will read therein, may perceive the power which belongs to it.

This Jesus, then, was born of the race of the Hebrews; and He had twelve disciples, in order that a certain dispensation of His might be fulfilled.
He was pierced by the Jews, and He died and was buried; and they say that after three days He rose and ascended to heaven.

Thereupon these twelve disciples went forth into the known parts of the world and taught concerning His greatness with all humility and soberness.
And those then who still observe the righteousness which was enjoined by their preaching are called Christians.

And these are they who more than all the nations of the earth have found the truth.
For they acknowledge God, the Creator and Maker of all things, in the only-begotten Son and in the Holy Spirit; and besides Him they worship no other God.

They have the commandments of the Lord Jesus Christ Himself graven upon their hearts; and they keep them, looking for the resurrection of the dead and the life of the world to come.

They do not commit adultery or fornication; they do not bear false witness; they do not covet the things of others; they honor father and mother; they do good to those who are their neighbors; and they judge uprightly.

They do not worship idols made in the likeness of man.
Whatever they would not wish others to do to them, they do not practice themselves.

They do not eat of the food offered to idols, for they are pure.
They comfort their oppressors and make them their friends; they do good to their enemies.

Their women are pure as virgins, and their daughters are modest.
Their men abstain from all unlawful union and from all uncleanness, in the hope of a recompense to come in another world.

They love one another.
They do not turn away a widow, and they rescue the orphan.
He who has gives ungrudgingly to him who has not.

If they see a stranger, they take him under their roof, and they rejoice over him as over a real brother.
If anyone among them is poor and needy, and they have no spare food, they fast two or three days in order to supply the needy with their necessary food.

They observe scrupulously the commandments of their Messiah.
They live honestly and soberly, as the Lord their God ordered them.
They give thanks to Him every hour, for all meat and drink and other blessings.

If any righteous man among them passes away from the world, they rejoice and thank God, and escort his body with songs and thanksgiving as if he were setting out from one place to another.

When a child has been born to one of them, they give thanks to God; and if it chance to die in childhood, they praise God mightily, as for one who has passed through the world without sins.

If anyone of them be a man of wealth, and he sees that one of their number is in want, he provides for the needy without boasting.

And if they see a stranger, they take him under their roof and rejoice over him as over a brother; for they do not call them brethren after the flesh, but brethren after the Spirit and in God.

Whenever one of their poor passes away from the world, each of them, according to his ability, gives heed to him and carefully sees to his burial.

Such is the law of the Christians, O King, and such is their manner of life.
And verily, this is a new people, and there is something divine in them.

Epistle to Diognetus

Written about AD 150–180 by an unknown Christian author probably from Asia Minor. He refers to himself as a “disciple of the Apostles” and a “teacher of the Gentiles.”

1 – Purpose of Writing

Most excellent Diognetus: I can see that you deeply desire to learn how Christians worship their God. You have so carefully and earnestly asked your questions about them: What is it about the God they believe in, and the form of religion they observe, that lets them look down upon the world and despise death? Why do they reject the Greek gods and the Jewish superstitions alike? What about the affection they all have for each other? And why has this new group and their practices come to life only now, and not long ago? …

5 – The Manners of Christians

For the Christians are distinguished from other men neither by country, nor language, nor the customs which they observe. For they neither inhabit cities of their own, nor employ a peculiar form of speech, nor lead a life which is marked out by any singularity. The course of conduct which they follow has not been devised by any speculation or deliberation of inquisitive men; nor do they, like some, proclaim themselves the advocates of any merely human doctrines.

But, inhabiting Greek as well as barbarian cities, according as the lot of each of them has determined, and following the customs of the natives in respect to clothing, food, and the rest of their ordinary conduct, they display to us their wonderful and confessedly striking method of life. They dwell in their own countries, but simply as sojourners. As citizens, they share in all things with others, and yet endure all things as if foreigners. Every foreign land is to them as their native country, and every land of their birth as a land of strangers. They marry, as do all [others]; they beget children; but they do not destroy their offspring. They have a common table, but not a common bed. They are in the flesh, but they do not live after the flesh. They pass their days on earth, but they are citizens of heaven.

They obey the prescribed laws, and at the same time surpass the laws by their lives. They love all men and are persecuted by all. They are unknown and condemned; they are put to death, and restored to life. They are poor, yet make many rich; they are in lack of all things, and yet abound in all; they are dishonored, and yet in their very dishonor are glorified. They are evil spoken of, and yet are justified; they are reviled, and bless; they are insulted, and repay the insult with honor; they do good, yet are punished as evil-doers. When punished, they rejoice as if quickened into life; they are assailed by the Jews as foreigners, and are persecuted by the Greeks; yet those who hate them are unable to assign any reason for their hatred.

6 – The Relation of Christians to the World

To sum up all in one word — what the soul is in the body, Christians are in the world. The soul is dispersed through all the members of the body, and Christians are scattered through all the cities of the world. The soul dwells in the body, yet is not of the body; and Christians dwell in the world, yet are not of the world. The invisible soul is guarded by the visible body, and Christians are known indeed to be in the world, but their godliness remains invisible.

The flesh hates the soul, and wars against it, though itself suffering no injury, because it is prevented from enjoying pleasures; the world also hates the Christians, though in nowise injured, because they renounce pleasures. The soul loves the flesh that hates it, and [loves also] the members; Christians likewise love those that hate them. The soul is imprisoned in the body, yet keeps together that very body; and Christians are confined in the world as in a prison, and yet they keep together the world. The immortal soul dwells in a mortal tabernacle; and Christians dwell as sojourners in corruptible [bodies], looking for an incorruptible dwelling in the heavens. The soul, when but ill-provided with food and drink, becomes better; in like manner, the Christians, though subjected day by day to punishment, increase the more in number. God has assigned them this illustrious position, which it were unlawful for them to forsake.

7 – The Manifestation of Christ

For, as I said, this was no mere earthly invention which was delivered to them, nor is it a mere human system of opinion, which they judge it right to preserve so carefully, nor has a dispensation of mere human mysteries been committed to them, but truly God Himself, who is almighty, the Creator of all things, and invisible, has sent from heaven, and placed among men, [Him who is] the truth, and the holy and incomprehensible Word, and has firmly established Him in their hearts. He did not, as one might have imagined, send to men any servant, or angel, or ruler, or any one of those who bear sway over earthly things, or one of those to whom the government of things in the heavens has been entrusted, but the very Creator and Fashioner of all things — by whom He made the heavens — by whom he enclosed the sea within its proper bounds — whose ordinances all the stars faithfully observe — from whom the sun has received the measure of his daily course to be observed — whom the moon obeys, being commanded to shine in the night, and whom the stars also obey, following the moon in her course; by whom all things have been arranged, and placed within their proper limits, and to whom all are subject — the heavens and the things that are therein, the earth and the things that are therein, the sea and the things that are therein — fire, air, and the abyss — the things which are in the heights, the things which are in the depths, and the things which lie between. This [messenger] He sent to them. Was it then, as one might conceive, for the purpose of exercising tyranny, or of inspiring fear and terror? By no means, but under the influence of clemency and meekness. As a king sends his son, who is also a king, so sent He Him; as God He sent Him; as to men He sent Him; as a Savior He sent Him, and as seeking to persuade, not to compel us; for violence has no place in the character of God. As calling us He sent Him, not as vengefully pursuing us; as loving us He sent Him, not as judging us. For He will yet send Him to judge us, and who shall endure His appearing?

– There is a gap in the manuscript evidence that resumes with this below –

Do you not see them exposed to wild beasts, that they may be persuaded to deny the Lord, and yet not overcome? Do you not see that the more of them are punished, the greater becomes the number of the rest? This does not seem to be the work of man: this is the power of God; these are the evidences of His manifestation.

10 – Imitating God

… And if you love Him, you will be an imitator of His kindness. And do not wonder that a man may become an imitator of God. He can, if he is willing. For it is not by ruling over his neighbors, or by seeking to hold the supremacy over those that are weaker, or by being rich, and showing violence towards those that are inferior, that happiness is found; nor can any one by these things become an imitator of God. But these things do not at all constitute His majesty.

On the contrary he who takes upon himself the burden of his neighbor; he who, in whatsoever respect he may be superior, is ready to benefit another who is deficient; he who, whatsoever things he has received from God, by distributing these to the needy, becomes a god to those who receive it: he is an imitator of God. Then you shall see, while still on earth, that God in the heavens rules over all; then you shall begin to speak the mysteries of God; then shall you both love and admire those that suffer punishment because they will not deny God; then shall you condemn the deceit and error of the world when you shall know what it is to live truly in heaven, when you shall despise that which is here esteemed to be death, when you shall fear what is truly death, which is reserved for those who shall be condemned to the eternal fire, which shall afflict those even to the end that are committed to it. Then shall you admire those who for righteousness’ sake endure the fire that is but for a moment, and shall count them happy when you understand the nature of that fire.

Justin Martyr

First Apology 13, 14, 67
Written about AD 155–160 from Rome to Emperor Antoninus Pius.

13 – Confession of Faith

We worship the Creator of this universe, declaring that He has no need of sacrifices and libations. We have learned that He desires those who imitate the excellences which reside in Him—temperance, justice, philanthropy, and all other virtues.

We reasonably worship Jesus Christ, having learned that He is the Son of the true God Himself, and holding Him in the second place, and the prophetic Spirit in the third.
We proclaim Him who was crucified under Pontius Pilate, who died, rose again, ascended into heaven, and will come again to judge the world.
He is the Logos who existed before all things and through whom the Father created and orders the universe.

14 – The Moral Transformation of Christians

We who once delighted in fornication now embrace chastity alone.
We who once used magical arts now dedicate ourselves to the good and unbegotten God.
We who once loved the acquisition of wealth and possessions above all things now bring what we have into a common stock and share with everyone in need.
We who hated and destroyed one another, and would not live with men of another tribe because of different customs, now, since the coming of Christ, live together and pray for our enemies, striving to persuade those who hate us unjustly to live according to the good precepts of Christ, so that they too may share in the same joyful hope of reward from God, the ruler of all.

67 – The Gathering of the Church on Sunday

And on the day called Sunday all who live in cities or in the countryside gather together in one place.
The memoirs of the apostles or the writings of the prophets are read as long as time permits.
When the reader has finished, the president gives an address, urging the imitation of these good things.

Then we all rise together and offer prayers. When our prayers are finished, bread and wine and water are brought, and the president likewise offers prayers and thanksgivings, according to his ability, and the people respond, “Amen.”
There is then distributed to each a portion of the consecrated elements, and those who are absent have it carried to them by the deacons.

Those who are well-to-do, and willing, give what each thinks fit; what is collected is deposited with the president, who aids orphans and widows, those who through sickness or any other cause are in need, those who are in bonds, and strangers who sojourn among us. In a word, he is the protector of all who are in need.

Sunday is the day on which we all hold our common assembly because it is the first day on which God, transforming darkness and matter, made the world, and because Jesus Christ our Saviour rose from the dead on the same day.

Athenagoras of Athens

A Plea for the Christians 4–5, 10, 31
Written about AD 176–180 to Emperors Marcus Aurelius and Commodus.

4 – One God, the Creator and Sustainer of All

We are not atheists, for we acknowledge one God, uncreated, eternal, invisible, impassible, incomprehensible, who comprehends all things and is Himself comprehended by none. He is without beginning and without end, eternal and unchangeable, being the source of all existence and Himself the cause and maker of the universe. We know that He is not contained in space but contains all things; that He is not subject to time but is the author of time; that He is not made but is the maker. We recognize His power and majesty by the order and harmony of the things He has made and by the governance of the universe.

5 – The Son of God and the Holy Spirit

We also acknowledge a Son of God. Let no one think it strange that God should have a Son. The Son is the Word of the Father, in idea and in energy; for by Him and through Him all things were made, the Father and the Son being one. The Son is in the Father and the Father in the Son, in unity and power of the Spirit. The Son is the Father’s mind and Word. If you give close attention to the emanation of the Word, you will perceive that He is the first offspring of the Father, not as created, for God being eternal mind Himself had within Himself His Word, being eternally rational, but as coming forth to give form and order to creation.

We say also that there is a Holy Spirit, who is an effluence of God, flowing from Him and returning to Him like a ray of the sun. Who, then, would not be astonished to hear men who speak of God the Father, and of God the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, who show both their power in unity and their distinction in order, accused of atheism? The Father is the source of all, the Son is the Word through whom all things were made, and the Holy Spirit is the power that brings them into order and sustains them.

10 – The Life and Conduct of Christians

We are persuaded that there will be a life to come. Therefore we restrain ourselves from all wrongdoing, and we keep ourselves from evil deeds, words, and thoughts. We have learned to love even our enemies and to pray for those who persecute us, that all people may be counted worthy of the grace of God.

Among us you will find men and women and children of every age, who, though they may not be trained in letters, demonstrate by their actions the excellence of their lives. We do not commit murder or adultery; we do not practice sorcery; we do not worship idols of gold or silver or stone. We live chastely, we speak truthfully, and we serve one another in love, knowing that we shall give an account to God of both our thoughts and our words. We have renounced everything which is contrary to reason and have embraced everything which accords with reason. Our speech and our lives are ruled by the same law of truth.

31 – The Unity of Faith in the Triune God

Who among you, O emperors, would not be grieved if he were accused of atheism while he worships one God—the Father—and His Son, the Word, and the Holy Spirit, who are one in power: the Father in His being, the Son in His working, and the Spirit in His operation? We confess God and His Son and the Holy Spirit, showing both their unity of power and their distinction in order. We know that the life which follows this one is eternal, and therefore we seek to live purely and justly, so that we may obtain it from the God who is judge of all.

Irenaeus of Lyons

Against Heresies 1.10.1–2
Written about AD 180.

The Church, though dispersed throughout the whole world, even to the ends of the earth, has received from the apostles and their disciples this faith:
One God, the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth and the sea and all things that are in them;
and in one Christ Jesus, the Son of God, who became incarnate for our salvation;
and in the Holy Spirit, who proclaimed through the prophets the dispensations of God and the coming of the birth from a virgin and the passion and the resurrection from the dead, and the ascension into heaven in the flesh of the beloved Christ Jesus our Lord, and His manifestation from heaven in the glory of the Father to gather all things in one, and to raise up anew all flesh of the whole human race, in order that to Christ Jesus, our Lord, and God, and Savior, and King, according to the will of the invisible Father, every knee should bow of things in heaven and things in earth and things under the earth, and that every tongue should confess to Him, and that He should execute just judgment toward all; that He may send spiritual wickedness and the angels who transgressed and became apostates, together with the ungodly and unrighteous and wicked and profane among men, into everlasting fire; but may, in the exercise of His grace, confer immortality on the righteous and holy and those who have kept His commandments and have persevered in His love, some from the beginning and others from the time of their repentance, and may surround them with everlasting glory.

As I have already said, the Church, having received this preaching and this faith, although scattered throughout the whole world, yet, as if occupying but one house, carefully preserves it.
She also believes these points of doctrine just as if she had but one soul and one heart, and she proclaims them and teaches them and hands them down with perfect harmony, as if she possessed only one mouth.
For, although the languages of the world are different, yet the meaning of the tradition is one and the same.
For the churches which have been planted in Germany do not believe or hand down anything different, nor do those in Spain, nor those in Gaul, nor those in the East, nor those in Egypt, nor those in Libya, nor those which have been established in the middle regions of the world.
But as the sun, that creature of God, is one and the same throughout the whole world, so also the preaching of the truth shines everywhere and enlightens all who are willing to come to the knowledge of the truth.
Nor will any one of the rulers in the churches, however eloquent he may be, teach doctrines different from these (for no one is above the Master); nor, on the other hand, will one who is weak in speech diminish the tradition.
For the faith being one and the same, neither does one who can speak at length add to it, nor does one who can say little take away from it.

Irenaeus of Lyons

Letter to Victor of Rome on Easter
(Preserved in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 5.24.13–17)

For the controversy is not only about the day, but also about the very manner of fasting.
For some think that they should fast one day, others two, others still more; some count their day as forty hours of day and night together.
And yet all these live in peace with one another, and their disagreement in the fast confirms the agreement in the faith.

The presbyters before Soter, who presided over the Church which you now rule—I mean Anicetus and Pius and Hyginus and Telesphorus and Xystus—did not observe it themselves; and yet they were at peace with those who came to them from the parishes in which it was observed.
For the difference in the observance of the fast had not originated in our time, but long before, in the days of our forefathers; and yet they lived in peace with one another, and the difference in practice confirmed their unity in faith.

Tertullian of Carthage

Prescription Against Heretics 13
Written about AD 200.

Now, with regard to this rule of faith—that we may from this point acknowledge what it is we defend—it is that by which we believe that there is only one God, and no other besides the Creator of the world, who produced all things out of nothing through His own Word, sent forth before all things; that this Word, called His Son, was seen of the patriarchs under various forms, was ever heard in the prophets, and at last was sent by the Father through the Spirit and Power of God the Father into the Virgin Mary, was made flesh in her womb, and, being born of her, went forth as Jesus Christ; thenceforth He preached the new law and the new promise of the kingdom of heaven, worked miracles; having been crucified, He rose again the third day; was received into heaven, and sat at the right hand of the Father.
He sent in His place the Power of the Holy Spirit to lead such as believe.
He will come again in glory to take the saints into the enjoyment of everlasting life and of the heavenly promises, and to condemn the wicked to everlasting fire, after the resurrection of both the good and the evil, together with the restoration of their flesh.
This rule, as it will be proved, was taught by Christ, and admits of no question among us, except as it be raised by those who teach heresy.

Tertullian of Carthage

On Baptism 17
Written about AD 198–200.

There is no difference in the substance of the faith, whether a person be washed in the sea or in a pool, in a river or in a fountain, in a lake or in a trough; nor is there any distinction between those whom John baptized in the Jordan and those whom Peter baptized in the Tiber.
The same God is everywhere, and the same completeness of faith is everywhere the same.
What matters is not the place but the faith; not the element but the name.
In all things the same faith is one.
In matters of discipline and ceremony there is liberty; in the substance of the faith there is unity.

Origen of Alexandria

On First Principles, Preface 3–5
Written about AD 230–240.

All who believe and are assured that grace and truth came by Jesus Christ, and who know Christ to be the truth, agree that there are certain doctrines which are clearly delivered in the teaching of the apostles.
This is that doctrine which preserves the unity of the Church throughout the whole world, as the whole body of believers maintains one and the same faith.
But since there are many who think they believe what the Church teaches and yet differ among themselves in matters not plainly delivered, it seems necessary to set forth what are the main points which are clearly handed down by the apostolic preaching.

First, that there is one God, who created and arranged all things, who, when nothing existed, made the universe to be; this God from whom are all things, and through whom are all things, and in whom are all things.

Secondly, that Jesus Christ Himself, who came into the world, was born of the Father before all creation, being God, and afterwards took flesh and became man, and, having assumed human nature, was both God and man at the same time; that He truly suffered and was crucified, and truly died, and truly rose again, and, having conversed with His disciples, was taken up into heaven, and sits at the right hand of the Father, and shall come again with glory to judge the living and the dead.

Thirdly, that the Holy Spirit was associated in honor and dignity with the Father and the Son; that He inspired the saints, the prophets, and the apostles, and that through Him the gifts of the Spirit are distributed to each believer as God wills.

Next, that the soul, having a substance and life of its own, shall, after departing from this world, be rewarded according to what it deserves, being destined either to obtain an inheritance of eternal life and blessedness, if its deeds have been good, or to be delivered over to eternal fire and punishment, if its crimes have been great and unrepented.

We also hold that the world was created and is governed by divine providence, and that, at its consummation, there will be a resurrection of the dead, when the body, which is now sown in corruption, shall be raised in incorruption, and every soul shall receive, according to what it deserves, either the reward of good deeds or the punishment of evil deeds.

These are the principal points which are clearly taught in the apostolic preaching. It is necessary for everyone who wishes to belong to the Church to know and believe them.
But concerning other matters, which are subjects of inquiry, the holy Scriptures have not spoken clearly; and it is left to those who are skilled in the word of wisdom to exercise their understanding and by investigation to discover the meaning of Scripture.
In such matters, if anyone, after diligent search, thinks differently from another who is also seeking truth, the peace and unity of the Church are not thereby broken.
For the apostles left such questions open for the exercise of those who would come after, that they might show their diligence and their love of wisdom.

Cyprian of Carthage

Letter 72 to Stephen, Bishop of Rome. Written about AD 255 concerning whether Christians need to be rebaptized if they were first baptized by heretical leaders.

Cyprian and his fellow bishops to their brother Stephen, greetings in the Lord.

We have read your letter which you wrote to our colleague Pompeius, concerning those who come to us from heresy, that you do not think it necessary that they should be baptized, but that only by the laying on of hands they should receive the Holy Spirit.
We, however, as far as our humble capacity allows, have judged otherwise, holding fast to the truth of the gospel and the tradition of the apostles.

For when heretics are baptized outside the Church, they have no part in the baptism of the Church, since there is but one baptism, which is in the Catholic Church alone.
Therefore we think that those who come to us must be baptized, so that they may receive within the Church the remission of their sins.
This we have decided in several councils and will continue to maintain; and we leave to each bishop the liberty of his own judgment, knowing that we are all to be judged by our Lord Jesus Christ for our actions.

No one among us sets himself up as a bishop of bishops, or by tyrannical terror compels his colleagues to obedience.
For every bishop, according to the liberty of his own will and power, has his own right of judgment, and can no more be judged by another than he himself can judge another.
But let us all await the judgment of our Lord Jesus Christ, who alone has the power both to appoint us in the government of His Church and to judge our acts.

We therefore pray that you, dear brother, would not think ill of us for maintaining this opinion, which has been established among us by long-standing custom and by many councils of bishops.
We preserve unity with you and with all our brothers in faith and charity, even though in this matter our practice differs.
For diversity of custom does not destroy the bond of peace and concord in the Church.

Eusebius of Caesarea

Ecclesiastical History 6.44.2–3
Written about AD 310, describing the churches after the Decian persecution.

Each of the churches took its own course in the matter: some were more lenient toward the fallen, thinking that they should be received after a reasonable time of repentance; others treated them more strictly.
In this diversity of procedure, unity of faith was preserved throughout, and the Lord was glorified in all.

For the treatment of those who had fallen did not originate with the present bishops, but had been handed down from their predecessors long ago.
So that, even though they differed in judgment about the healing of those who had lapsed, they were all of one mind in the same faith toward our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ.

Eusebius of Caesarea

Ecclesiastical History 10.1–2, 10.4, 10.8
Written about AD 313–314, immediately after the end of the Diocletian persecution.

When the dreadful storm had ceased, then, as after a long and dark night, a bright day shone on the churches.
Their rulers in every place repaired what was destroyed, rebuilding the houses of prayer, enlarging them, and restoring unity by mutual peace.
Each shepherd of the churches acted as seemed best for his own flock, yet the faith was one, and thanksgiving rose from all together to the one God through Jesus Christ.

Thus from city to city and from region to region men assembled with one accord, and great multitudes thronged the restored churches, singing hymns of praise to the God of all, the Author of their deliverance.

There was a perfect fulfillment of the divine word: “Out of the darkness light has shone.”
And the Lord granted to His people peace and joy and the privilege of rebuilding the temples that had been destroyed, raising them larger and more magnificent than before.
They dedicated them to the Lord with one heart and one faith, though the forms of their services varied according to the customs of each place.

Lactantius

On the Deaths of the Persecutors 48–52
Written about AD 315 from Gaul.

When liberty was restored, every man began to worship God according to his own conscience, and the altars of the Lord were rebuilt in every place.
There was one religion again in the world, but many kinds of service, all directed to the same God who had overthrown the impious.

Then the worshipers of false gods were confounded; for when they saw the churches rebuilt and the people gathering together, they knew that the religion they had sought to extinguish was living again and flourishing.
And so they fled, ashamed of their own folly.
Peace was restored, and concord among all who called upon the name of Christ.

At last the Church, which for so long a time had been cast down, arose and spread itself over the whole world.
The altars of the true God were restored, and sacrifices of praise were offered not by a few but by many nations.
The people of God rejoiced, and all differences of manner and custom were reconciled in the unity of the faith.
Thus the worship of the one true God was renewed in purity, and the world, long divided, was brought again into harmony under the name of Christ.

Constantine’s Letter to the Bishops at Arles

Recorded in Eusebius, Life of Constantine 2.64
Written about AD 314.

Since through the favor of Almighty God peace has been granted to the Church, it is fitting that all differences should be resolved, that faith may remain one, while customs may vary according to place and usage.
For the holy doctrine of the faith is everywhere the same, though its outward forms may differ according to time and circumstance.
Therefore let there be no envy or contention among the ministers of God, but let each hold to what he has received, so long as he confesses the one truth of the gospel.

Eusebius of Caesarea

Life of Constantine 2.28–30
Written about AD 325–337.

The emperor permitted each bishop to arrange the affairs of his own community, yet he himself labored unceasingly that all should hold one faith in God.
For he knew that unity of faith, even among diverse customs, brings peace to the whole world.

He sought to heal every division by persuasion rather than by compulsion, reasoning that the worship of God should be voluntary and not forced.
He rejoiced to see the churches filled and the people assembling for prayer; he honored those who differed in practice yet agreed in faith, knowing that the grace of God is not confined to one form of observance.

Multiplying by Mission: Session 8 at Mission Lake

October 25, 2025October 27, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

40 % Growth Then, 5 % Growth Now — What We Must Learn Anew

When Hadrian (reigned AD 117 – 138) succeeded Trajan, he inherited an empire stretched thin by conquest. He halted Trajan’s eastern campaigns, fortified the frontiers, and poured his energy into unifying the world through Roman law, architecture, and religion. His adopted son, Antoninus Pius (reigned AD 138 – 161), would later rule in peace and prosperity. Yet Hadrian’s program of cultural uniformity provoked catastrophe in Judea —the Bar Kokhba Revolt—whose scars still mark the land. Out of that ruin the first great Christian writers of defense arose, rebuilding faith with words rather than weapons.

1. The Seeds of Revolt — Why It Began

Aelia Capitolina and the Ban on Circumcision

“At Jerusalem he founded a city called Aelia Capitolina, and on the site of the Temple of God he raised another temple to Jupiter. He ordered that no one be circumcised. This brought on a war of no slight importance nor of brief duration.”
— Cassius Dio, Roman History 69.12.1–2 (c. AD 220).

“He forbade castration and circumcision; if anyone committed such an act he was punished. The Jews, being ordered not to mutilate their genitals, revolted against him.”
— Historia Augusta, Hadrian 14.2–3 (c. AD 300).

“Hadrian founded in its place a city, naming it Aelia Capitolina, and raised a new temple to Jupiter on the site of the Temple of God. … But when they opposed him for these things, another war broke out.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 4.6.1–2 (c. AD 310).

Hadrian’s decrees turned covenantal faith into treason and desecrated the holiest ground of Israel.

Messianic Expectation

“You curse in your synagogues those who believe in Christ, and after Him you now choose a man, a leader, and call him the Messiah.”
— Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho 31 (c. AD 155)

“A wicked man arose, who decreed evil decrees against Israel. He said to them: ‘You shall not circumcise your sons.’ Bar Koziba arose and said: ‘I am the Messiah.’”
— Jerusalem Talmud, Ta’anit 4:5 (c. AD 400–425, preserving 2nd-cent. tradition).

“Rabbi Akiva, when he saw Bar Koziba, said: ‘This is the King Messiah.’ Rabbi Yohanan ben Torta said to him: ‘Akiva, grass will grow on your cheeks and the Son of David will not yet have come.’”
— Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin 97b (c. AD 500, preserving 2nd-cent. tradition).

Akiva’s hope inspired the revolt; ben Torta’s warning foretold its ruin.

Hope to Rebuild the Temple

“The Jews were in a frenzy, thinking that they could rebuild their temple, and they began war.”
— Cassius Dio, Roman History 69.13.1 (c. AD 220).

Faith collided with empire; by AD 132 Judea was in flames.

2. The War Unfolds — Rome and the Wrath of Empire

Bar Kokhba’s Government

Letters from the Judean desert reveal both faith and fear:

“Shimon bar Kosiba to Yehonathan ben Be’ayan: Send the men from you with arms, and hurry them. If you do not send them, you will be punished.”
— Bar Kokhba Letter 24, Cave of Letters (c. AD 133).

“I have sent you two donkeys. Send back with them wheat, barley, wine, and oil.”
— Bar Kokhba Letter 31 (c. AD 133).

“When the war had been stirred up again in the time of Hadrian, and the Jews were in revolt under Bar Chochebas, their leader, who claimed to be a star that had risen, the Christians in Jerusalem were driven away again from the land of Judea, so that the church of God was composed of Gentiles only.
And the Jewish Christians suffered greatly for not joining in the revolt nor denying Christ.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 4.6.2–3 (c. AD 310)

Coinage proclaimed their leader and their purpose.

Side	Image	Inscription (transliteration)	Translation
Obverse	Temple façade with Ark	שמעון (Shim‘on)	“Simon [Bar Kokhba]”
Reverse	Lulav and Etrog (symbols of the Feast of Tabernacles)	לחרות ירושלם (Leḥerut Yerushalayim)	“For the freedom of Jerusalem”

Side	Image	Inscription (transliteration)	Translation
Obverse	Ram	שמעון (Shim‘on)	“Simon [Bar Kokhba]”
Reverse	Palm tree	לחרות ישראל (Leḥerut Yisra’el)	“For the freedom of Israel”

Bethar — The Last Fortress

The revolt’s final stronghold was Bethar (modern Battir), a hilltop fortress about six miles southwest of Jerusalem guarding the approach to the Shephelah valley. It had served as a Hasmonean citadel generations earlier and was heavily fortified by Bar Kokhba as his capital and final refuge. Jewish sources remembered it as a city of scholars and soldiers, filled with Torah scrolls and defenders who believed the Messiah himself commanded them. When Roman legions closed in, thousands of refugees from surrounding villages crowded within its walls, making Bethar both the military and symbolic heart of the rebellion.

Rome’s Counter-Attack and Cruelty

“At first, Tineius Rufus, who was governor of Judea, and the others who held command there tried to check the outbreak, but they were unable to do so. [Lusius] Severus was sent against them, but he also could not subdue them. Then Hadrian dispatched Julius Severus from Britain with many others from the neighboring provinces, and he crushed the whole of Judea with great difficulty and much bloodshed.”
— Cassius Dio, Roman History 69.13.1–2 (c. AD 220).

“Fifty of their most important strongholds and nine hundred and eighty-five of their most famous villages were razed to the ground. Five hundred and eighty thousand men were slain … and the number that perished by famine, disease, and fire was past finding out.”
— Cassius Dio, Roman History 69.14.1–2 (c. AD 220).

“Thus the whole of Judea was made desolate, and the few that were left perished by hunger, disease, and fire. The corpses were so many that no one was left to bury them.”
— Eusebius, Chronicon (fragment, year of Abraham 2148 = AD 135).

Following the city’s fall, Roman authorities even forbade burial of the dead — a final humiliation intended to erase hope itself. Jewish tradition remembers that years later, permission was finally granted under Antoninus Pius, when the bodies, miraculously undecayed, were interred with honor. The rabbis commemorated this act of mercy by adding a permanent blessing to their prayers: “Blessed is He who is good and does good.”

“The Gentiles slew the people of Bethar until their blood flowed into the Great Sea, and the bodies were not buried. Years later, the corpses did not decay, and when permission was given to bury them, the Sages in Yavneh ordained the blessing, ‘Blessed is He who is good and does good.’”
— Jerusalem Talmud, Ta’anit 4.8 (c. AD 400–425, preserving 2nd-cent. tradition).

Bethar’s fall marked the end of the revolt and the last gasp of Jewish independence until modern times. At Bethar the Romans killed without mercy; only later, under a more humane emperor, were the dead finally granted rest. Excavations show burn layers and projectiles matching Roman siege tactics.

3. The Consequences for Jews and Christians

“Thus nearly all Judea was made desolate, and Hadrian, in his anger, ordered that the name of the nation should be changed, so that it might not be remembered.”
— Cassius Dio, Roman History 69.14.3 (c. AD 220).

Jerusalem became Aelia Capitolina; Judea became Syria Palaestina. Jews were barred even from viewing their city.

“From that time the whole nation was prohibited by law from entering Judea, and the Christians who were of Hebrew origin then departed and went elsewhere.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 4.6.3 (c. AD 310).

The Jerusalem church — once Jewish-led — became entirely Gentile.

“Jerusalem has now been laid waste, and none of you are permitted to enter there. Such things have happened, as the prophets foretold, that it might be known that the desolation of Zion would last until the end.”
— Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho 16 (c. AD 155).

“Bethar was captured, and Bar Koziba was killed. They brought his head to Hadrian.”
— Jerusalem Talmud, Ta’anit 4.8 (c. AD 400–425, preserving 2nd-century memory)

Later Rabbinic Re-evaluation of Bar Kokhba

“Bar Koziba ruled two and a half years and then said to the rabbis, ‘I am the Messiah.’
They answered him, ‘It is written that the Messiah shall smell and judge. Let us see whether you can discern in that way.’
When they saw that he could not, they killed him.”
— Lamentations Rabbah 2.4 (compiled c. AD 400, preserving 2nd-century tradition)

This later rabbinic legend reflects how Jewish teachers, looking back on the disastrous revolt, rejected Bar Kokhba’s messianic claim. Ancient Jewish interpretation took the phrase “smell in the fear of the Lord” to mean that the true Messiah would have a supernatural discernment—the ability to “smell” truth and judge rightly.
It stands in striking contrast to Rabbi Akiva’s earlier support and shows that even within Judaism, the revolt came to be remembered as a tragic mistake.

A Day of Mourning Added to the Jewish Calendar

In rabbinic tradition the devastation of Bethar and the final desolation under Hadrian were fixed in collective memory. The Mishnah records that the fall of Bethar occurred on the Ninth of Av (9 Av) — the same date on which both the First and Second Temples had fallen.
On the modern calendar, Tisha B’Av usually falls in late July or early August — for example, in 2025 it fell from sunset on August 2 to nightfall on August 3.
From this time forward, Tisha B’Av became the national fast commemorating all three destructions: the Temple of Solomon, the Temple of Herod, and the last fortress of Bar Kokhba.

“On the Ninth of Av the decree was made that our fathers should not enter the land; the First Temple was destroyed, and the Second Temple, and Bethar the great city was captured, and the city was plowed as with a plowshare.”
— Mishnah, Ta’anit 4.6 (c. AD 200, preserving earlier memory).

When Jews Were Allowed to Return

For nearly two centuries after Hadrian, Jews were banned from Jerusalem except on the single day each year — Tisha B’Av — when they were permitted to approach the ruins and weep. The ban remained in force through the reigns of Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius and continued under successive emperors.

After the Christianization of the empire, the prohibition was renewed by Constantine and his successors, who maintained Aelia Capitolina as a Christian city. Only under the early Muslim caliphs in the seventh century AD — after the conquest of Palestine by Caliph ʿUmar ibn al-Khattāb (c. AD 638) — were Jews once again allowed to resettle and live permanently in Jerusalem. Small Jewish communities then re-established themselves in the city and surrounding Judea for the first time since Hadrian’s decree.

4. Aftermath — From Swords to Books

After the fires of Judea were extinguished, Christians across the empire began defining their identity in writing.
What Rome destroyed in stone, the early church rebuilt in testimony.
These were the first defenders of the faith — the Apologists — men who addressed emperors directly, explaining that the followers of Christ were not enemies of the state but citizens of a heavenly kingdom.

Quadratus of Athens (c. AD 125, to Emperor Hadrian)

Quadratus is considered the earliest Christian apologist.
Ancient tradition identifies him as a disciple of the apostles and possibly a leader in Athens or Asia Minor.
His Apology—now preserved only in a fragment quoted by Eusebius—was written directly to Emperor Hadrian around AD 125.
It marks the moment when Christianity first spoke publicly to imperial power in its own defense.

“The works of our Saviour were always present, for they were true: those who were healed and those who were raised from the dead were seen not only when they were healed and when they were raised, but also for a long time afterwards; some of them survived even into our time.”
— Quadratus, Apology (fragment in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 4.3.2, c. AD 125)

Key Insights

Christianity appealed to historical evidence, not mystery.
Living eyewitnesses of Jesus’ miracles were still remembered.
The faith was not superstition but sober truth confirmed by real people.

Quadratus’s voice rose from the same decades that saw Hadrian rebuild Jerusalem as Aelia Capitolina.
While Rome celebrated new marble temples, Quadratus pointed to a living temple — the memory of the risen Christ in human witnesses.

The Epistle of Barnabas (c. AD 120–130, likely Alexandria or Syria)

Though attributed to “Barnabas,” the companion of Paul, this letter was almost certainly written later by an anonymous Christian teacher, probably in Alexandria.
Its audience was a mixed community of Jewish and Gentile believers struggling to understand whether the Law of Moses still bound Christians.
The author insists that the old covenant has been replaced by a spiritual one, that rituals and sacrifices were misunderstood symbols, and that true circumcision is of the heart.
He writes in the shadow of Hadrian’s decrees banning circumcision and rebuilding Jerusalem as a pagan city.
In this context, his message is unmistakable: Christianity, not Judaism, preserves the true covenant of God.

Opening Exhortation (Chs. 1–2)

“Greetings, sons and daughters, in the name of the Lord who loved us, in peace.
Because the Lord has granted you an abundance of spiritual knowledge, I rejoice greatly and beyond measure in your blessed and glorious spirits.
For this reason I have written to you briefly, that you might be made perfect in your faith and knowledge.
Therefore let us take heed, lest we be found as it is written, ‘Many are called, but few are chosen.’”
— Barnabas 1.1–4

The Covenant and the Rejection of the Literal Law

“Take heed to yourselves, and be not like some, heaping up your sins and saying that the covenant is both theirs and ours.
It is ours; but in this way did they finally lose it, after Moses had already received it.
For the Lord has written it again on our hearts.”
— Barnabas 4.6–8

The writer insists that covenant privilege passed to those who obey in spirit, not in ritual.
His argument echoes Jeremiah 31’s promise of a “new covenant written on the heart.”

Circumcision and the New Law

“He has abolished these things, that the new law of our Lord Jesus Christ, free from the yoke of constraint, might have its own offering not made by human hands.
So we are they whom He brought into the new law; no longer bound by circumcision.
For He has said that the circumcision with which they trusted is abolished.
He has circumcised our ears that we might hear His word and believe.”
— Barnabas 9.4–7

The Path of Light (Chs. 18–20)

“There are two paths of teaching and of power: one of light, and one of darkness.
The path of light is this: you shall love the one who created you; you shall glorify the one who redeemed you from death.
You shall be simple in heart and rich in spirit.
You shall not exalt yourself, you shall not hate anyone; you shall reprove some, you shall pray for others, and you shall love others more than your own life.”
— Barnabas 18.1–3, 20.2

Closing Words

“Since, then, you now understand the good things of the Lord, be filled with them.
If you do these things, you will be strong in the faith, and you will be found perfect in the last day.
The God who rules over the universe will give you wisdom, understanding, knowledge, and eternal life, through His Servant, Jesus Christ, to whom be glory forever and ever. Amen.”
— Barnabas 21.1–3

Key Insights

The writer speaks to a generation caught between Judaism and Christianity, insisting that God’s covenant has moved from the physical to the spiritual.
He turns Hadrian’s desecration of Jerusalem into a theological truth: the Temple and its sacrifices were destined to end, giving way to a new and living covenant.
The Epistle of Barnabas shows Christianity defining itself not by rebellion, but by a renewed inner faith and moral life.
Its tone is pastoral and exhortational — teaching that salvation is found not through outward religion but through obedience of the heart and love of neighbor.

Aristides of Athens (c. AD 125–140, to Antoninus Pius)

Aristides, a philosopher from Athens, presented his Apology to Emperor Antoninus Pius around AD 125–140.
He had converted from philosophy to Christianity and sought to defend it as the truest form of reason and virtue.
The Apology survives in Syriac, Armenian, and Greek fragments.

Dedication

“To the Emperor Caesar Titus Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus Pius, from Marcianus Aristides, a philosopher of Athens.
I, O King, by the inspiration of God, have come to this conclusion, that the universe and all that is in it is moved by the power of another… Wherefore I… have no wish to worship any other than God, the living and true, and I have searched carefully into all the races of men and tested them, and this is what I have found.”
— Aristides, Apology 1

Survey of Humanity (Chs. II – XIV)
Barbarians – idol worshippers.
Greeks – immoral gods.
Egyptians – animal worship.
Jews – monotheists yet bound to angels, sabbaths, and rituals.

Christians (Full Text Chs. XV–XVI)

“But the Christians, O King, reckon the beginning of their religion from Jesus Christ, who is named the Son of God Most High; and it is said that God came down from heaven, and from a Hebrew virgin took and clothed Himself with flesh, and that the Son of God lived in a daughter of man.
This is taught in the gospel, as it is called, which a short time ago was preached among them; and you also, if you will read therein, may perceive the power which belongs to it.

This Jesus, then, was born of the race of the Hebrews; and He had twelve disciples, in order that a certain dispensation of His might be fulfilled.
He was pierced by the Jews, and He died and was buried; and they say that after three days He rose and ascended to heaven.

Thereupon these twelve disciples went forth into the known parts of the world, and taught concerning His greatness with all humility and soberness.
And those then who still observe the righteousness which was enjoined by their preaching are called Christians.

And these are they who more than all the nations of the earth have found the truth.
For they acknowledge God, the Creator and Maker of all things, in the only-begotten Son and in the Holy Spirit; and besides Him they worship no other God.

They have the commandments of the Lord Jesus Christ Himself graven upon their hearts; and they keep them, looking for the resurrection of the dead and the life of the world to come.

They do not commit adultery or fornication; they do not bear false witness; they do not covet the things of others; they honor father and mother; they do good to those who are their neighbors; and they judge uprightly.

They do not worship idols made in the likeness of man.
Whatever they would not wish others to do to them, they do not practice themselves.

They do not eat of the food offered to idols, for they are pure.
They comfort their oppressors and make them their friends; they do good to their enemies.

Their women are pure as virgins, and their daughters are modest.
Their men abstain from all unlawful union and from all uncleanness, in the hope of a recompense to come in another world.”

XVI

“They love one another.
They do not turn away a widow, and they rescue the orphan.
He who has gives ungrudgingly to him who has not.

If they see a stranger, they take him under their roof, and they rejoice over him as over a real brother.
If anyone among them is poor and needy, and they have no spare food, they fast two or three days in order to supply the needy with their necessary food.

They observe scrupulously the commandments of their Messiah.
They live honestly and soberly, as the Lord their God ordered them.
They give thanks to Him every hour, for all meat and drink and other blessings.

If any righteous man among them passes away from the world, they rejoice and thank God, and escort his body with songs and thanksgiving as if he were setting out from one place to another.

When a child has been born to one of them, they give thanks to God; and if it chance to die in childhood, they praise God mightily, as for one who has passed through the world without sins.

If anyone of them be a man of wealth, and he sees that one of their number is in want, he provides for the needy without boasting.

And if they see a stranger, they take him under their roof and rejoice over him as over a brother; for they do not call them brethren after the flesh, but brethren after the Spirit and in God.

Whenever one of their poor passes away from the world, each of them, according to his ability, gives heed to him and carefully sees to his burial.

Such is the law of the Christians, O King, and such is their manner of life.

And verily, this is a new people, and there is something divine in them.”

Key Insights

Aristides presents the earliest surviving portrait of Christianity as both moral philosophy and divine revelation.
His focus is not political defense but moral demonstration: Christians prove their truth by their purity, compassion, and generosity.
His final words — “this is a new people, and there is something divine in them” — sum up the astonishment of the pagan world.
Written during Antoninus Pius’s peaceful reign, the passage shows the church living out its faith in the shadow of Hadrian’s destruction — rebuilding not cities, but communities of love.

Justin Martyr (c. AD 150–160, to Antoninus Pius)

Background
Justin was born in Samaria, educated in Greek philosophy, and converted to Christianity after discovering in Christ the truth that philosophers sought but never found.
Writing from Rome, he addressed his First Apology to Emperor Antoninus Pius, his sons Verissimus (Marcus Aurelius) and Lucius Verus, and to the Senate and people of Rome.
His goal was to defend Christians from unjust persecution by showing that their faith was the highest expression of reason (logos), morality, and civic virtue.

Note how Justin declares that yes Christians are guilty of atheism in Roman eyes and therefore worthy of capital punishment. He is trying to get the emperor to see that Christians are his best citizens and guilty of no ethical crimes. He is trying to get Christians legal religious status.

Introduction of the Apology

“To the Emperor Titus Ælius Hadrian Antoninus Pius Augustus Cæsar,
and to Verissimus his son, philosopher, and to Lucius the philosopher,
the natural son of Cæsar and adopted son of Pius, lover of learning,
and to the sacred Senate, and to the whole people of the Romans—
on behalf of those of all nations who are unjustly hated and persecuted, I, Justin, one of them, have composed this address and petition.

Reason requires that those who are found not living wickedly, nor practicing evil, should not be unjustly accused; nor, when they have been accused, condemned without inquiry and without knowledge of the truth.
For not by the mere name has anyone been proved good or bad, but by the actions which each has done.”
— Justin Martyr, Apology 1.1–2 (c. AD 155)

On Unjust Persecution and True Allegiance

“If anyone, when he is examined, is found guilty, let him be punished as an evil-doer; but if he is found guiltless of the charges laid against him, let him be acquitted, since it is unjust to punish the guiltless.
We do not seek to escape punishment if we are convicted as wrongdoers, but we ask that the charges against us be examined.”
— Justin Martyr, Apology 1.3–4 (c. AD 155)

“We are accused of being atheists. We confess that we are atheists, so far as gods of this sort are concerned, but not with respect to the most true God, the Father of righteousness and temperance and the other virtues.”
— Justin Martyr, Apology 1.6 (c. AD 155)

On the Transformation of the Believers

“We who once delighted in fornication now embrace chastity alone;
we who used magical arts now consecrate ourselves to the good and unbegotten God;
we who valued above all things the acquisition of wealth and possessions now bring what we have into a common stock and share with everyone in need;
we who hated and slew one another, and refused to share our hearth with those of another tribe, now, since the coming of Christ, live together with them and pray for our enemies, and try to persuade those who hate us unjustly to live conformably to the good precepts of Christ, that they may share the same joyful hope as ourselves.”
— Justin Martyr, Apology 1.14 (c. AD 155)

On the Mission of Christ

“Christ was not sent forth for the rich or the mighty, but for the poor and the humble.
He chose unlearned men to be His disciples, that thus there might be no pretense of human wisdom.
For through the power of God they proclaimed to every race of men that they were sent by Christ to teach all the Word of God.”
— Justin Martyr, Apology 1.39 (c. AD 155)

On the Eucharist

“We do not receive these as common bread and common drink; but as Jesus Christ our Saviour, having been made flesh by the Word of God, had both flesh and blood for our salvation, so likewise have we been taught that the food which is blessed by the prayer of His word … is the flesh and blood of that Jesus who was made flesh.”
— Justin Martyr, Apology 1.66 (c. AD 155)

On Christian Worship and the Lord’s Day

“And on the day called Sunday all who live in the cities or in the country gather together in one place, and the memoirs of the apostles or the writings of the prophets are read, as long as time permits.
When the reader has finished, the president verbally instructs and exhorts to the imitation of these good things.

Then we all rise together and offer prayers, and, as we said before, when we have finished the prayer, bread and wine and water are brought, and the president likewise offers prayers and thanksgivings, according to his ability, and the people assent, saying, Amen.

There is a distribution to each, and a participation of that over which thanks have been given; and to those who are absent a portion is sent by the deacons.
Those who are well to do and willing give what each thinks fit, and what is collected is deposited with the president, who succors the orphans and widows and those who, through sickness or any other cause, are in want, and those who are in bonds, and the strangers sojourning among us—in a word, he takes care of all who are in need.

But Sunday is the day on which we all hold our common assembly, because it is the first day on which God, having wrought a change in the darkness and matter, made the world; and Jesus Christ our Saviour on the same day rose from the dead.”
— Justin Martyr, Apology 1.67 (c. AD 155)

Key Insights

Justin presents Christianity as the rational faith of the Logos—reason fulfilled in divine revelation.
His introduction reveals the courage of a believer appealing directly to an emperor for justice rather than privilege.
He demonstrates that faith transforms society: from lust to purity, from greed to generosity, from hate to love.
His account of Sunday worship provides the earliest written outline of the Christian liturgy — Scripture reading, teaching, prayer, communion, and offerings for the poor.
His theology of Christ’s humility and the Eucharist reveals a faith both spiritual and incarnational — rooted in history yet directed toward eternity.
Justin’s Apology helped shape how the empire, and later the world, would understand the moral and intellectual integrity of Christianity.

Melito of Sardis (c. AD 160 – 170, to Antoninus Pius)

Melito, bishop of Sardis in Asia Minor, was one of the most eloquent and poetic voices of the second century.
He wrote prolifically—biblical commentaries, treatises on the incarnation, and one of the earliest Christian apologetic petitions addressed to Emperor Antoninus Pius.
A lifelong student of Scripture and Greek philosophy, Melito combined rigorous theology with literary power.
His writings, though only partly preserved, reveal a church confident, reflective, and spiritually mature in the decades following Hadrian’s persecutions.

From the Apology to Antoninus Pius

“Our faith, which men call a philosophy, first arose among peoples outside your civilization—among the ancient Hebrews.
But having spread into your dominions during the great reign of Augustus, it has become a source of blessing and peace.
From that time to your own reign, O Emperor, it has suffered nothing evil; rather, it has shone brightly under emperors who love justice.”
— Melito of Sardis, Apology to Antoninus Pius (fragment in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 4.26.7, c. AD 160)

Melito’s opening line means that Christianity, though born from Israel’s faith outside the Greco-Roman world, entered the empire under Augustus and brought moral good rather than harm.
He honors Antoninus as the latest in a line of “pious emperors” who have allowed this faith to flourish within Rome’s peace.

From the Passover Homily (Peri Pascha)

Preached around AD 160, Melito’s On the Pascha interprets the Jewish Passover as the prophetic shadow of Christ’s crucifixion.
No early writer expresses so vividly the church’s conviction that redemption fulfills the story of Israel.

“This is He who made the heavens and the earth,
and in the beginning created man;
who was proclaimed through the law and the prophets;
who became human through the Virgin;
who was hanged upon the tree;
who was buried in the earth;
who rose from the dead;
who ascended into the heights of heaven;
who sits at the right hand of the Father;
who has the power to save all things,
through whom the Father made all things
from the beginning of the world to the end of the age.”
— Melito of Sardis, On the Pascha 68–69

“He that hung the earth in space is Himself hanged;
He that fixed the heavens in place is fixed with nails;
He that supports the earth is supported upon a tree;
the Master has been outraged;
God has been murdered.
He is lifted up upon a tree, and the earth trembles;
He has died, and creation is shaken.
He has gone down into Hades, and He has raised the dead.”
— Melito of Sardis, On the Pascha 96–100

“He is the Lamb slain; He is the silent Lamb;
He is the one born of Mary, the fair ewe-lamb;
He was taken from the flock, and led to slaughter, and at evening slain;
He was buried at night;
by day He rose again.”
— Melito of Sardis, On the Pascha 105–106

Melito turns suffering into triumph: the cross becomes the world’s true Passover — deliverance not from Egypt, but from sin and death.

Key Insights

Melito embodies the maturing Christian mind of the second century: biblically grounded, philosophically articulate, and artistically profound.
His Apology shows Christianity as compatible with the empire’s peace; his Passover Homily reveals the soul of Christian worship — a theology of deliverance through sacrifice.
By linking the story of Israel to the suffering of Christ, he gives language to the church’s sense of continuity and fulfillment.
His poetry closes this age of apologists on a note of triumph: the same empire that crucified Christ now carries His gospel to the nations.

Conclusion — What We Learn from the Apologists

Antoninus Pius ruled during what later generations called a “reign of peace,” yet the very existence of these Apologies proves that peace was fragile.
Christians were still mistrusted, accused, and sometimes condemned simply for bearing the name of Christ.
There was no imperial campaign against them, but the law itself still made them criminals in principle.
These writings—by Quadratus, Aristides, Justin, and Melito—are therefore appeals for justice in a world that granted none, letters from men who lived in peace only by the patience of their persecutors.

Yet in this tension we see something extraordinary.
Instead of withdrawing in fear or responding in anger, the church of the second century answered misunderstanding with explanation, hostility with holiness, and suspicion with love.
Their pens became their defense; their lives became their argument.

Themes and Insights to Note

1. The Legal and Social Reality

“Peace” under Antoninus Pius meant the absence of official persecution, not true liberty.
The Apologists write as citizens appealing to reason, asking the emperor to judge Christians by deeds, not rumors.
Their tone is respectful yet confident: they believe truth can withstand investigation.

2. The Picture of Christian Life

Aristides describes a people marked by chastity, honesty, hospitality, and compassion:
“They love one another… they rescue the orphan… they fast two or three days that they may feed the needy.”
Justin shows a transformed community: former pagans now living in purity, generosity, and reconciliation.
This moral beauty was not secondary to their faith—it was their primary evidence that the gospel was true.

3. The Picture of Christian Worship

From Justin’s detailed account we learn the pattern of early gatherings: Scripture reading, exhortation, prayer, the Eucharist, and offerings for the poor.
Worship was simple but profound—anchored in memory of the risen Christ and in service to the needy.
Charity was liturgy; compassion was worship.

4. The Intellectual and Spiritual Emphasis

Quadratus grounded faith in eyewitness history.
Barnabas re-interpreted the covenant spiritually, showing fulfillment, not rejection, of Israel’s story.
Aristides demonstrated that Christian virtue surpasses pagan philosophy.
Justin joined faith with reason and made moral transformation the church’s strongest argument.
Melito lifted theology into poetry, proclaiming the cross as the true Passover and the world’s redemption.

5. The Continuing Relevance

These writers do more than defend—they define what Christianity is.
Their emphasis on holiness, community, and service remains the church’s enduring witness.
Their courage under a veneer of peace reminds us that faithfulness does not depend on favorable conditions but on steadfast conviction.

Multiplying by Mission: Session 7 at Mission Lake

October 18, 2025October 20, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

40% Growth Then, 5% Growth Now — What We Must Learn Anew

The Flavian dynasty ruled through power, not peace.
Under Vespasian (r. AD 69-79) and Titus (r. AD 79-81), Judea lay in ruins, the fiscus Judaicus taxed every survivor, and coins still proclaimed “Judaea Capta.”
Jewish and Gentile believers alike lived under suspicion — bearing the stigma of rebellion and the memory of a crucified Messiah.
Now Domitian (r. AD 81-96), the younger brother of Titus, revives Caligula’s arrogance by seeking worship in his own lifetime and Nero’s cruelty by punishing believers for their name alone.
The same empire that built the Arch of Titus now builds temples to the living emperor and demands that the churches of Asia call him Lord and God.

Domitian’s Claim: “Our Lord and God”

Suetonius (c. AD 110–120), Life of Domitian 13.2

“He even dictated a circular letter in the name of his procurators, beginning: ‘Our Lord and God commands that this be done.’”

Cassius Dio (c. AD 220), Roman History 67.4.7

“He was not only bold enough to boast of his divinity openly, but compelled everyone to address him as ‘Lord and God.’ Such was the measure of his folly and conceit.”

Cassius Dio 67.13.4–5

“He delighted in being called both God and Lord, and slew those who refused to worship him. He destroyed the noblest of the senators and exiled many others. Finally his cruelty increased to such a degree that he executed his cousin Flavius Clemens and banished his wife Domitilla on the charge of atheism.”

Dio records this practice twice — first as a portrait of Domitian’s vanity and again when listing executions for those who refused his divine titles.
Neither Dio nor Suetonius names “Christians,” but their use of atheism and refusal of worship describes exactly what believers faced.

Side	Inscription	Translation	Meaning
Obverse	DOMITIA AVGVSTA IMP DOMITIANI AVG P P	“Domitia Augusta, wife of Emperor Domitian, Father of the Fatherland.”	Honors the empress.
Reverse	DIVI CAESAR IMP DOMITIANI F	“The Divine Caesar, son of Emperor Domitian.”	Commemorates their deceased and deified son as a celestial being.

At the same time, John’s Gospel — written in these same years — records the opposite confession:

“Thomas answered and said to Him, ‘My Lord and my God.’” — John 20:28

That exact combination of titles (Lord and God) appears nowhere else in Scripture.
John uses it deliberately, crafting an independent witness to the risen Christ while also confronting the imperial claim of his own day.
What Rome demanded by law, the disciple proclaimed freely to Jesus alone.

Further, Clemens and his wife Domitilla were branded atheists, most likely for being Christians. Very few other people groups were labeled that title, besides Jews and Christians.

Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 3.18.4 (c. 310):

“In Domitian’s time there were many testimonies for Christ, among them Flavia Domitilla, daughter of a sister of Flavius Clemens, one of the consuls of Rome. She was exiled with many others to the island of Pontia because of her testimony to Christ.”

They were the first imperial converts and martyrs we know of. The Domitilla Catacombs in Rome, one of the earliest Christian cemeteries, are traditionally said to have been founded on her estate.

Imperial Worship in the Cities of Revelation

Temples, coins, and inscriptions from Ephesus, Pergamum, Smyrna, and Sardis show how completely the imperial cult surrounded the earliest believers.

Ephesus – Temple of the Flavian Family (c. AD 89–92)

Temple Dedication (IGR IV 1453 = Ephesos Inschriften 302)

“To the Flavian family — the people of Ephesus dedicate [this temple].”

Carved across the marble architrave of the temple at Domitian Square, the inscription identified a sanctuary built for a living ruler.
Fragments of a colossal 23 foot cult statue show the emperor grasping a spear, the symbol of divine authority.
Every citizen walking through the agora looked up at a god in human form.

Pergamum – “Where Satan’s Throne Is” (c. AD 90)

Long before Domitian, Pergamum had been the birthplace of imperial worship in Asia.
In 29 BC it won a provincial competition to build the first temple to Rome and Augustus (Tacitus, Annals 4.37), and from then on the city was known as neokoros — guardian of the imperial cult.
Its acropolis towered above the Caicus Valley, layered with shrines to Athena, Asclepius, Dionysus, and Zeus Soter (“Zeus the Savior”). When the Flavians rose to power, Pergamum naturally added Domitian to its pantheon.

Dedication Inscription (IGR IV 292, c. AD 90)
Marble base found on the upper acropolis, about 50 m from the great altar precinct.

“To the God Domitian Augustus, Conqueror of the Germans.”

The block supported a statue of Domitian in the forecourt of the imperial temple beside the sanctuary of Zeus.

From the lower city the white marble terrace appeared like a colossal seat crowning the hill — a literal throne of stone overlooking the valley.

Provincial Coin Series (RPC II 941–947)

Obverse: “Domitian Caesar Augustus Germanicus.”
Reverse: “The People of Pergamum [to] the August God.”
Design: Domitian radiate — the sun-crowned symbol of divinity.

To citizens, the temple and its gleaming altar celebrated Rome’s salvation; to Christians, it was “Satan’s throne” (Revelation 2:13) — the visible seat of a power demanding the worship that belonged to Christ alone.

Smyrna – Divine Lineage and Public Honors (c. AD 90–95)

Statue Base (IGR IV 1431)

“To the Emperor Caesar Domitian Augustus Germanicus, son of the Divine Vespasian; the Council and People of Smyrna dedicate [this statue], honoring him as Savior and Benefactor.”

Domitian is called both son of the Divine Vespasian and Savior — titles Christians had already learned to reserve for Jesus.

Sardis – “The God, Savior and Benefactor” (c. AD 90–95)

Bilingual Stele (IGR IV 1412, Greek and Latin)

“The Council and People of Sardis dedicate [this to] Domitian Augustus the God, Savior, and Benefactor of the City.”

This inscription was carved on a bilingual marble stele, a rectangular stone slab erected near the Temple of Artemis in Sardis.
Both Greek and Latin texts appear so that local citizens and Roman officials could each read the same dedication — Greek for the provincial population who spoke it daily, Latin for the imperial administrators who governed in Caesar’s name.
The message is identical in both languages: Sardis publicly honored Domitian as God, Savior, and Benefactor.
Such stelae were placed in busy civic spaces and along procession routes where citizens gathered for festivals. They proclaimed the emperor’s divinity in both the religious language of the Greek East (theos sōtēr kai euergetēs) and the political Latin of Rome (Deus Salvator et Benefactor).
It is a literal monument to the union of religion and empire — stone evidence that civic loyalty had become a form of worship.
Every oath, every festival, every public feast reinforced Domitian’s divine status; refusal to take part was treated as disloyalty, even treason.

Economic Pressure and the Mark of the Beast

“No one could buy or sell except the one who had the mark or the name of the beast.” — Revelation 13:17

In John’s day, religion and commerce were one system.
Every trade in Asia belonged to guilds that held banquets in temples, offered sacrifices to the gods, and poured libations to Caesar. Joining meant worship.

Inscriptions from Asia Minor show how this worked:

Ephesus: The Silversmiths’ Guild dedicated altars to Artemis and the emperor (Acts 19:23–27).
Pergamum: Tanners and dyers sacrificed “for the welfare of the emperor.”
Sardis: Merchants funded games “for the safety of Caesar.”
Smyrna: Associations built banquet halls “to the August gods.”

One inscription from Ephesus reads:

“To the August gods and to the Genius of the Emperor, the Bakers dedicate this offering.” (CIL III.7089)

Even money was the emperor’s medium. Coins carried his image — often radiate like the sun — and titles such as divus (“divine”) and soter (“savior”).
To buy or sell was to use the emperor’s likeness as a seal of trust.

The word John uses for “mark” — charagma — was the common term for a stamp on a coin or a brand on a slave or soldier. It meant visible ownership or allegiance. In that sense, the “mark of the beast” was the imperial stamp of belonging — the economic and symbolic sign that a person recognized Caesar as lord.

Coins from Domitian’s reign reinforced this imagery: his head encircled with rays, his titles naming him “divine lord and god,” and reverses showing him seated on a globe. These marks of commerce were marks of worship. To refuse them was to lose livelihood and standing. To accept them was to surrender one’s soul.

When Jesus said, “Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar’s, and to God the things that are God’s,” He spoke in a world where tax and worship were separate. By Domitian’s time they were not. In Judea, paying tax acknowledged Roman rule; in Asia, buying and selling itself acknowledged Caesar’s divinity.
What had once been a political payment had become a religious act.
The question was no longer “Should we pay taxes to Caesar?” but “Must we worship Caesar to live?”

The Number of the Beast and the Nero Legend

Revelation 13 ends with one of the most famous verses in the Bible:

“This calls for wisdom: let the one who has understanding calculate the number of the beast, for it is the number of a man, and his number is 666.”
— Revelation 13:18

This is gematria—a system where letters represent numbers. When “Nero Caesar” is written in Hebrew letters (נרון קסר, Neron Qesar), the total is 666. Some manuscripts of Revelation even read 616, which fits the Latin spelling “Nero Caesar” without the final n.

p115 is our oldest manuscript of Rev. 13:18 and has the number as 616.

This shows the beast first pointed to Nero, remembered as the emperor who initiated state persecution of Christians. But why would John use Nero’s name when writing 25–30 years later under Domitian?

Because Romans themselves believed Nero was not really gone.

Dio Chrysostom: “Even Now Everybody Wishes He Were Still Alive”

Dio Chrysostom (writing during the reign of Domitian, c. AD 88–96) gives us the earliest surviving testimony that people still believed Nero was alive:

“For so far as the rest of his subjects were concerned, there was nothing to prevent his continuing to be Emperor for all time, seeing that even now everybody wishes he were still alive, and the great majority do believe that he is, although in a certain sense he has died not once but often along with those who had been firmly convinced that he was still alive.”
— Dio Chrysostom, Discourses 21.10, On Beauty (c. AD 88–96)

This statement, written less than thirty years after Nero’s death, proves that belief in Nero’s survival was already widespread by Domitian’s day. Dio’s tone suggests that many in the empire—perhaps nostalgically—still longed for Nero’s return.

Tacitus: The First False Nero (AD 69)

Tacitus (writing c. AD 105) records that, scarcely a year after Nero’s death, an impostor appeared in Greece:

“About this time, a man of mean origin appeared, who gave out that he was Nero. By his voice and features he deceived many, and by his appearance revived the delusion which still lingered among the people that Nero was alive. He was, however, soon detected and put to death by order of the governor.”
— Tacitus, Histories 2.8 (c. AD 105)

Tacitus shows how quickly the legend took shape. The impostor’s resemblance and musical skill persuaded soldiers and civilians alike that Nero lived on.

Suetonius: The Rumor of Nero’s Return

Suetonius (writing c. AD 121) confirms that belief in Nero’s return persisted for decades and even caused near-war between Rome and Parthia:

“Even after his death there were many who for a long time decorated his tomb with spring and summer flowers, and now again there were others who put up his statues on the Rostra in the toga praetexta and issued edicts in his name as if he were alive. Twenty years later another pretender appeared, supported by the Parthians, and nearly brought on war between them and us before he was handed over.”
— Suetonius, Life of Nero 57 (c. AD 121)

For Suetonius, the legend was no harmless rumor. It stirred real movements, edicts, and political tension—evidence of how deeply the idea of Nero’s return had entered Roman imagination.

Cassius Dio: Terentius Maximus and the Parthian Refuge

Cassius Dio (writing early 3rd century AD) recounts another impostor—this one named Terentius Maximus—who gained the backing of Rome’s eastern rival:

“In the reign of Titus there arose another man who claimed to be Nero; his name was Terentius Maximus. He resembled Nero in face and voice, and, like him, sang to the lyre. By these means he drew many after him, and, when pursued, fled to the Parthians. There he was treated with great honour, but later he was detected and put to death.”
— Cassius Dio, Roman History 66.19.3 (written c. AD 210)

Dio also remarks more generally that “many pretended to be Nero, and this caused great disturbances.” The episode demonstrates how enduring and politically volatile the Nero Redivivus expectation had become.

Domitian as a “New Nero”

Finally, Dio draws a direct moral parallel between Nero and Domitian himself:

“He was a man of Nero’s type, cruel and lustful, but he concealed these vices at the beginning of his reign; later, however, he showed himself the equal of Nero in cruelty.”
— Cassius Dio, Roman History 67.1–2 (written c. AD 210)

By Dio’s time, Nero had become the enduring archetype of a tyrant—one whose spirit seemed to live again in later emperors, and whose rumored return continued to haunt the Roman world.

The “Synagogue of Satan” and Jewish Tax Pressure

John’s letters to the churches in Smyrna and Philadelphia (Revelation 2–3) reveal that persecution in Asia Minor came not only from Roman authorities but also from certain local Jewish communities that publicly opposed the followers of Jesus.

Revelation 2:9
“I know your tribulation and your poverty (but you are rich) and the slander of those who say they are Jews and are not, but are a synagogue of Satan. Do not fear what you are about to suffer. Behold, the devil is about to throw some of you into prison, that you may be tested, and for ten days you will have tribulation. Be faithful unto death, and I will give you the crown of life.”

Revelation 3:9
“Behold, I will make those of the synagogue of Satan who say that they are Jews and are not, but lie—behold, I will make them come and bow down before your feet, and they will learn that I have loved you.”

In both cases, John’s audience lived under Domitian’s enforcement of the Jewish tax (fiscus Judaicus).
Jewish leaders throughout the empire were required to clarify who qualified as Jewish and owed the tax.
Believers in Jesus—claiming Jewish heritage but refusing to pay—were denounced as impostors and stripped of their legal protection as part of a religio licita (a permitted religion).
Such denunciations easily became “slander” (blasphēmia), leading to arrests, confiscation of property, and martyrdom.

John’s phrase “synagogue of Satan” does not condemn Judaism as a whole.
It identifies a local assembly of accusers—people whose actions aligned with Rome’s efforts to suppress the Church.
In Revelation’s theology, Satan is “the accuser of our brothers” (Rev 12:10).
Thus, anyone who brought legal accusations against Christians became, in John’s language, part of “the synagogue of the accuser.”
Persecution was both earthly and spiritual—a human partnership in the devil’s cosmic war against Christ’s people.

This reality soon reappeared in history.
About sixty years later, John’s prophecy was fulfilled in Smyrna during the martyrdom of Polycarp, the city’s aged bishop and a disciple of the Apostle John.

The Martyrdom of Polycarp 13.1:

“The Jews, as was their custom, were the most eager in bringing wood for the fire.”

The same city where John wrote of “the synagogue of Satan” became the stage for its fulfillment: a righteous man condemned by Roman officials and cheered to his death by his own countrymen.
Yet the words of Revelation endured:

“Be faithful unto death, and I will give you the crown of life.”

Polycarp’s martyrdom stands as living proof that John’s vision described real events, not abstract prophecy.
In Smyrna, the Church triumphed through endurance—refusing fear, sharing in Christ’s suffering, and gaining the crown promised by the risen Lord.

Nerva’s Reforms and the Return of Freedom

Cassius Dio 68.1–2:

“Nerva also released those who had been convicted of impiety under Domitian and forbade any further accusations of that kind. He restored to the exiles their property, recalled those who had been banished, and burned publicly the secret reports of informers.”

Suetonius, Life of Nerva 3.1–2:

“He swore that no one should ever be punished for impiety or insult to the emperor. He forbade the bringing of charges under the laws of treason and recalled all who had been condemned for such offenses.”

Pliny, Panegyricus 58–59 (AD 100):

“This oath first Nerva took, and by it he restored freedom to the Senate.”

Nerva’s coins proclaimed the same spirit of clemency:

FISCI IVDAICI CALVMNIA SVBLATA — “The false accusation of the Jewish tax removed.”
LIBERTAS PVBLICA — “Public freedom restored.”
IVSTITIA AVGVSTI — “The justice of the emperor.”

Side	Inscription	Translation	Meaning
Obverse	IMP NERVA CAES AVG PM TR P COS III PP	“Emperor Nerva Caesar Augustus, High Priest, holder of tribunician power, Consul for the third time, Father of the Fatherland.”	Honors Nerva’s authority and civic leadership.
Reverse	AEQVITAS AVGVST	“The Equity of the Emperor.”	Symbol of fair governance and economic stability under Nerva.

These reversals ended Domitian’s oppressive tax policies that had ensnared Jews and Jewish Christians alike.

Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 3.20.9:

“After the tyrant’s death, John returned from his exile and took up residence again in Ephesus.”

For the first time in decades the Church could breathe. John returned from Patmos, and in that calm the final apostolic writings were completed and the Church clarified its faith against new distortions.

John’s Writings and Their Historical Context

Work	Approx. Date	Place	Ancient Sources	Setting	Purpose
Gospel of John	85–95	Ephesus	Irenaeus 3.1.1 (c. 180)	Before exile under Domitian	Proclaims Jesus as eternal Logos against Greek dualism and emperor worship
1 John	90–95	Ephesus	Internal evidence	Pre-exile warning against Docetism	Affirms that Christ came “in the flesh.”
2 & 3 John	90–95	Ephesus	Early tradition	Letters to Asia churches	Warns against deceivers.
Revelation	95–96	Patmos	Irenaeus 5.30.3; Eusebius 3.18	Exile under Domitian	Calls for endurance under imperial idolatry.
Return to Ephesus	96	Ephesus	Eusebius 3.20.9	Released by Nerva	Resumed leadership of Asia churches.
Death of John	98–102	Ephesus	Irenaeus 2.22.5; Polycrates in Eusebius 3.31.3	Reign of Trajan	Last apostle dies in peace.

Why John Had to Write — From Judea to the Greek World

Context	Region	Key Figures	Central Issue	John’s Response
Early Jewish-Christian Era (30–70 AD)	Judea	Nazarenes (orthodox); Ebionites (heretical)	Could a Jewish man be divine? Ebionites denied Christ’s pre-existence and rejected Paul.	“In the beginning was the Word … and the Word was God.” (1:1)
Greek World (80–100 AD)	Asia Minor / Ephesus	Cerinthus and early Docetists	Could the divine truly become flesh and suffer?	“The Word became flesh and dwelt among us.” (1:14)

In Judea the debate was whether Jesus could be divine; in Ephesus it was whether He could be truly human. John’s Gospel and letters address both—the eternal God who became man and suffered in the flesh.

The First Christians and the New Distortions

The first denomination within Christianity were the Nazarenes, Jewish Christians who kept the Law yet worshiped Jesus as the divine Son of God. They were essentially the losing party of the Acts 15 church council.

Epiphanius, Panarion 29.7.2–4 (c. 375):

“They use both the Old and New Testaments … They acknowledge that Jesus is the Son of God and that He suffered for the salvation of the world.”

Jerome, Commentary on Isaiah 9.1 (c. 400):

“The Nazarenes accept the Messiah … as the Son of God and say that He was born of the Virgin Mary.”

By contrast, the Ebionites denied Christ’s divinity, rejected Paul, and altered Matthew to remove the virgin birth.

Cerinthus and the First Docetists

Epiphanius, Panarion 28.1–2 (c. 375):

“Cerinthus, trained in the wisdom of the Egyptians, came to Asia and taught that the world was not made by the supreme God but by a certain Power very far removed from Him.”

Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies 7.33 (c. 225):

“He was educated in the knowledge of the Egyptians and imbibed their teaching, but he boasted that an angel had appeared to him and revealed these things.”

Irenaeus, Against Heresies 1.26.1 (c. 180):

“He represented Jesus as not born of a virgin, but as the son of Joseph and Mary … The Christ descended upon Him at His baptism and afterward left Him before the Passion.”

Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 3.28.2 (c. 310):

“Cerinthus, by means of revelations which he pretended were written by a great apostle, brought before us fables of his own invention, stating that after the resurrection the kingdom of Christ would be on earth … Being a lover of the body and altogether carnal, he dreamed that the kingdom of Christ would consist of eating and drinking and marrying.”

Caius of Rome (c. 200) and Dionysius of Alexandria (3rd cent.) reported that some believed Cerinthus had written or re-used Revelation to teach a sensual earthly kingdom.
Cerinthus’s teaching (AD 80–100) asserted a lower creator god, a temporary Christ-spirit, and a carnal millennium of pleasure. John’s Gospel answers each point.

Cerinthus’s Claim	John’s Counter-Statement
A lesser power made the world.	“All things were made through Him.” (1:3)
Jesus was only a man.	“The Word became flesh.” (1:14)
The Christ-spirit left before the cross.	“When Jesus knew that all was now finished, He said, ‘It is finished.’” (19:30)
The divine cannot touch matter.	“He showed them His hands and His side.” (20:20)
The kingdom is earthly pleasure.	“My kingdom is not of this world.” (18:36)

The Emerging Docetic Worldview — Primary Sources from the Nag Hammadi Texts

By the end of the first century dualistic ideas spread through Egypt and Syria. The Nag Hammadi Library (copied 4th cent., written 80–150 AD) preserves the teachings John was opposing.

Apocryphon of John (c. 100–120, Egypt/Syria):

“The ruler said, ‘I am God and there is no other beside me,’ for he did not know the source from which he had come. … And the archons created the seven heavens and their angels and made a mold of a man.” (11.18–12.10)

A lesser god creates and rules the world—what John denies when he writes, “All things were made through Him.” (1:3)

Gospel of Thomas (c. 100–120, Syria):

“These are the secret sayings that the living Jesus spoke.… Whoever discovers the interpretation of these sayings will not taste death.” (1)
“The kingdom is inside of you and outside of you.… When you come to know yourselves, then you will be known.” (3)
“When you make the two one … and make the male and the female one and the same, then you will enter the kingdom.” (22)

Thomas borrows many sayings from Matthew, Mark, and Luke but omits the cross and resurrection. Salvation comes through self-knowledge and escaping the material world. John answers: “The Word became flesh and dwelt among us.” (1:14)

Gospel of Truth (c. 120–140, Alexandria/Rome):

“The Word of the Father came into the midst of those who were oblivious, death having taken them captive.… He was nailed to a tree, and He became a fruit of the knowledge of the Father. But He did not suffer as they thought, for His suffering was only in appearance.” (22–23)

Here Christ’s crucifixion is only symbolic, a parable of knowledge. John responds as an eyewitness: “Blood and water came out … He who saw it has borne witness.” (19:34–35)

Second Treatise of the Great Seth (c. 120–160, Egypt):

“It was another, their father, who drank the gall and the vinegar; it was not I.… It was another, Simon, who bore the cross on his shoulder.… For my death, which they think happened, happened to them in their error and blindness.” (55.15–30)

Here Christ denies His own crucifixion and substitutes another in His place—a direct denial of the incarnation and atonement. John writes: “When He had received the sour wine, He said, ‘It is finished.’” (19:30)

Gospel of Judas (c. 130–160, Egypt):

“Often He did not appear to His disciples as Himself, but He was found among them as a child.” (33.10–11)
“Come, that I may teach you about the mysteries no person has ever seen.… From the cloud there appeared an angel … His name was Nebro, which means ‘rebel’; others call him Yaldabaoth.… Nebro created six angels as his assistants.” (47.1–9; 51.1–8)
“And Saklas said to his angels, ‘Let us create a human being after the likeness and the image.’” (52.10–11)
“You will exceed all of them, for you will sacrifice the man that clothes me.” (56.18–20)

In this text Jesus is a shapeshifter whose body is illusory; lower angels rule creation and imitate Genesis by creating humanity; Judas becomes the hero who frees Jesus from His body. John answers: “All things were made through Him … The Word became flesh.” (1:3, 14)

The Church’s Early Defense and the Apostolic View of Christ — The God-Man in the Generation After John

Within a decade of John’s death, the next generation of Christian leaders—men who had known the apostles or their immediate disciples—carried forward the same confession:
Jesus Christ is both fully God and fully man—our Lord and our God.
Their writings show that this was not a later development but the defining belief of the Church from the beginning.

Ignatius of Antioch

(c. AD 110, on his way to martyrdom under Trajan)

Facing execution in Rome, Ignatius wrote seven letters to the churches of Asia, echoing John’s theology and refuting those who denied the incarnation.

Ignatius, Smyrnaeans 2.1:

“He truly suffered, not as certain unbelievers say, that He suffered in appearance only. They themselves exist only in appearance.”

Ignatius, Trallians 10.1:

“Be deaf whenever anyone speaks apart from Jesus Christ, who was of the race of David, who was truly born, and who was truly crucified.”

Ignatius’s faith is emphatically Johannine—insisting that the Word truly became flesh, was truly born, and truly crucified.
To him, salvation depends on the reality of the incarnation, not a symbolic or apparent suffering.

He also confesses the unity of God and Man in Christ with stunning clarity:

Ignatius, Ephesians 7.2:

“There is one Physician, fleshly and spiritual, born and unborn, God in man, true Life in death, both from Mary and from God, first passible and then impassible—Jesus Christ our Lord.”

Ignatius’s phrase “God in man” perfectly captures the apostolic view: the eternal, impassible God entering history through the passible flesh of Jesus.
This was the Church’s defense against both Greek Docetism and Jewish unbelief.

Polycarp of Smyrna

(c. AD 110–115)

Polycarp, To the Philippians 12:

“Now may the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the eternal High Priest Himself, the Son of God, Jesus Christ, build you up in faith and truth … to all who shall believe on our Lord and God Jesus Christ and on His Father who raised Him from the dead.”

Polycarp—John’s disciple—echoes Thomas’s confession in John 20:28, directly calling Jesus “our Lord and God.”
He presents Christ as both divine and incarnate: the eternal High Priest who ministers for humanity because He shares humanity, yet who is worshiped as God because He is divine.

Epistle of Barnabas

(c. AD 100–130, Alexandria or Syria)

Barnabas 5.6–9:

“If the Lord endured to suffer for our soul, though He is Lord of the whole earth, to whom God said before the foundation of the world, ‘Let us make man in our image and after our likeness,’ understand how it was that He endured to suffer at the hands of men.… The Son of God came in the flesh that He might abolish death and show forth the resurrection from the dead.”

Barnabas 12.10:

“The Lord submitted Himself to suffer for us, though He is God, and He fulfilled the promises made unto the fathers.”

Barnabas affirms that the Creator Himself—the one who made humanity in His image—entered His own creation to suffer and redeem it.
His words match both Paul’s Christ Hymn (Philippians 2:6–11) and John’s Prologue (John 1:1–14): the same God who made the world became flesh to save it.

Letter to Diognetus

(c. AD 120–150, probably Asia Minor)

Diognetus 7.2–4; 9.2:

“He Himself sent His own Son—as God He sent Him, as to men He sent Him; as Savior He sent Him, as persuader, not as tyrant.… He appeared as God, yet in humility among men.
For what else was able to cover our sins but His righteousness? In whom else could we, lawless and ungodly men, have been made righteous except in the Son of God alone?”

The Letter to Diognetus presents the incarnation as a divine visitation:
God appearing among men, clothed in humility yet possessing full deity.
It summarizes in prose what John had written poetically: “The Word became flesh and dwelt among us.”

Unified Testimony

Source	Date	Confession of Christ
Ignatius – Ephesians 7; Smyrnaeans 2	105–110	“One Physician, fleshly and spiritual… God in man.” / “He truly suffered, not in appearance only.”
Polycarp – Philippians 12	110–115	“Our Lord and God Jesus Christ.”
Barnabas 5 & 12	100–130	“The Son of God came in the flesh… though He is God.”
Letter to Diognetus 7 & 9	120–150	“He appeared as God, yet in humility among men.”

These writings span the first half of the second century—from Antioch to Smyrna, from Alexandria to Asia Minor—and they all speak with one voice.
The earliest post-apostolic Church proclaimed not a developing theology but the same truth John had written on Patmos and in Ephesus:

The Creator Himself became flesh to redeem His creation.
The Word who was with God and was God truly lived, truly suffered, and truly rose as the God-Man Jesus Christ.

Trajan to Pliny: An Old Law, Not a New One

When Trajan became emperor in AD 98, the Church had already suffered under three emperors.
No new law was introduced; Nero’s precedent of AD 64 still governed imperial practice:
to be called a Christian was itself a crime.

Under Nero, believers had been executed “for the name.” (Tacitus, Annals 15.44)
Under Domitian, prosecutions resurfaced under charges of “impiety.”
Under Nerva, there was brief relief.
Under Trajan, the old principle remained.

What changes here is not policy but evidence: for the first time, we possess imperial correspondence showing how the precedent worked in practice.

Pliny’s Letter to Trajan (AD 111–113)

Author: Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus (Pliny the Younger), governor of Bithynia-Pontus.
Source: Letters 10.96 (Loeb translation).
Setting: Pliny had newly arrived in the province and discovered that Christian trials were already taking place.
He had never presided over one and sought clarification from the emperor.

Pliny’s Letter (Full Text)

“It is my rule, Sir, to refer to you all matters concerning which I am in doubt.
For who is better able either to direct my hesitation or to instruct my ignorance?
I have never been present at any trials of Christians; therefore I do not know what is the customary subject-matter of investigations and punishments, or how far it is usual to go.
Whether pardon is to be granted on repentance, or if a man has once been a Christian it does him no good to have ceased to be one;
whether the mere name, apart from atrocious crimes associated with it, or only the crimes which adhere to the name, is to be punished—all this I am in great doubt about.

“In the meantime, the course that I have adopted with respect to those who have been brought before me as Christians is as follows:
I asked them whether they were Christians.
If they admitted it, I repeated the question a second and a third time, with a warning of the punishment awaiting them.
If they persisted, I ordered them to be led away for execution; for I could not doubt that, whatever it was that they admitted, that stubbornness and unbending obstinacy ought to be punished.
There were others similarly afflicted; but, as they were Roman citizens, I decided to send them to Rome.

“In the case of those who denied that they were or had been Christians, when they invoked the gods in the words I dictated and offered prayer with incense and wine to your image—which I had ordered to be brought for this purpose together with statues of the gods—and furthermore cursed Christ (none of which things, it is said, those who are really Christians can be forced to do), I thought they ought to be discharged.
Others, who were named by an informer, first said that they were Christians and then denied it; true, they had been of that persuasion, but they had left it, some three years ago, some more, and a few as much as twenty years.
All these also worshiped your image and the statues of the gods, and cursed Christ.

“They maintained, however, that the sum and substance of their fault or error had been that on a fixed day they were accustomed to meet before daylight and to recite by turns a form of words to Christ as to a god,
and that they bound themselves by an oath—not for any crime, but not to commit theft, robbery, or adultery, not to break their word, and not to refuse to return a deposit when called upon to restore it.
After this it was their custom to separate, and then meet again to partake of food—but ordinary and harmless food.
Even this they said they had ceased to do after the publication of my edict, by which, in accordance with your instructions, I had forbidden associations.

“I thought it the more necessary, therefore, to find out what was true from two female slaves, whom they call deaconesses, by means of torture.
I discovered nothing else but depraved, excessive superstition.
Therefore I postponed the investigation and hastened to consult you.
The matter seems to me to justify consultation, especially on account of the number of those in danger;
for many of every age, every rank, and also of both sexes are already and will be brought into danger.
For the contagion of this superstition has spread not only through cities, but also through villages and the countryside;
and yet it seems possible to check and cure it.
It is certain at least that the temples, which had been almost deserted, have begun to be frequented again, and the sacred rites, long suspended, are again being performed, and there is a general demand for the flesh of sacrificial victims, for up till now very few purchasers could be found.
From this it may easily be supposed what a multitude of people can be reclaimed, if only room is granted for repentance.”

Key Insights from Pliny’s Letter

1. Trials Were Already Ongoing
Pliny says, “I have never been present at any trials of Christians,” revealing that such trials preceded him. He is not initiating persecution but ensuring he follows existing imperial practice.

2. The “Forbidden Associations”
Pliny’s comment that he forbade Christian gatherings follows Trajan’s earlier ban on all private associations (collegia).
In a nearby letter (Letters 10.33–34a), Pliny had asked to form a fire brigade in Nicomedia, but Trajan refused, warning that “whatever name we give them, and for whatever purpose they are formed, they will not fail to degenerate into political clubs.”
Because of this standing order, Christian meetings were automatically illegal as unauthorized associations.
Thus, their assemblies were viewed as civic threats, not religious services.

3. “Stubbornness and Unbending Obstinacy” (pertinacia)
Romans considered blind persistence a moral failing—an assault on civic order.
Writers like Cicero and Seneca called pertinacia (stubborn defiance) a kind of madness, the opposite of the Roman virtue of moderation (moderatio).
To confess Christ three times in defiance of a magistrate’s warning was seen as treasonous pride, not conscience.
Hence Pliny’s statement that such obstinacy “ought to be punished” reflects Rome’s moral worldview, where social harmony outweighed individual conviction.

4. The Reputation of True Christians
Pliny records that those who truly belonged to the movement “can never be forced to curse Christ.”
This is an extraordinary pagan admission: even Rome’s officials recognized that real Christians were unfailingly loyal to Christ.
It became, unintentionally, a mark of authenticity: apostates could perform sacrifices, but the faithful could not.
Martyrdom, therefore, was not fanaticism—it was simply consistency with known Christian behavior.

5. Worship of Christ “as to a God”
Pliny confirms that believers “sang a hymn to Christ as to a god.”
This line—written by a pagan witness scarcely 80 years after the crucifixion—proves that the earliest Church universally worshiped Jesus as divine.
It is an unintentional historical echo of Thomas’s words in John 20:28: “My Lord and my God.”

6. Pliny’s Attitude
Pliny is no sadist; he sees Christianity as a “superstition”—a misguided enthusiasm that disrupts civic order.
His tone combines administrative irritation and genuine bewilderment: how could such moral people be so disloyal to the gods?
It is the first documented Roman attempt to rationalize persecution as social hygiene.

7. The Scope of the Faith
Pliny’s line that “the contagion has spread through cities, villages, and the countryside” reveals how pervasive Christianity had become by AD 110.
Even pagan temples, he notes, were deserted because of it.

Trajan’s Reply (Full Text, AD 112)

Source: Letters 10.97 (Loeb Translation)

“You have followed the right course, my dear Secundus, in examining the cases of those who had been denounced to you as Christians;
for it is impossible to lay down any general rule which will apply as a fixed standard.
They are not to be sought out; if they are brought before you and convicted, they must be punished.
With this proviso, however—that if anyone denies that he is a Christian and proves it by worshiping our gods, he is to obtain pardon through repentance, even if he has incurred suspicion in the past.

“As for anonymous accusations, they must not be admitted in any proceedings.
For that would establish a very bad precedent and is not in keeping with the spirit of our age.”

Key Insights from Trajan’s Reply

1. Not a New Law—A Confirmation of Nero’s Precedent
Trajan introduces no new principle. The “right course” Pliny had followed simply enforces the Neronian standard: the name “Christian” is punishable by death.

2. Reactive, Not Proactive Persecution
“They are not to be sought out” sounds lenient but only limits administrative workload.
If accused and proven guilty, Christians were still executed. The persecution was reactive, not abolished.

3. Recantation as Proof of Loyalty
Trajan’s test—offering incense to the gods—measured civic allegiance, not personal belief.
Recantation showed loyalty to Rome; refusal proved treasonous defiance.

4. Imperial “Fairness”
By forbidding anonymous accusations, Trajan presents himself as a just ruler.
Yet the core remains: death for those who confess Christ.

5. Continuity of Hostility
This exchange did not create a new policy.
It merely documents the ongoing enforcement of Nero’s logic—that Christianity was incompatible with Roman religious identity.

Theological Implications — The Empire Meets the God-Man

To the empire, the issue was not theology but loyalty.
To the Church, it was not loyalty but lordship.
The Christians’ refusal to curse Christ or offer incense to Caesar was their confession that the incarnate God alone deserved worship.

Rome saw stubbornness; the Church saw faith.
Rome saw defiance; the Church saw fidelity.
In worshiping the Word made flesh, believers declared that no emperor could demand what belonged to God alone.

“They sang a hymn to Christ as to a god.” — Pliny, Letters 10.96

That one pagan line records the Church’s heart: the same Christ whom John called “Lord and God” was still being worshiped as such, even when worship meant death.

The Church’s Call to Perseverance

The same correspondence that shows Rome’s suspicion of Christians also introduces a chorus of Christian writings calling believers to endurance under trial.
These texts come from every corner of the empire—Rome, Antioch, Smyrna, and Asia Minor—and together they reveal how the early Church met persecution not with revolt, but with perseverance, humility, and hope.

Clement of Rome (AD 95–96, writing from Rome)

1 Clement 5.2–6.1:

“Because of jealousy and strife Paul pointed out the prize of endurance; after he had been seven times in chains, had been driven into exile, had been stoned, had preached both in the East and in the West, he gained the noble renown of his faith.
Having taught righteousness unto the whole world and having reached the furthest bounds of the West, he bore witness before rulers and so departed from the world, leaving behind him an example of endurance.
To these men who lived godly lives was gathered a vast multitude of the elect who, through many indignities and tortures, furnished a brave example among us.”

Clement, writing from the church at Rome to Corinth, recalls Paul’s and Peter’s martyrdoms under Nero and commends their “example of endurance.”
Already, suffering for Christ had become a mark of faithfulness across the empire.

Ignatius of Antioch (AD 110, on his way to execution in Rome)

Ignatius, Romans 4.1–2:

“I am writing to all the Churches and I enjoin all men that I am dying willingly for God’s sake, unless you hinder me.
I beseech you, do not show an unseasonable goodwill towards me.
Suffer me to become food for the wild beasts, through whom it is granted me to attain unto God.
I am God’s wheat, and I am ground by the teeth of wild beasts, that I may be found pure bread of Christ.”

Ignatius, Ephesians 3.1:

“Nothing is hidden from you if you are perfect in your faith and love towards Jesus Christ, for these are the beginning and end of life—faith the beginning, love the end.
The two, in unity, are God Himself, and all things follow upon them.
No man who professes faith sins, and no man who has love hates.
The tree is made manifest by its fruit; so those who profess to belong to Christ shall be known by their actions.”

Ignatius’s letters radiate the same joyful endurance that Pliny had called “obstinacy.”
For him, dying for Christ was not madness but communion with the incarnate God.

Polycarp of Smyrna (AD 155, preserving a first-century memory)

The Martyrdom of Polycarp 8.1–2; 9.3:

“The whole multitude marveled at the nobility and godly fear of Polycarp.
… When he was brought before the proconsul, he was asked to curse Christ and he said, ‘Eighty and six years have I served Him, and He has done me no wrong.
How then can I blaspheme my King who saved me?’
When he had confessed boldly that he was a Christian, the proconsul threatened to burn him with fire.
But he said, ‘You threaten me with a fire that burns for a time and is soon quenched; for you are ignorant of the fire of the coming judgment and of eternal punishment reserved for the ungodly.
But why do you delay? Bring what you will.’”

Polycarp’s calm defiance encapsulates the Church’s understanding of persecution as participation in Christ’s own victory.

The Letter to the Philippians from Polycarp (AD 110–115)

Polycarp 8.2–3:

“Let us then continually persevere in our hope and the earnest of our righteousness, which is Jesus Christ, ‘who bore our sins in His own body on the tree,’
who did no sin, neither was deceit found in His mouth.
Let us therefore become imitators of His endurance, and if we suffer for His name’s sake, let us glorify Him.”

Here, Polycarp explicitly ties Christian endurance to imitation of the crucified God-Man: Christ’s suffering becomes the pattern for His people.

The Epistle of Barnabas (AD 100–130)

Barnabas 7.11:

“He Himself willed to suffer, for it was necessary for Him to suffer on the tree.
For by His suffering He was to redeem us who live under the shadow of death.”

Barnabas emphasizes that Christ’s own endurance sanctified human suffering, turning persecution into fellowship with the Redeemer.

Letter to Diognetus (AD 120–150, Asia Minor)

Diognetus 5.1–5:

“Christians are not distinguished from other men by country or language or customs.…
They dwell in their own countries, but only as sojourners; they share all things as citizens, and suffer all things as foreigners.
Every foreign land is their fatherland, and every fatherland a foreign land.…
They love all men, and are persecuted by all.”

This anonymous writer offers perhaps the most poetic portrait of the persecuted Church—citizens of heaven living under every empire, suffering yet loving, conquered yet unconquerable.

6. The Theology of Endurance — The God-Man as Example

From Clement’s Rome to Ignatius’s Antioch, from Polycarp’s Smyrna to the unknown author of Diognetus, all the earliest Christian writers share one conviction:
the pattern of endurance was set by the incarnate Christ Himself.

Author Region Approx. Date Focus
Clement of Rome Rome 95–96 Martyrs as examples of endurance.
Ignatius of Antioch Syria / Asia 110 Martyrdom as imitation of “my God.”
Polycarp of Smyrna Asia Minor 110–155 Perseverance as faith in the saving King.
Barnabas Alexandria / Syria 100–130 Christ’s suffering sanctifies human endurance.
Letter to Diognetus Asia Minor 120–150 Christians as patient citizens of heaven amid persecution.

All of them write under the shadow of Roman hostility.
All of them root endurance not in moral heroism but in the incarnation itself—the belief that the eternal Word took on flesh and endured the cross.
Because Christ suffered truly, His people could suffer faithfully.

7. Closing Reflection

Pliny saw “obstinacy.”
Trajan saw “superstition.”
But the Church saw faithfulness to the God who had become man and suffered for them.

From Nero’s fire to Trajan’s law, the Christians’ hymn remained the same:

“They were accustomed to meet before dawn and to sing a hymn to Christ as to a God.”

And that is the faith Rome could never silence.

Author	Region	Approx. Date	Focus
Clement of Rome	Rome	95–96	Martyrs as examples of endurance.
Ignatius of Antioch	Syria / Asia	110	Martyrdom as imitation of “my God.”
Polycarp of Smyrna	Asia Minor	110–155	Perseverance as faith in the saving King.
Barnabas	Alexandria / Syria	100–130	Christ’s suffering sanctifies human endurance.
Letter to Diognetus	Asia Minor	120–150	Christians as patient citizens of heaven amid persecution.

From the Giant to the Wonder-Worker: The Church of Maximinus Thrax to Philip the Arab

October 14, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

For nearly two decades, the Christian movement had lived in relative peace. Under Severus Alexander (AD 222–235), believers were tolerated, even respected. The Historia Augusta claimed he placed images of Christ and Abraham in his private chapel and inscribed the words “Do not do to another what you would not have done to yourself” on the walls of his palace. Whether or not every detail is true, the tone of his reign was unmistakably mild.

That peace ended in blood.

1. Maximinus Thrax (r. 235–238 AD): The Giant Who Hated His Predecessor

When Alexander was murdered by his own troops in 235 AD, the army raised a Thracian soldier of enormous stature—Gaius Julius Verus Maximinus, known to history as Maximinus Thrax. With him began both the Crisis of the Third Century and the first targeted persecution of Christian clergy.

Eusebius of Caesarea, writing around AD 312–324, gives our earliest account:

“Maximinus then ordered that the leaders of the churches should be put to death.
The reason for this persecution was the hatred that he bore toward his predecessor Alexander, whose household was full of believers.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.28 (Loeb)

This was not an empire-wide assault but a surgical strike against the heads of the churches. Maximinus saw in bishops and presbyters a rival network of loyalty. In his eyes, purging them was devotion to the gods of Rome.

The Harsh Provinces: Pontus and Cappadocia

Eusebius continues:

“In some places the persecution was scarcely felt, but in others—especially in Pontus and Cappadocia—it raged fiercely, as the governors there, moved by zeal for idolatry, put to death great numbers of the faithful with various kinds of tortures.
And many of the martyrs of that time were famous, the records of whose martyrdoms are still preserved among the brethren.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.28–29 (Loeb)

Among those caught in the storm were Pontian, bishop of Rome, and Hippolytus, a learned presbyter who had long opposed him.
Eusebius gives the earliest account:

“At this time also Pontianus, who was then bishop of the church of Rome, and Hippolytus, who was distinguished among its presbyters, were exiled to the mines of Sardinia by the decree of Maximinus; and there they were put to death by hardship.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.23 (Loeb)

Their shared suffering and death ended years of division and became one of the church’s earliest examples of reconciliation through martyrdom.

Origen’s Exhortation to Martyrdom (AD 235–238)

At the same time, Origen of Caesarea wrote a remarkable letter to his imprisoned friends Ambrose and Protoctetus, who faced death under Maximinus Thrax.
His Exhortation to Martyrdom is one of the few surviving works written during persecution itself, not after it.

Who Were Ambrose and Protoctetus?

Both men were students and patrons of Origen’s school in Caesarea.
Ambrose—not to be confused with the later bishop of Milan—was a wealthy Alexandrian who had once been drawn to Gnostic philosophy. Origen’s teaching brought him to orthodox faith, and he became one of Origen’s closest allies, financing his commentaries and employing scribes to preserve his work.
Protoctetus was a presbyter of the church in Caesarea, a man of deep integrity and one of Origen’s most loyal companions.

When the persecution of Maximinus reached Palestine, both men were arrested and imprisoned at Caesarea Maritima, the Roman capital on the coast of Judea.
Eusebius writes that their courage made them models for others:

“In these times Origen composed his Exhortation to those suffering persecution, full of encouragement and power, and strengthened many for the contest, among whom were Ambrose and Protoctetus, who were at that time distinguished for their confession of faith.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.28 (Loeb)

Later in his narrative, Eusebius adds:

“Ambrose, who was called Origen’s friend, and Protoctetus, a presbyter of the church at Caesarea, after many trials and noble endurance, were perfected by martyrdom in the persecution under Maximinus.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.39 (Loeb)

Both were executed at Caesarea, probably by beheading around AD 238, remembered as martyrs “distinguished for their confession.”
Origen himself narrowly escaped the same fate; the governor had ordered his arrest, but he hid until the edict was withdrawn.

It was to these two men—waiting in prison for the sentence he expected himself—that Origen wrote his Exhortation to Martyrdom. It was not theory; it was farewell.

“If persecution comes upon us, let us not be disturbed as though something strange had happened.
The Son of God was the first of all martyrs, and He calls us to share His sufferings that we may share His glory.”
— Exhortation to Martyrdom 1–2 (Loeb)

He urged them to love even those who condemned them:

“We must love our enemies, bless those who curse us, and pray for those who persecute us.
It is not enough to bear stripes; we must conquer hatred with patience.
The victory of the Christian is not in killing his persecutor but in dying for the truth.”
— ibid. 24–25

He described martyrdom as the perfection of baptism:

“Baptism cleanses, but martyrdom enlightens.
Baptism receives the forgiveness of sins; martyrdom obtains the crown of righteousness.
By baptism we are born again; by martyrdom we become perfect.”
— ibid. 50–51

He cautioned that believers should never provoke danger but be ready when called:

“We must not throw ourselves into danger, for Scripture says, ‘When they persecute you in one city, flee to another.’
Yet when the hour comes and we are called, we must not deny Christ, even in thought.”
— ibid. 34

And he closed with serene strength:

“Do not imagine, friends most beloved, that the soul is conquered when the body is overcome.
The soul conquers when, though the body is slain, it departs unvanquished.
For no iron can pierce faith, no flame consume virtue, no wild beast devour love.”
— ibid. 37

Eusebius later said this work “strengthened many for the contest.” (Ecclesiastical History 6.28.)
It shows Origen not as an academic but as a pastor under siege—teaching that victory lay not in survival but in transformation.

Within three years the soldiers who made Maximinus emperor turned on him. He was murdered outside Aquileia in 238 AD, ending the first Christian persecution since Severus.

2. Gordian III (r. 238–244 AD): The Boy Emperor and a Season of Quiet

After the chaos of six emperors in one year, the Senate placed power in the hands of a boy—Gordian III, only thirteen. The brief reign that followed was remarkably calm. No persecutions are recorded, and Christian writers reemerged into view.

“The churches throughout the world enjoyed peace, and the word of salvation was daily increasing.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.39 (Loeb)

During this lull, Origen completed massive scriptural projects—his Hexapla and commentaries on Matthew and John.
His influence also radiated outward through a new generation of leaders—Firmilian of Caesarea and Gregory Thaumaturgus in the East.

Firmilian of Caesarea: The Theologian of Cappadocia

Firmilian, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, was one of the key bridges between Origen’s intellectual world and the organized episcopal networks that later defined the Church.
He invited Origen north to Cappadocia, where theological councils were held during this time of peace.

“Being invited especially by Firmilian, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, Origen stayed with him a considerable time, being of the greatest assistance in the ecclesiastical discussions held there.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.27 (Loeb)

Firmilian’s circle shaped the theological life of Cappadocia decades before Basil or Gregory of Nyssa.
He saw bishops as physicians for wounded souls, not magistrates of punishment.

A generation later Cyprian of Carthage would write directly to him:

“Beloved brother, we have received your letter, which has given us great delight by your faith and wisdom; for you have rightly maintained the truth of the Gospel, and by the vigor of your reasoning strengthened the fellowship of our faith.”
— Cyprian, Epistle 74.1 (CSEL 3.2, AD 256)

This East–West friendship was built on Origen’s foundations.
From Firmilian’s school would come his most famous student—Gregory Thaumaturgus.

Gregory Thaumaturgus: The Wonder-Worker of Pontus

Gregory Thaumaturgus—“the Wonder-Worker”—was born around AD 210 in Neocaesarea in Pontus.
He came to Origen as a skeptical philosopher but left as a missionary bishop.

“When I came to him I was enslaved to many false opinions, but he freed me from them all, leading me by the hand to the truth, as from darkness to light.
He opened to us the whole treasure of divine wisdom, showing the harmony of all things and the unity of the Creator.”
— Panegyric to Origen 10, 13–14 (Loeb, c. AD 240)

Returning to Pontus, Gregory became bishop of Neocaesarea and composed a Confession of Faith that anticipates the Nicene language:

“There is one God, the Father of the living Word, of wisdom and power and eternal image; perfect begetter of the perfect, Father of the only-begotten Son.
There is one Lord, the only-begotten of the only One, God of God, image and likeness of the Deity, Word through whom all things were made, true Son of the true Father.”
— Confession of Faith 1 (Loeb, c. AD 260)

During plague and civil turmoil he guided his church with courage.
His Canonical Epistle—written c. AD 263–265—offers a vivid picture of Christian life under duress.

“Those who were called of Christ rejoiced in the danger; they visited the sick without dread, ministered to their needs, and attended to them in Christ.
Thus they departed this life in gladness, for they were infected by others’ disease, drawing to themselves the affliction of their neighbors and taking their pain upon themselves.”
— Canonical Epistle 11 (Loeb)

“Some, being of little faith, abandoned the brethren in distress; others even denied the faith to save their lives.
To such, leniency is to be shown if they repent, yet they shall stand apart for a season, that their penitence may be proven.”
— ibid. 12

“Let the widows be honored as the altar of God, for they continually intercede for the Church.
Let virgins keep themselves in purity, knowing that they are the portion of Christ; for the crown of chastity is not gained by words but by life.”
— ibid. 24–26

Basil the Great, writing a century later, said:

“The faith which Gregory the Wonder-Worker received from Origen was preserved without spot among us down to our fathers.”
— Basil of Caesarea, Letter 28.1 (Loeb, AD 375)

Why He Was Called “The Wonder-Worker”

His title Thaumaturgus (“Wonder-Worker”) came from the miracles remembered by later generations.

“When he came to Neocaesarea he found only seventeen Christians, and when he departed this life there were not more than seventeen unbelievers.
For the signs and wonders which he worked drew the whole people to the faith.”
— Gregory of Nyssa, Life of Gregory Thaumaturgus 3 (Loeb, AD 380)

One account tells of a flood stopped by his prayer:

“Gregory, seeing the danger to his flock, took a staff and planted it in the ground, praying that the waters would go no farther.
Immediately the torrent stopped, as if held back by an invisible wall, and from that day the place was called ‘The Boundary of the Wonder.’”
— ibid. 4–5 (Loeb)

Another recounts justice revealed by resurrection:

“At his prayer a man slain by his brother arose and named his murderer before returning to death.
The spot is still called ‘The Resurrection Field.’”
— ibid. 7 (Loeb)

Whether literal or legendary, these memories portray a man whose faith transformed an entire region.
He turned Pontus from a land of martyrdom into a mission field.

3. Philip the Arab (r. 244–249 AD): A Christian on the Throne?

When Gordian died during the Persian campaign, his Praetorian Prefect Marcus Julius Philippus, later called Philip the Arab, seized power.

“Philip, the Roman Emperor, is said to have been a Christian, and desired to join in the prayers of the Church on the vigil of Easter;
but he was not permitted by the bishop until he had made confession of his sins and taken his place among the penitents.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.34 (Loeb)

Even if legendary, the story shows that by mid-century an emperor could be imagined kneeling with Christians.
Under Philip, churches met openly and owned property; the faith’s visibility was now empire-wide.

4. Cyprian of Carthage: The Western Counterpart

While Origen’s disciples shaped the East, the West produced a new leader from Africa—Thascius Caecilius Cyprianus, or Cyprian of Carthage.

Conversion during Philip’s Peace (c. AD 246–248)

A wealthy teacher of rhetoric, Cyprian was converted in Philip’s later years:

“When I lay in darkness and the gloomy night closed me in, I used to think that what was promised of God’s light was a thing incredible…
But after the stain of my former life had been washed away by the water of rebirth, a light from above poured into my heart.”
— Cyprian, Ad Donatum 4–5 (c. AD 246–248)

Bishop of Carthage (AD 248–249)

Soon after baptism he was chosen bishop—about the same year Origen finished Against Celsus and Dionysius took over in Alexandria.

“Under Philip, the churches enjoyed peace, and bishops were freely appointed everywhere. At that time Thascius Cyprian became illustrious at Carthage, a man most skillful in both word and deed.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.43 (Loeb)

Cyprian would soon face what Origen, Firmilian, and Gregory had trained their flocks for—the empire-wide ordeal under Decius.

5. Between Persecution and Peace

The years 235–249 AD formed a fragile hinge in Christian history:

Maximinus Thrax tried to sever the Church’s head.
Gordian III let it rebuild.
Philip the Arab perhaps even prayed with it.
Origen taught courage under fire.
Firmilian built theological bridges in Cappadocia.
Gregory Thaumaturgus turned Origen’s learning into creed, charity, and wonder.
Cyprian arose in the West to lead through the coming storm.

The persecution under Thrax was brief but real; the calm under Gordian and Philip allowed the faith to mature in scholarship, discipline, and compassion.
When Decius seized power in 249 AD, that peace—and all it had built—would face the empire’s first universal test.

Multiplying by Mission: Session 6 at Mission Lake

October 13, 2025October 13, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

40% Growth Then, 5% Growth Now — What We Must Learn Anew

When Nero died by suicide in AD 68, the Roman Empire plunged into chaos.
In a single year four emperors—Galba, Otho, Vitellius, and finally Vespasian—rose and fell.
While Rome fought for power, Judea was already on fire.
The revolt that began under Gessius Florus would end with Jerusalem leveled, the Temple burned, and a turning point for both Jews and Christians.

1. Florus and the Spark of Revolt (AD 66)

Florus, the Roman governor of Judea, stole seventeen talents of silver from the Temple treasury—about 1,200 pounds of consecrated silver, worth roughly ten million U.S. dollars today.
This was not ordinary corruption; it was sacrilege.

“When Florus took seventeen talents out of the sacred treasure, and the multitude ran together in the Temple crying out against him, some of the youths went about the city carrying baskets and asking alms for poor Florus.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 2.14.5 §306–308 (c. AD 75–79)

His answer was bloodshed.

“Florus sent soldiers into Jerusalem and ordered a massacre. They slew about three thousand six hundred persons, women and children as well as men; and among them were citizens of Roman knighthood. Some were scourged and then crucified.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 2.14.9 (c. AD 75–79)

The outrage united the city. Rebels stormed the Antonia Fortress, the great Roman garrison on the northwest corner of the Temple Mount. To capture it was to challenge Rome itself.

“They compelled the garrison to surrender and then slaughtered them. Thus war was now openly begun.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 2.17.9 (c. AD 75–79)

Rome’s patience ended. Nero sent Vespasian, the empire’s most seasoned general, and his son Titus to crush the rebellion.

2. Vespasian in Galilee — Fire and Terror (AD 67)

Galilee became Rome’s first target. At Jotapata, a hill fortress commanded by Josephus himself, the walls fell after forty-seven days.

“Forty thousand were slain, and the city was utterly demolished; those who had hidden in caves were dragged out and slain.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 3.7.36 (c. AD 75–79)

Then came Gamla, a ridge-top city east of the Sea of Galilee. Its name means camel in Aramaic, and its fall was as steep as its slopes.

“Men and women alike threw themselves and their children down the precipices; and the whole city was covered with corpses.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 4.1.9 (c. AD 75–79)

Josephus summed it simply: “Galilee was filled with fire and blood.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 4.1.9 (c. AD 75–79)

The Roman campaign left the region in ruins, silencing nearly every center of resistance.

It was here that Josephus himself was captured. As commander of Jewish forces in Galilee, he had held out at Jotapata until the city fell. In his own account, he claims that while in captivity he prophesied that Vespasian would soon be emperor:

“You, O Vespasian, shall be Caesar and emperor, you and your son. Bind me now still closer, and keep me for yourself; for you, O Caesar, are lord, not only of me, but of the land and sea, and of all mankind.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 3.8.9 §401–403 (c. AD 75–79)

When that prophecy appeared to come true the following year, Vespasian spared his life, granted him Roman citizenship, and attached him to his household. From then on Josephus lived in Rome under imperial patronage, taking the family name Flavius from his patrons.

This is how Yosef ben Matityahu, a Jewish priest and rebel general, became Flavius Josephus, historian of the Jewish War. His writings—sometimes defensive, sometimes deferential toward Rome—remain the only detailed eyewitness record of Jerusalem’s destruction.

3. The Siege of Jerusalem (AD 70)

When Nero’s death recalled Vespasian to Rome, Titus took full command.
Inside Jerusalem, zealot factions fought one another while Roman legions built a five-mile siege wall to starve the city into surrender.
This wall—called a circumvallation—completely encircled Jerusalem. Built in only three days by tens of thousands of soldiers, it cut off every road and stopped all supplies. Famine would finish what the legions began.

“The famine grew severe and destroyed whole houses and families. The alleys were filled with dead bodies of the aged; children and youths swarmed about the market-places like shadows, and fell wherever famine overtook them. No one buried them; pity was strangers to men; for famine had confounded all natural feeling.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 5.12.3–4 (c. AD 75–79)

Then Josephus records one of antiquity’s darkest scenes:

“There was a certain woman named Mary, daughter of Eleazar, of the village Bathezor. Driven by famine and rage, she slew her infant son, roasted him, and ate one half, concealing the rest. When the soldiers smelled the roasted meat and rushed in, she said, ‘This is my own son; the deed is mine; eat, for I have eaten. Do not pretend to be more tender-hearted than a woman or more compassionate than a mother.’”
— Josephus, Jewish War 6.201–213 (c. AD 75–79)

Titus later claimed he had ordered the Temple spared:

“I myself called a council of war and urged that the Temple be saved; but the flame was beyond control, and the sanctuary was burned against my will.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 6.4.7 §254 (c. AD 75–79)

Josephus blames undisciplined troops; Tacitus sees deliberate policy:

“It was resolved to destroy the Temple that the religion of the Jews might be more completely abolished.”
— Tacitus, Histories 5.12 (c. AD 100–110)

*The Destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem* – Francesco Hayez, 1867, oil on canvas

Different motives, same outcome: the Temple fell.
For Christians, it confirmed the prophecy of Christ: “Not one stone shall be left upon another.” (Mark 13:2)

4. Crosses Without Number

“As for those who had fled from the city and were caught, they were first scourged and then tortured and finally crucified before the walls. In their fury and hatred the soldiers nailed up the prisoners in different postures, by way of jest, and the multitude was so great that room was wanting for the crosses, and crosses for the bodies.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 5.11.1 (c. AD 75–79)

Josephus later expands this account:

“Those who were taken outside the city he first scourged, and then tormented with all manner of tortures before crucifying them opposite the wall. Titus indeed felt pity for them, but their number was so great that there was no room for the crosses nor crosses for the bodies. About five hundred were crucified each day, and the soldiers, in their rage and hatred, amused themselves by crucifying some one way and some another, until, owing to the multitude, there was no space left for the crosses nor crosses for the bodies.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 6.1.1 (c. AD 75–79)

The same empire that boasted of order and civilization turned execution into entertainment.
The hills around Jerusalem stood thick with crosses—not yet symbols of redemption, but monuments of Rome’s rule through fear.

5. Aftermath — Slavery, Spectacle, and Tax

Through Rome’s streets the captives marched, carrying the Menorah and sacred vessels. Coins were struck proclaiming IUDAEA CAPTA—“Judea Captured.” Various versions of these coins were struck and used for 25 years under Vespasian and his two sons Titus and Domitian.

IMP CAES VESPASIAN AUG PM TR P COS III = Commander Caesar Vespasian Augustus, Chief Priest, Holder of Tribunician Power, Consul for the Third Time; IUDEA CAPTA S C = Judea Captured by decree of the Senate

“He decreed that all Jews throughout the world should pay each year two drachmas to the Capitol in Rome, as they had previously paid to the Temple in Jerusalem.”
— Dio Cassius, Roman History 66.7 (c. AD 200–220)

The fiscus Judaicus turned a holy offering into tribute for pagan gods.
Jewish Christians, still classed as Jews, were forced to pay the same tax of defeat.

Meanwhile, many early believers saw a deeper reason for Jerusalem’s ruin: the death of James the Just, the brother of Jesus and leader of the church in Jerusalem.

“Festus was now dead, and Albinus was but upon the road; so Ananus, who had become high priest, assembled the Sanhedrin of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ, whose name was James, and some others; and when he had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned.”
— Josephus, Antiquities 20.9.1 §200–203 (c. AD 93)

Hegesippus, a second-century Jewish Christian, adds detail:

“They placed James on the pinnacle of the Temple and cried, ‘Tell us, O righteous one, what is the door of Jesus?’ And he answered with a loud voice, ‘Why do you ask me concerning the Son of Man? He sitteth at the right hand of the Great Power, and shall come on the clouds of heaven.’ Then they began to stone him, and a fuller took the club with which he beat clothes and struck the righteous one on the head, and so he suffered martyrdom.”
— Hegesippus in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 2.23.10–12 (c. AD 170, quoted c. AD 310–325)

Hegesippus concludes that the siege of Jerusalem followed soon after James’s death, calling it divine judgment:

“Immediately after this Vespasian began to besiege them; and they remembered the saying of Isaiah the prophet, ‘Let us take away the righteous man, because he is troublesome to us; therefore they shall eat the fruit of their doings.’ Such was their lot, and they suffered these things for the sake of James the Just.”
— Hegesippus in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 2.23.18 (c. AD 170, quoted c. AD 310–325)

Eusebius agrees, closing his account:

“These things happened to the Jews to avenge James the Just, who was the brother of Jesus that is called Christ. For, as Josephus says, these things befell them in accordance with God’s vengeance for the death of James the Just, which they had committed, although he was a most righteous man.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 2.23.19–20 (c. AD 310–325)

From this moment on, many Christians saw the destruction of Jerusalem not only as Rome’s triumph, but as God’s judgment for rejecting Christ and murdering His righteous servant.

6. The Arch of Titus — The Empire’s Theology in Stone (AD 81)

When Titus died, the Senate declared him divine. The arch still standing on the Via Sacra reads:

“The Senate and People of Rome [dedicated this] to the deified Titus Vespasian Augustus, son of the deified Vespasian.”

Inside its vault, carvings show Roman soldiers bearing the Temple treasures.

“They brought the Menorah and the table of the bread of the Presence, and the last of the spoils was the Law of the Jews; after these, a great number of captives followed.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 7.5.5 (c. AD 75–79)

At the top of the arch inside is the depiction of Titus’ ascension to heaven as a god on the wings of an eagle.

For Rome, the arch proclaimed the victory of its gods.
For Christians, it stood as a silent confirmation of prophecy: the Temple of stone was gone, but the Temple of Christ remained.

7. The Flight to Pella — Revelation and Refuge

Amid the ruins of Jerusalem’s revolt, one community escaped—the believers who remembered Christ’s warning to flee.

“The people of the church in Jerusalem had been commanded by a revelation, vouchsafed to approved men there before the war, to leave the city and to dwell in a certain town of Perea called Pella. And when those who believed in Christ had come thither from Jerusalem, then, as if the holy men had altogether deserted the royal city of the Jews and the whole land of Judea, the judgment of God at last overtook them for their abominations.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 3.5.3 (c. AD 310–325)

Eusebius attributes their escape to a divine revelation, while Epiphanius explains it as obedience to Christ’s prophecy:

“When all the disciples were settled in Pella because of Christ’s prophecy about the siege, they remained there until the destruction of Jerusalem.”
— Epiphanius, Panarion 29.7.7–8 (c. AD 375)

Different explanations—same event. The believers crossed the Jordan to Pella, a Decapolis city about sixty miles northeast of Jerusalem, where they waited out the war.
Their flight fulfilled Jesus’ own words (Luke 21:20–21).
What looked like retreat was obedience.

8. The Nazarenes — Law-Observant, Christ-Confessing

The first branch to emerge from that exile was the Nazarenes—Jewish believers who kept the Mosaic Law yet confessed Jesus as the divine Son of God.
They were the losing party in the Council of Jerusalem (Acts 15).

At that council, certain men from Judea began teaching that Gentile converts must keep the Law of Moses to be saved:

“Some men came down from Judea and were teaching the brothers, ‘Unless you are circumcised according to the custom of Moses, you cannot be saved.’”
— Acts 15:1

Later Luke identifies who pressed the issue:

“But some of the sect of the Pharisees who believed rose up, saying, ‘It is necessary to circumcise them and to command them to keep the law of Moses.’”
— Acts 15:5

Peter and James ruled that Gentiles need not bear that yoke:

“We should not trouble those of the Gentiles who turn to God, but should write to them to abstain from things polluted by idols, from sexual immorality, from what has been strangled, and from blood.”
— Acts 15:19–20

Those Jewish believers who could not release Torah observance continued as a community of Torah-keeping Christians—the Nazarenes.

Two decades later they were still strong. When Paul returned to Jerusalem near the end of his ministry, James the Just, the same leader later martyred near the Temple, recognized their influence:

“You see, brother, how many myriads of Jews there are who have believed, and they are all zealous for the Law… Therefore do what we tell you: we have four men who have taken a vow; take them and purify yourself along with them, and pay their expenses, so that all may know that there is nothing in what they have been told about you, but that you yourself also live in observance of the Law.”
— Acts 21:20, 23–24

James’s advice shows that the Nazarenes were not fringe but central within the Jerusalem church.

Centuries later, Jerome described them:

“The adherents to this sect are known commonly as Nazarenes; they believe in Christ the Son of God, born of the Virgin Mary; and they say that He who suffered under Pontius Pilate and rose again is the same as the one in whom we believe.”
— Jerome, Letter 75 to Augustine (AD 398–403)

“The Nazarenes accept Messiah in such a way that they do not cease to observe the old Law.”
— Jerome, Commentary on Isaiah 8:14 (AD 398–403)

Even Epiphanius, who condemned most sects, writes:

The Nazarenes are Jews who keep the customs of the Law but also believe in Christ. They say that Jesus was born of the Virgin Mary by the Holy Spirit. They believe that God created all things, that Jesus is His Son, and that the resurrection of the dead has already begun in Him… As for their understanding of Christ, I am not certain—whether they have been misled by false teachers who call Him merely human, or whether, as I think, they confess that He was born of Mary by the Holy Spirit.
— Epiphanius, Panarion 29.7.5–6 (c. AD 375)

Epiphanius lists their beliefs as orthodox and then admits, “I cannot say whether they have been deceived or whether they confess the truth.”
Had they denied Christ’s divinity, he would have said so.
His hesitation confirms that the Nazarenes were orthodox in belief, Jewish in culture—the first generation of Messianic Jews bridging synagogue and church.

9. The Ebionites — The First Denial of Christ’s Divinity

A second group took a different path. Epiphanius places their origin after the flight to Pella:

“The Ebionites are later than the Nazoraeans… their sect began after the flight from Jerusalem.”
— Epiphanius, Panarion 29.7.7–8 (c. AD 375)

They taught that Jesus was a mere man chosen by God, denied the virgin birth, and altered Scripture to fit their beliefs.

“Those who are called Ebionites use the Gospel according to Matthew only, and repudiate the Apostle Paul, maintaining that he was an apostate from the Law.”
— Irenaeus, Against Heresies 1.26.2 (c. AD 180)

“The Ebionites believe that He was a mere man, born of Joseph and Mary according to the common course of nature, and that He became righteous through the progress of His moral character.”
— Origen, Commentary on Matthew 16.12 (c. AD 248)

“They falsify the genealogical tables in Matthew’s Gospel, saying that He was begotten of a man and a woman, because they maintain that Jesus is really a man and was justified by His progress in virtue, and that He was called Christ because the Spirit of God descended upon Him at His baptism. They say that this same Spirit, which had come upon Him, was taken away and left Him before the Passion and went back to God; and that then, after His death and resurrection, this same Spirit returned to Him again. Thus they deny that He is God, though they do not deny that He was a man.”
— Epiphanius, Panarion 30.14.3–5 (c. AD 375)

They also spread a slander about Paul:

“They say that Paul was a Greek who came to Jerusalem and lived there for a time. He desired to marry a daughter of the priests but was refused. Out of anger and disappointment he turned against circumcision, the Sabbath, and the Law. Because of this, they claim, he wrote against these things and founded a new heresy.”
— Epiphanius, Panarion 30.16.6–9 (c. AD 375)

For the Ebionites, Jerusalem’s destruction was not punishment for rejecting Christ but for accepting the apostolic Gospel.
They blamed Paul and the church that followed him for turning Israel away from the Law.
Thus they reversed the very lesson of history that Josephus, Hegesippus, and Eusebius had drawn from the death of James the Just.
Where the Nazarenes preserved unity in diversity, the Ebionites cut themselves off from the apostolic faith.

10. Three Waves of Testimony and the Apostolic Standard

When we date the earliest Christian writings, we find three waves of testimony—sources acknowledged even by skeptical historians as genuine first-century evidence.
They give us the historical core around which all later writings revolve.

Three Waves of Early Christian Testimony

Wave of Witness	Approximate Date	Content & Description	Authority and Significance
Creeds	AD 30s	1 Corinthians 15:3–5 — “Christ died, was buried, and rose again according to the Scriptures.” Philippians 2:6–11 — The Christ-hymn proclaiming His pre-existence, incarnation, humility, and exaltation.	The earliest confessions of faith; already proclaim Jesus as divine and demand worship.
Paul’s Epistles	AD 48–61	The seven undisputed letters of Paul — Romans, 1 & 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians, and Philemon.	The interpretation of Christ’s work by Paul himself, written within the lifetime of the apostles; Paul quotes and affirms the early creeds as authoritative revelation.
Synoptic Gospels	AD 50s–60s	Matthew, Mark, and Luke — written within the first generation after Jesus, preserving eyewitness memory of His life, teaching, death, and resurrection.	The formal written record of what the earliest witnesses proclaimed; confirms and expands the message already present in the creeds and letters.

This Philippians hymn is not later theology; it is the earliest Christian confession we possess.
It begins with divinity, not humanity.
It declares that the one “existing in the form of God” became man, died on a cross, and was exalted so that every knee should bow and every tongue confess that Jesus Christ is Lord.
It is a proclamation of His divinity and a demand for worship from the very start of the Christian movement.

Modern critics such as Bart Ehrman claim that belief in Jesus’ divinity was a late development, yet their own dating of the evidence proves the opposite.
The earliest sources—the creeds Paul quotes—already worship Him as divine, and Paul treats those creeds as authoritative revelation.
From the beginning, the church bowed to a divine Christ, not a human teacher slowly exalted by legend.

Measured by that apostolic standard, the Nazarenes remained faithful to the original confession, honoring Paul’s letters and the earliest creeds.
The Ebionites, however, altered the Gospels, repudiated Paul, and rejected the Philippians 2 creed, denying Christ’s divinity and placing themselves outside the apostolic faith.

11. Dating the Gospels

Critical scholars commonly date Mark around AD 70, arguing that Jesus’ prophecy of the Temple’s destruction must have been written after it happened.
But this logic assumes that prophecy is impossible—a philosophical bias, not a historical fact.
If prophecy is real, the foundation for late dating collapses.

Even on their own terms, critics face contradictions.
They argue that Matthew copied Mark and therefore must be later, yet the Ebionites were already using and editing Matthew shortly after Jerusalem’s fall.
If Matthew was being altered in the 70s, it had to exist before then—and if Matthew depended on Mark, Mark must be earlier still.
The evidence forces the Synoptic Gospels back into the 60s or even 50s—within the lifetime of eyewitnesses.

Paul’s letters tighten the timeline further.
In 1 Corinthians, written about AD 54–55, Paul quotes Gospel material three times:

1 Corinthians 7:10 echoes Mark 10:11–12 on divorce — “not I, but the Lord.”
1 Corinthians 9:14 recalls Luke 10:7 — “the Lord commanded that those who proclaim the gospel should get their living by the gospel.”
1 Corinthians 11:23–25 recounts the words of institution at the Lord’s Supper, matching Luke 22:19–20 and Matthew 26:26–28.

These parallels show that the Gospel traditions were already written—or at least formally fixed—by the early 50s.
Paul quotes them as Scripture, not rumor, expecting his readers to recognize their authority.
This means the Gospels, or their written sources, predate 1 Corinthians itself—placing them within twenty years of the crucifixion.

Thus the timeline of Christian testimony runs not forward into myth but backward into eyewitness memory:

Creeds (AD 30s): the original confession of Christ’s death, resurrection, and divine status.
Paul’s Epistles (AD 48–61): the interpretation of those events by Paul himself, written within the lifetime of the apostles.
Synoptic Gospels (AD 50s–60s): the written preservation of what the eyewitnesses had proclaimed from the beginning.

When the evidence is allowed to speak for itself, it shows that the worship of Jesus as divine and the written record of His life both originate within living memory of His death and resurrection.
Even those who date the Gospel of John later, around the 90s, acknowledge that the Synoptics—and the faith they record—were already established decades earlier.
Christianity’s foundation is not legend developed over centuries—it is history written by witnesses and verified by worship.

Teenage Emperors and the Triumph of Christian Purity

October 4, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

1. Introduction

After Macrinus’ fall, the empire turned to Elagabalus (AD 218–222), a teenage priest from Syria whose reign shocked Rome with depravity and religious upheaval. Ancient historians describe him as one of the most corrupt rulers in history. Yet in his chaos, Christians were not singled out for persecution.

When he was assassinated, his cousin Severus Alexander (AD 222–235) rose to power. Under his mother’s guidance, he tolerated and even respected Christianity, creating the first extended season of peace for the church since the reign of Claudius. In this calm, Christian thinkers—above all Origen—flourished, even as the imperial household promoted a rival pagan holy man, Apollonius of Tyana, beside Christ himself.

2. Elagabalus (AD 218–222): Depravity on the Throne

Elagabalus was only 14 years old when he was proclaimed emperor. Raised as a priest of the Syrian sun god, he imported his cult into Rome and shocked the empire with both religious upheaval and sexual depravity.

Cassius Dio records the emperor’s religious madness:

“He carried his madness to such a pitch that he attempted to set up his own god as greater than Jupiter, and even to transfer to that god the sacred fire, the Palladium, the shields, and all that the Romans held sacred from the beginning.”
—Cassius Dio, Roman History 80.11 (c. AD 222–230, Loeb)

On his private conduct, Dio spares no detail:

“He married many women, and even a Vestal Virgin, whom he dragged from her sanctuary, declaring that he was marrying a priestess and so a match worthy of himself.

He carried his lewdness to such a point that he asked doctors to contrive a woman’s vagina in his body by means of an incision, promising them large sums for doing so.”
—Cassius Dio, Roman History 80.13–14 (c. AD 222–230, Loeb)

Dio also makes clear:

“He established a room in the palace as a brothel and there committed his shameful acts, always collecting money as if for his embraces.”
—Cassius Dio, Roman History 80.13 (c. AD 222–230, Loeb)

Herodian echoes the same picture of degradation:

“He considered nothing disgraceful, but thought that by his own conduct he was giving pleasure to the gods. He went about in public in the company of actors and dancers, and he took male partners as husbands, calling himself their wife. He gave himself up to every form of depravity.”
—Herodian, Roman History 5.6 (c. AD 240, Loeb)

The Historia Augusta, though later, preserves the same traditions:

“He would choose out the man who was most celebrated for the size of his organ and couple with him most shamelessly… He set up a house of prostitution in his palace and there collected actors, dancers, and the most notorious of men, so that he might rival the foulest brothels in Rome.”
—Historia Augusta, Life of Elagabalus 5.3–4 (4th century, preserving earlier traditions)

Key Insight: The Roman emperor was expected to guard piety and moral order. Elagabalus instead flaunted sacrilege and lust, turning the imperial palace itself into a brothel and humiliating his office before the world.

3. Christian Sexual Ethics in Stark Contrast

While the emperor paraded immorality, Christians proclaimed chastity, fidelity, and holiness. Their ethic touched every sphere of life: marriage, personal purity, entertainment, and even the use of the senses.

1. Marriage and Family Life

Roman culture treated marriage largely as a social and economic contract. Husbands often kept mistresses, and wives were expected to tolerate it. Divorce was easy, and sexual double standards were everywhere. Against that backdrop, the Christian idea of marriage was revolutionary.

For early Christians, chastity in marriage didn’t mean abstaining from intimacy — it meant faithfulness, self-control, and holiness within the union. The sexual bond was exclusive, sacred, and tied to covenant love rather than lust or convenience.

Tertullian (Carthage, c. AD 197–200):

“We are not as your brothel-haunters, nor do we indulge in every form of licentiousness. Each man has his own wife, as the Word of God has allotted him. In the modesty of our marriage, chastity is the rule of life.”
—Apology 39

Here “chastity” means fidelity and restraint within marriage — a partnership marked by purity, not indulgence.

“Our women, the more they are distinguished, the more they walk about as if they were unknown. They know nothing of the immodesties which are practiced in public; their beauty is not for the public eye, but for their husbands alone.”
—Apology 46

Hippolytus (Rome, c. AD 220–230):

“Christians marry, as do others, but they marry only once; for their marriage is according to God, not for passion but for childbearing. Their women are chaste, their men temperate, their life in the flesh is conducted with holiness.”
—Refutation of All Heresies 9.12

Letter to Diognetus (late 2nd century, still read in the 3rd):

“They marry, as do all; they beget children; but they do not destroy their offspring. They have a common table, but not a common bed. They are in the flesh, but they do not live after the flesh.”
—5.6–7

Key Insight: Early Christian marriage emphasized equality before God, mutual faithfulness, and moral discipline. Chastity was not the absence of intimacy but the sanctification of it — turning something physical into an act of covenant love. In a world where sexual pleasure was often detached from virtue, Christian couples viewed their bodies as part of their worship, belonging to one another under the authority of Christ.

2. Personal Purity and Virginity

Tertullian (Carthage, c. AD 200):

“Chastity is the bodyguard of faith, the partner of holiness, the preserver of purity. Without it, no one shall see the Lord.”
—On the Apparel of Women 2.9

In this passage, Tertullian is speaking broadly of chastity (castitas) as the moral safeguard of all believers—married or single. It is the virtue that protects faith and holiness by disciplining desire and modesty alike. For the married, it meant faithfulness; for the unmarried, self-restraint and purity of heart.

Origen (Alexandria/Caesarea, c. AD 220–230):

“It is not possible to accept Christ unless we crucify our flesh with its passions and lusts. For the soul that would please God must first be purified of every defilement, especially the defilements of lust.”
—Homilies on Leviticus 7.4

“Virginity is practiced among us, not out of contempt for marriage, but for the sake of God. For the virgin looks to the things of the Lord, how she may please Him. We thus train the soul to mastery over the body, that it may rise to contemplate divine things.”
—On First Principles 3.1.9

Key Insight: Early Christians saw the body as the instrument of the soul’s worship, not its prison. To “crucify the flesh” meant learning self-control, not despising creation. Virginity, for those called to it, was viewed as a voluntary offering—an imitation of Christ’s single-hearted devotion. For married and unmarried alike, purity was about mastery rather than repression, ordering human desire toward love of God and neighbor.

3. Spectacles and Entertainment

Roman “spectacles” included the circus, the theater, and the gladiatorial arena. But one of the most popular forms of entertainment was pantomime — a stage performance where a solo dancer acted out mythological stories of seduction, rape, and adultery, accompanied by music and chorus. Every gesture was sexually charged.

These shows were notorious for their erotic suggestiveness. Roman satirists like Juvenal mocked women who lusted after pantomime actors. The line between art and pornography was blurred. And emperors like Elagabalus filled their palaces with pantomime dancers and actors.

Tertullian condemned the shows fiercely:

“The show of the theatre stirs up lust. For where the subject is love, there can be no modesty. The language is unchaste, the gesturing unchaste; nothing is more lascivious than the playhouse, nothing more destructive to modesty.”
—On the Shows 17

“What of the pantomime, that disgraceful imitation of all things, where every gesture is a corruption, every movement a provocation to lust? Why should we who renounce even the modest pleasures of the eye and ear endure such provocations?”
—On the Shows 22

“What is not lawful to say or to do, it is not lawful to see or hear. Why should things that defile a man when spoken defile him less when seen?”
—On the Shows 17

4. Guarding the Senses

Origen extended the warning beyond theaters and brothels, to the inner life of the believer:

“If we abstain from fornication and adultery but still fill our eyes with shameful sights and our ears with shameful sounds, how are we different from those who commit them in deed? For what enters through the senses lodges in the heart and produces its fruit in action.”
—Homilies on Proverbs 5.1 (c. AD 230)

“It is not only the act of sin that defiles a man, but also the will and intention. For when the eyes are defiled, the whole body is full of darkness. And so the Christian must be chaste not only in body but also in look, word, and thought.”
—Commentary on Matthew 14.23 (c. AD 245)

“The eyes and ears are the doors of the soul. If what enters is holy, the soul is illuminated; if what enters is shameful, the soul is darkened. Therefore the Christian must close his eyes and ears against what is evil, as he closes his mouth against unclean food.”
—Homilies on Leviticus 7.4

Key Insight: The emperor of Rome turned his palace into a brothel and surrounded himself with pantomime dancers and actors. Christians, by contrast, were told that even watching or listening to such things was defiling. Tertullian condemned the external spectacles; Origen pressed the point inward, warning against corrupting the eyes, ears, and thoughts. Together, they show how Christianity offered a radically different ethic — purity not only in deed, but in sight, sound, and imagination.

Even the pagan physician Galen, writing c. AD 170, admitted:

“For discipline and self-control in sexual matters, Christians are in no way inferior to true philosophers.”
—On the Passions and Errors of the Soul (fragment, c. AD 170)

4. Severus Alexander (AD 222–235): A Season of Peace

Severus Alexander was just 13 years old when he became emperor after Elagabalus’ assassination. Unlike his cousin, he was closely guided by his mother, Julia Mamaea, who sought out instruction even from Christian teachers like Origen.

Eusebius records:

“Mamaea, who was especially celebrated for her devotion to religion, sent for Origen and received instruction from him, and honored him greatly.”
—Church History 6.21 (c. AD 325, citing events of c. AD 230, Loeb)

And of Alexander himself:

“It is said that Alexander had in his private chapel statues of Abraham, Orpheus, Apollonius, and Christ.”
—Church History 6.28 (c. AD 325, citing tradition from Alexander’s reign, Loeb)

Key Insight: This was the first extended peace since Claudius (AD 41–54). Just as Paul had once carried out his missionary journeys under Claudius, Christians now found space for theological and moral development under Alexander.

5. Apollonius Beside Christ: The Witness Question

The inclusion of Apollonius in Alexander’s shrine shows how the empire was beginning to put Christ alongside other sages. Around this time, Philostratus wrote the Life of Apollonius of Tyana (c. AD 217–238), commissioned by Julia Domna. He claimed to use the memoirs of a disciple named Damis — but we do not possess them, and no one else ever mentions them. Whatever Damis may have written has vanished. What survives is Philostratus’ polished literary creation, composed 150 years after Apollonius lived.

Apollonius:

Based on one shadowy “witness.”
Written long after, by a sophist in the imperial court.
Offered nothing new, only a revival of ancient Pythagorean philosophy.
Left no enduring movement or transformation of the empire.

Christ:

The Gospels (AD 60–90): written within one lifetime, still in living memory.
Paul’s letters (AD 50s): written 20–25 years after, already citing earlier traditions.
Paul’s autobiography (Gal 1; 1 Cor 15:8): his conversion occurred within a year or two of the crucifixion.
The earliest creeds: especially the Resurrection Creed (1 Corinthians 15:3–5) and the Christ Hymn (Philippians 2:6–11), both pre-Pauline and already in circulation within months of the cross.

Together, these creeds show that the proclamation of Christ crucified and risen, and His worship as Lord, began immediately after Easter — not generations later.

Origen, facing critics who compared Christ to Apollonius, drove the point home:

“What has Apollonius left behind as a testimony to his divine mission? Where are those who have been persuaded by him to change their lives? But Jesus has persuaded not only men then living, but also men of all nations today, to accept His doctrine and to live as those who have been transformed by Him.”
—Contra Celsum 3.34 (c. AD 248, Loeb)

Key Insight: Even pagans could be fascinated by Apollonius’ story, but fascination is not transformation. Jesus left behind not just tales, but witnesses, creeds, and a movement that reshaped the Roman world.

6. Origen’s Voice in the Calm

This peaceful window allowed Origen to produce the earliest Christian systematics and massive commentaries. His On First Principles (De Principiis) was the first attempt at a comprehensive Christian theology, weaving together Scripture, philosophy, and moral reflection.

God and the Trinity

“God the Father, who holds the universe together, is superior to every being that exists, for He imparts to each one from His own existence that which each one is. The Son, being less than the Father, is superior to rational creatures alone, for He is second to the Father. The Holy Spirit is still less, and dwells within the saints alone.”
—On First Principles 1.3.5

Christ as Eternal Wisdom

“There never was a time when He did not exist. For He is called the Wisdom of God; and it is impossible that God should ever have been without wisdom. Thus we must believe that the Savior always existed.”
—On First Principles 1.2.2

Sovereignty, Foreknowledge, and Predestination

“God knows all things before they exist, and He knows not only the past and present but also the future. Nothing can happen contrary to what He knows will be. Yet His foreknowledge does not impose necessity upon what is to come; rather each one acts by the freedom of his own will.”
—On First Principles 3.1.15

“The saints are said to be predestined by God not according to an arbitrary decree but according to His foreknowledge. For He knew before the foundation of the world who would be conformed to the image of His Son, and for this reason He predestined them to be called and justified.”
—On First Principles 3.5.7

“Nothing takes place in the world without God. All is arranged by Him in wonderful order, even what seems contrary is ordered by Him toward the salvation and advantage of the whole universe.”
—On First Principles 2.1.1

Free Will

“The liberty of the will is preserved, and the freedom of choice remains, because God has set before every soul life and death, the good and the evil, in order that we may choose life and walk in the way of righteousness, keeping the commandments of God.”
—On First Principles 3.1.6

Suffering and Apparent Unfairness

“When we see infants afflicted with grievous sufferings, or souls that seem to be punished beyond their deserts, we must not suppose that chance rules the world, nor that there is injustice with God. There are causes hidden from us, older than the present life, which the divine judgment considers, so that to each is given according to what it has deserved.”
—On First Principles 2.9.7

“Even if one cannot at once perceive the reason why the good are afflicted or the innocent seem to suffer, we must believe that God orders all things with justice. For some are corrected in the present, others are reserved for correction in the future; but all are arranged by the providence of Him who alone knows what each one requires.”
—On First Principles 3.1.18

“What appears unequal and unjust will be set right in the restitution of all things, when every soul shall be brought to that end which is worthy of God. Then all who suffered undeservedly will find reward, and those who prospered in wickedness will be brought to judgment.”
—On First Principles 3.6.6

Origen included his controversial belief in the pre-existence of souls to explain hidden causes of suffering. Later generations rejected that idea, but it shows how earnestly he wrestled with the scandal of pain while defending God’s justice.

The Purpose of Scripture

“The Scriptures were composed by the Spirit of God, and have not only that meaning which is obvious, but also another which is hidden, as it were, beneath the surface. The whole law is spiritual, but the spiritual meaning is not recognized by all, but only by those on whom the grace of the Holy Spirit is bestowed in the word of wisdom and knowledge.”
—On First Principles 4.2.4

Final Judgment and Restoration

“The end is always like the beginning. As then we began with God, so in the end we shall be with God, and all enemies being subdued and overcome, God shall be all in all. For we must believe that the goodness of God, through Christ, will recall all His creatures to one end, even His enemies being conquered and subdued.”
—On First Principles 1.6.1

Key Insight: On First Principles shows Origen building the first grand map of Christian thought: God and the Son’s eternal Wisdom; God’s sovereign ordering joined to true human freedom; Scripture’s layered meaning; and a final restoration where God’s justice and goodness answer every wrong.

7. Conclusion

Elagabalus: depravity and scandal, but no persecution. Crowned at just 14, he degraded the office with sacrilege and lust.
Severus Alexander: peace and curiosity, enthroned at 13, guided by his mother, who welcomed Origen.
Apollonius: a late literary creation, based on one shadowy source, reviving old ideas, leaving no impact.
Christ: proclaimed immediately in the earliest creeds, testified by many witnesses, and transforming the Roman world.

This was the first extended peace since Claudius, but it was fragile. Nero’s precedent still lingered. And within fifteen years of Alexander’s death, Decius would unleash empire-wide persecution.

Key Insight: This era shows the battle lines clearly. Pagan elites tried to honor Christ as just another sage, even inventing rivals like Apollonius. Christians answered with witnesses, creeds, and transformed lives — proclaiming that Christ was not one among many, but the eternal Son of God.

Multiplying by Mission: Session 5 at Mission Lake

October 2, 2025October 5, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

40% Growth Then, 5% Growth Now — What We Must Learn Anew

When Tiberius died in AD 37, the Roman people rejoiced at the promise of change. Into power stepped Gaius Julius Caesar Germanicus (r. AD 37-41), beloved son of the general Germanicus, great-grandson of Augustus through Agrippina the Elder, and nephew of Tiberius. To the legions, he was known by the childhood nickname Caligula — “little boots.”

At first, he was adored as the heir of Augustus’ line. Yet within months, the empire discovered that Caligula was not content to be Caesar. He demanded to be a god.

A Different Kind of “Son of God”

Augustus (27 BC–AD 14) had styled himself Divi Filius — “Son of the Deified One” — because Julius Caesar had been declared a god after his assassination in 44 BC. Augustus allowed temples to himself in the provinces, but in Rome he restrained such worship and was only deified by the Senate after his death.

Tiberius (AD 14–37) likewise resisted divine honors while alive.

Tacitus, Annals 4.37 §37 (c. AD 115, Loeb):

“The emperor was not to be worshipped as a god; that title, he said, was reserved for the memory of princes.”

But Caligula (AD 37–41) broke with precedent. He did not wait for death or the Senate’s decree. He demanded worship as Jupiter himself.

Suetonius, Caligula 27 §27 (c. AD 121, Loeb):

“He claimed divine honors, set up temples and priests in his name, and placed a golden image of himself in the temple of Jupiter, beside which stood another likeness of the god. Every day he had this dressed in clothes like his own.”

Cassius Dio, Roman History 59.6 §6 (c. AD 229, Loeb):

“Since he was now styling himself a god, he pretended that those who failed to address him as such were guilty of impiety.”

Manipulating the Gods

Caligula’s ambition was not content with prayers and sacrifice. He replaced the very faces of the gods with his own.

Suetonius, Caligula 22 §22 (c. AD 121, Loeb):

“He caused the heads to be removed from several statues of gods and his own to be set on them instead. In such fashion he was even represented as Jove.”

Cassius Dio, Roman History 59.28 §28 (c. AD 229, Loeb):

“He ordered that the statue of Olympian Zeus be brought from Greece, in order that his own statue, which he had made as a copy of it, might be set up in its place, and he wished to be thought to be Zeus.”

By altering the sacred images of Jupiter and Zeus, Caligula declared that the gods themselves must yield to his likeness. If he could replace the greatest gods of Greece and Rome, what god was left to resist him? Inevitably his eyes turned to Jerusalem.

C CAESAR AVG GERMANICVS PON M TR POT = Gaius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, Pontifex Maximus, holder of tribunician power; AGRIPPINA DRVSILLA IVLIA, S C = Agrippina, Drusilla, Julia. By decree of the Senate. Caligula’s three sisters are presented as the three goddesses Securitas (Security), Concordia (Harmony), Fortuna (Fortune). He viewed his whole family as divine and also that the whole senate agreed.

Cruelty Without Bound

Divinity was not the only claim Caligula made. He also made himself the arbiter of life and death, delighting in cruelty.

Suetonius, Caligula 30 §30 (c. AD 121, Loeb):

“He often had men of consular rank scourged with rods and forced to carry heavy loads for miles together. Others he compelled to stand all night long in the rain, in their linen tunics; and he had some killed for mere trifles.”

Suetonius, Caligula 32 §32 (c. AD 121, Loeb):

“He delighted in witnessing the suffering and slaughter of those who were being punished, and would from time to time make their agonies longer by ordering their wounds to be dressed and their bodies rubbed, only that they might be tortured with renewed severity.”

Cassius Dio, Roman History 59.27 §27 (c. AD 229, Loeb):

“He would kill men of the noblest rank and make their wives watch; he would invite them to dinner and suddenly have them seized and put to death before his eyes. He took pleasure in seeing the looks and hearing the cries of those who were perishing.”

This is why ancient historians consistently remember Caligula as one of the most depraved rulers in Roman history.

A Statue in the Holy of Holies

In AD 39–40, Caligula issued his most dangerous order: to set up a colossal statue of himself in the Temple at Jerusalem. To Jews, this was unthinkable. They chose defiance, prepared to die rather than allow their sanctuary to be defiled.

Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.2 §261–262 (c. AD 93, Loeb):

“Petronius was amazed at their determination, and assembling the people of the Jews in a plain, he asked them why they opposed Gaius, their lord, and his proposal to set up the statue. But they threw themselves down on the ground and laid bare their necks, and declared that they were ready to be slain rather than transgress the law.”

Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.4 §278 (c. AD 93, Loeb):

“‘We will neither fight nor flee,’ they said, ‘but we will die with our children and wives; if you desire, kill us; we shall die willingly, since we shall not by living transgress the laws of our worship.’”

Josephus, War 2.10.4 §195 (c. AD 75, Loeb):

“They lay prostrate for forty days together, fasting the while, and besought Petronius that he would not compel them to transgress the law of their fathers.”

The man charged with enforcing this order was Publius Petronius, the Roman governor of Syria. His role made him one of the most powerful men in the East, with direct oversight of Judea. Loyal to Rome yet cautious by temperament, Petronius knew his first duty was to preserve the peace of Rome.

He saw what Caligula could not: forcing this statue into the Temple would ignite rebellion not only in Judea but across Syria.

Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.9 §297–299 (c. AD 93, Loeb):

“Petronius, seeing the determination of the people, took the blame upon himself. He wrote to Gaius saying that all Judaea would be in revolt if he insisted on setting up the statue, and he prepared his wife and children for his own death.”

This was no act of cowardice. It was Roman statecraft. Petronius delayed Caligula’s order to preserve stability in the East. But Caligula’s madness could not endure defiance. He sent a letter commanding Petronius to commit suicide.

Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.9 §302 (c. AD 93, Loeb):

“While the letter commanding Petronius to take his own life was on its way, a message came that Gaius had been slain. So Petronius was saved.”

Thus the Temple was spared, Judea preserved, and Petronius’ life delivered — not because Caligula relented, but because Caligula himself was assassinated in AD 41. For Jews and Christians alike, his death was remembered as a deliverance.

A Philosopher Before a Madman

At the same time in Alexandria, Jewish synagogues were seized and mobs attacked. A delegation was sent to Rome to plead their case before the emperor. It was led by Philo of Alexandria (c. 20 BC – AD 50), a Jewish philosopher who blended Greek philosophy with Jewish faith. In his work Embassy to Gaius, Philo gives us an eyewitness account of standing before Caligula.

Philo, Embassy to Gaius §206 (c. AD 41–42, Loeb):

“He would run off in one direction to some peacocks, and then dart away in another to a grove of trees… We followed him like men in a triumphal procession, prisoners led along.”

Philo, Embassy to Gaius §§351–352 (c. AD 41–42, Loeb):

“‘You are men who refuse to acknowledge that I have been made a god, though I am clearly so.’ And when we tried to tell him about our national customs, he laughed the more and said: ‘You are not defending your own religion, you are accusing mine.’”

Philo, Embassy to Gaius §358 (c. AD 41–42, Loeb):

“No one could predict what he would do. His madness was like the sea, driven now this way, now that, by opposing winds.”

Philo’s description is chilling. The Jews stood as petitioners for their lives, but Caligula mocked them, dismissed their ancestral faith, and insisted on being recognized as divine. For Christians, still indistinguishable from Jews in the eyes of Rome, the fate of the synagogue was their fate as well.

And Philo’s embassy brought no relief. The violence in Alexandria did not stop; persecution of Jews — and by extension Christians — continued in the city. When Claudius became emperor, one of his earliest acts was to issue a decree to Alexandria ordering both Greeks and Jews to cease hostilities. This confirms that the hostility Philo described under Caligula was not resolved by his death.

Herod Agrippa I: A King Like His Friend Caligula

The madness of Caligula did not stop at Rome’s throne. His friend and client king, Herod Agrippa I, was appointed ruler of Judea by Caligula himself. Agrippa, also Herod the Great’s grandson, enjoyed Caligula’s favor and mirrored his arrogance. Like Caligula, he accepted divine honors — and, like Caligula, he met a sudden and humiliating end.

But before his death, Herod Agrippa turned his power against the church.

Acts 12:1–3 (c. AD 62):

“About that time Herod the king laid violent hands on some who belonged to the church. He killed James the brother of John with the sword, and when he saw that it pleased the Jews, he proceeded to arrest Peter also. This was during the days of Unleavened Bread.”

James, son of Zebedee and brother of John, thus became the first apostle to be martyred. Peter was imprisoned, but God intervened.

Acts 12:6–11 (c. AD 62):

“Now when Herod was about to bring him out, on that very night, Peter was sleeping between two soldiers, bound with two chains, and sentries before the door were guarding the prison. And behold, an angel of the Lord stood next to him, and a light shone in the cell. He struck Peter on the side and woke him, saying, ‘Get up quickly.’ And the chains fell off his hands. … Peter said, ‘Now I am sure that the Lord has sent his angel and rescued me from the hand of Herod and from all that the Jewish people were expecting.’”

So in one chapter, Herod Agrippa I presides over both the martyrdom of James and the near-martyrdom of Peter.

Then comes the climactic scene.

Acts 12:21–23 (c. AD 62):

“On the appointed day Herod, wearing his royal robes, sat on his throne and delivered a public address to the people. They shouted, ‘This is the voice of a god, not of a man.’ Immediately, because Herod did not give praise to God, an angel of the Lord struck him down, and he was eaten by worms and died.”

Amazingly, the Jewish historian Josephus (writing c. AD 93) gives an independent account of the same event in Caesarea.

Josephus, Antiquities 19.8.2 §§343–361 (c. AD 93, Loeb):

“On the second day of the shows, clad in a garment woven completely of silver so that its texture was wondrous, he entered the theater at daybreak. There the silver, illumined by the touch of the first rays of the sun, was wondrously radiant and by its glitter inspired fear and awe in those who gazed intently upon him.

Straightway his flatterers raised their voices from various directions—though hardly for his good—addressing him as a god. ‘Be gracious to us!’ they cried. ‘Hitherto we have revered you as a human being, but henceforth we confess you to be more than mortal.’

The king did not rebuke them nor reject their impious flattery. A little later he looked up and saw an owl sitting on a rope above his head, and at once recognized it as a messenger of evil as it had once been a messenger of good to him. A pang of grief pierced his heart. He was also seized with a severe pain in his belly which began with a violent attack.

Accordingly he looked upon his friends and said, ‘I, whom you call a god, am commanded presently to depart this life, while Providence thus reproves the lying words you just now addressed to me. I, who was by you called immortal, am immediately to be hurried away by death.’

And when he had suffered continuously for five days from pain in his belly, he departed this life, in the fifty-fourth year of his age and the seventh year of his reign.”

Comparison: Acts 12 and Josephus

Setting: Both place the event at Caesarea, during a public festival.
Robes: Acts says Agrippa wore “royal robes.” Josephus specifies a robe woven entirely of silver, dazzling in the sunlight.
Acclamation: Both record the crowd shouting that he was more than a man, a god.
Judgment: Acts says an angel struck him and he was “eaten by worms.” Josephus says an owl appeared as an omen, he was struck with severe abdominal pain, and died five days later.
Theological Frame: Acts interprets the cause as divine judgment for not giving glory to God. Josephus interprets it as ominous fate, but preserves the same sudden, humiliating sequence of events.

Key Insight: The details differ — “worms” versus “abdominal agony,” “angel” versus “owl omen” — but the core story is the same. Herod Agrippa accepted divine honors, was immediately struck with sudden illness, and died a painful death at Caesarea. The agreement between Luke (in Acts) and Josephus on these essentials is one of the most striking convergences between the New Testament and external history.

Conclusion: The Church Under Caligula

Caligula’s reign (AD 37–41) was one of the most dangerous moments in Jewish and Christian history. His demand for divine worship and his order to set up his statue in the Jerusalem Temple threatened to destroy Jewish life altogether. In Alexandria, Jews were attacked in the streets, their synagogues seized, and they were mocked before the emperor himself. Since Rome still regarded Christians as a branch of Judaism, they shared the same precarious fate. Any blow that fell on the synagogue would inevitably fall on the church as well.

And yet — while Jews and Christians alike were under crushing imperial pressure in Judea and Alexandria, the gospel was quietly taking root elsewhere. In the great city of Antioch in Syria, well outside Judea’s geography, a new Christian community grew strong. It became the first great headquarters of the Gentile mission.

Luke records this simple but profound line:

Acts 11:26 (c. AD 62):

“And in Antioch the disciples were first called Christians.”

Notice the phrasing: they were called Christians. It is a passive statement. They did not name themselves; society around them began to recognize that this movement was not simply another form of Judaism. This is the first time in history that the church was publicly marked out as distinct from the synagogue.

So under Caligula, while Jews and Christians together faced threats of extinction in Judea and Alexandria, the church simultaneously broke into new ground. By AD 41, there was not only a thriving congregation in Antioch, but one that was recognized by outsiders as a new kind of community, centered on Christ.

Key Insight: Caligula’s reign shows both the fragility and the resilience of the early church. At the very moment when an emperor demanded worship as a god and threatened the Temple itself, the church expanded beyond its Jewish cradle. From Jerusalem to Samaria to Antioch, it gained a new identity and a new name: Christian.

Claudius (AD 41–54)

When Caligula was assassinated in AD 41, Rome teetered on the edge of chaos. The Senate debated restoring the Republic, but the Praetorian Guard found Caligula’s uncle, Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, hiding behind a curtain in the palace. They dragged him out, proclaimed him emperor, and Rome accepted their choice.

Claudius was the younger brother of Germanicus (Caligula’s father), making him Caligula’s uncle. Through his grandmother Livia, he was also the step-grandson of Augustus. Though mocked in his youth for his limp and his stammer, Claudius proved to be a capable administrator. His reign lasted thirteen years (AD 41–54) and brought stability after the madness of Caligula.

For Jews — and for Christians still regarded as Jews in Roman eyes — Claudius’ reign marked an important turning point. He revived the protections first granted by Julius Caesar, reaffirmed by Augustus, and now extended them across the empire. Yet he also ordered the expulsion of Jews from Rome when unrest broke out — an act that swept up Jewish Christians as well.

TI CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG PM TR P IMP P P = Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, holder of tribunician power, Imperator, Father of the Fatherland; SPES AVGVSTA S C = The Hope of the Augustan Age, by the senate’s decree. Spes was the goddess of hope and optimism. This early coinage looked forward to Claudius’ restoration of Augustus’ policies and leadership.

Claudius’ Letter to the Alexandrians

One of Claudius’ earliest acts was to settle the unrest in Alexandria, where Jews and Greeks had clashed violently under Caligula. His letter, preserved by Josephus, confirms Jewish rights while commanding peace.

Josephus, Antiquities 19.5.2 §§278–285 (c. AD 93, Loeb):

“Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, imperator, consul, tribune of the people, to the city of the Alexandrians, greeting.

I have long been aware of the feuds existing among you with the Jewish community, and now I have learned that seditions and wars are being stirred up afresh by them, against their own advantage and that of the general good.

Therefore I enjoin the Alexandrians to behave peaceably and kindly toward the Jews who have for a long time dwelt in the same city, and not to insult any of their customs in the practice of their worship, but to allow them to keep to their own ways, as they did under the divine Augustus.

As for the Jews, I order them not to seek to extend their settlements any further, but to be content with what they have long possessed, and not to bring in or admit Jews from Syria or Egypt, but only those already resident may remain.

I also forbid them to send out any embassy, or to hold meetings outside their synagogues; and in general I command both parties to stop stirring up further quarrels.

If they obey, I shall also show them all possible goodwill; but if they disobey, I shall proceed against them as disturbers of the peace.”

Here Claudius restored the balance Augustus had maintained: Jews could live by their ancestral customs without harassment, but were forbidden to expand or disturb the peace.

Claudius’ General Decree to the Provinces

Claudius’ policy was not limited to Alexandria. He issued a broader decree protecting Jews throughout the empire.

Josephus, Antiquities 19.5.3 §§286–291 (c. AD 93, Loeb):

“Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, imperator and consul for the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Alexandrians, greeting.

I am convinced that the Jews in all the world are increasing in number, and prospering greatly, and especially that they are loyal to the Empire; and I have therefore decided that they should continue to observe their ancestral customs without hindrance.

I command, accordingly, that they shall not be compelled to violate their traditional mode of life, but shall be permitted to keep the laws of their fathers, as they have been allowed to do by Augustus and after him by my father Drusus and my brother Germanicus.

None shall molest them in any way, particularly in connection with their sacred offerings to Jerusalem, or their keeping of the Sabbath and other rites.

If anyone disobeys this ordinance, I shall proceed against him severely, as one guilty of violating the majesty of the Empire.”

Claudius explicitly grounded his decision in precedent, tying it to Augustus, Drusus, and Germanicus — and ultimately back to Julius Caesar, who had first established legal protections for Jewish worship. For Christians, still legally sheltered under Judaism’s umbrella, these decrees provided a rare window of protection.

Expulsion from Rome

Yet Claudius was not unconditionally favorable to the Jews. Around AD 49–50, disturbances broke out in the Jewish community of Rome, likely over disputes about Jesus as the Messiah. Claudius responded with a sweeping expulsion.

Acts 18:2

“And he found a Jew named Aquila, a native of Pontus, recently come from Italy with his wife Priscilla, because Claudius had commanded all the Jews to leave Rome.”

Suetonius, Claudius 25.4 (c. AD 121, Loeb):

“Since the Jews constantly made disturbances at the instigation of Chrestus, he expelled them from Rome.”

The reference to “Chrestus” is almost certainly a misunderstanding of “Christus” — Christ. The unrest was likely between Jews who accepted Jesus as Messiah and those who rejected him. Among those expelled were Aquila and Priscilla, who soon became Paul’s close partners in ministry (Acts 18:2–3). They appear as mature Christians when they partner with Paul.

For Christians, this episode reveals a turning point. While Claudius’ decrees gave them protection under Judaism’s legal umbrella, their identification with disputes about Christ already made them a flashpoint of unrest — and increasingly distinct from Judaism itself.

The Church Under Claudius

Claudius’ reign coincided with a decisive era in the life of the church:

AD 44: Herod Agrippa I (appointed by Caligula) executed James the son of Zebedee and imprisoned Peter (Acts 12).
AD 46–48: Paul undertook his First Missionary Journey (Acts 13–14), traveling through Cyprus and Galatia.
AD 49: The Jerusalem Council met to decide whether Gentile converts must keep the Mosaic Law (Acts 15).
AD 49–52: Paul carried out his Second Missionary Journey (Acts 15:36–18:22), planting churches in Macedonia and Greece, including Philippi, Thessalonica, and Corinth.
AD 52–54: Paul began his Third Missionary Journey (Acts 18:23–21:16), centering in Ephesus for nearly three years.

It was also during Claudius’ reign that Paul wrote some of his earliest letters. These were not to individual congregations only, but to entire regions of Christians.

Galatians 1:2 (c. AD 48–49):

“To the churches of Galatia.”

Already by the late 40s, Christianity had spread across a whole region of Asia Minor. Paul’s letter shows how critical this moment was: the debate was not simply about circumcision, but about whether Gentile Christians needed to keep the entire Jewish Law.

Galatians 2:16 (c. AD 48–49):

“We know that a person is not justified by works of the law but through faith in Jesus Christ, so we also have believed in Christ Jesus, in order to be justified by faith in Christ and not by works of the law, because by works of the law no one will be justified.”

This is the very issue resolved at the Jerusalem Council in Acts 15. Together, Galatians and Acts 15 mark a turning point: Christians were deciding that they were not simply part of Judaism, but a distinct people of God under a new covenant in Christ.

Paul’s letters also reflect the wide scope of his mission:

1 Corinthians 1:2 (c. AD 53–54):

“To the church of God that is in Corinth, to those sanctified in Christ Jesus, called to be saints together with all those who in every place call upon the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, both their Lord and ours.”

Even when addressing a single city, Paul wrote with the wider Christian world in mind: “all those in every place.” His letters carried authority not just for one congregation, but for a network of churches spread across the empire.

Conclusion: The Church Under Claudius

Claudius’ reign (AD 41–54) was marked by paradox. On the one hand, his decrees restored the Jewish privileges established by Julius Caesar and Augustus, protecting Christians as long as they were still seen as part of Judaism. On the other hand, his expulsion of Jews from Rome disrupted the lives of Jewish Christians and revealed that disputes about Christ were already pushing the church into a distinct identity.

And yet, this was one of the most formative eras in Christian history. Under Claudius:

The gospel spread beyond Antioch into Asia Minor, Macedonia, and Greece.
The first great council of the church met in Jerusalem to define Gentile inclusion.
Paul completed his first three missionary journeys.
The earliest New Testament letters were written, not just to churches, but to regions of believers.

By the time Claudius died in AD 54, Christianity had moved far beyond its Jewish cradle. It was now a trans-Mediterranean faith, with thriving congregations in Galatia, Macedonia, Achaia, and Asia Minor, bound together by letters that still shape the church today. Claudius’ stability gave the church room to expand — setting the stage for its greatest test yet under his successor, Nero.

Nero (AD 54–68)

When Claudius died in AD 54, his stepson Nero — great-great-grandson of Augustus through his mother Agrippina — ascended the throne at the age of sixteen. At first, guided by advisors like Seneca and Burrus, Nero showed promise. But his reign soon descended into extravagance, cruelty, and bloodshed.

The turning point came in July AD 64, when a fire broke out in Rome and destroyed much of the city. Ancient historians disagree on whether Nero himself was responsible, but rumors spread quickly that he had ordered the blaze. To deflect suspicion, Nero sought a scapegoat — and found one in the Christians.

The Great Fire and the First Imperial Persecution

Tacitus, Annals 15.44 §§1–3 (c. AD 116, Loeb):

“To suppress the rumor, Nero fabricated scapegoats and punished with exquisite cruelty the notoriously depraved Christians (as they were popularly called). Their originator, Christ, had been executed in Tiberius’ reign by the procurator of Judea, Pontius Pilatus. Checked for a moment, this pernicious superstition again broke out — not only in Judea, the home of the disease, but even in Rome, where all things horrible or shameful in the world collect and find a vogue.

First, those who confessed were arrested; then, on their information, a vast multitude was convicted, not so much on the charge of arson as for hatred of the human race.

Mockery of every sort was added to their deaths. Dressed in wild animal skins, they were torn to pieces by dogs, or crucified, or made into torches to be ignited after dark as substitutes for daylight. Nero provided his gardens for the spectacle, and exhibited displays in the Circus, at which he mingled with the crowd — dressed as a charioteer or mounted on a chariot.

Hence, in spite of a guilt which had earned the most exemplary punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to the impression that they were being sacrificed not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man.”

Key Insights from Tacitus

Scapegoats for Nero. Christians were chosen not because they set the fire, but because they were already despised as “haters of the human race.”
Already notorious. Tacitus calls them “notoriously depraved” and their faith a “pernicious superstition.” By AD 64, Christians were widely recognized in Rome and widely hated.
A vast multitude. His phrase multitudo ingens (“a vast multitude”) shows how large the Christian community in Rome already was, and how severe this persecution was — not dozens but hundreds, possibly thousands.
No real crimes. Their guilt was not arson or sedition, but their view of Christ, their ethics, and their condemnation of Roman life.
Rome thought it was finished. Tacitus says Christianity was “checked for a moment” when Christ was crucified. Rome thought Jesus’ death ended the movement — but it “again broke out,” spreading even to the capital itself.
Confession was enough. “Those who confessed” were arrested. Being a Christian was itself the crime.
“On their information.” The Latin phrase (per indicium eorum) may mean confessors named others, or that confession itself was the evidence. Either way, the name alone condemned them.

*Nero’s Torches* – Henryk Siemiradzki (1876)

*Nero’s Torches: Burning of Christians at Rome* – artist unknown (c. 1880), hand-colored wood engraving

Suetonius on Nero’s Persecution

Suetonius, Nero 16.2 (c. AD 121, Loeb):

“Punishments were also inflicted on the Christians, a sect professing a new and mischievous religious belief.”

Key Insights from Suetonius

A distinct sect. By Suetonius’ day, Christianity was clearly recognized as distinct from Judaism.
“New and mischievous.” “New” meant unauthorized and suspicious; “mischievous” (malefica) implied socially harmful.
Punished for belief, not crime. He mentions no crimes like arson or sedition. The offense was the belief itself.

Cassius Dio (via Zonaras) on Nero’s Persecution

Cassius Dio, Roman History 62.16 (via Zonaras, c. AD 229, Loeb):

“Nero was the first to persecute the Christians; and though they were guilty of no crime, they were subjected to the most extraordinary punishments. And in their death they were made the subjects of sport; for they were covered with the hides of wild beasts and torn to pieces by dogs, or they were nailed to crosses, or they were doomed to the flames and burnt, to serve as nightly illumination when daylight had expired. Nero offered his own gardens for the spectacle, and gave a circus show, mingling with the crowd in the dress of a charioteer, or mounted on a car. Hence, even for criminals who deserved extreme and exemplary punishment, there arose a feeling of compassion; for it was felt that they were being destroyed not for the public good, but to gratify the cruelty of a single man.”

Note on Sources: Dio’s Roman History is fragmentary for this period; this passage is preserved in the 12th-century epitome of John Zonaras.

Key Insights from Dio

Innocent of crimes. Dio is explicit: Christians were “guilty of no crime.”
Public spectacle. Executions turned into grotesque entertainment — torn by dogs, crucified, burned alive.
Public pity. Even Romans who despised Christians pitied them, realizing they died for Nero’s cruelty, not Rome’s good.

NERO CAESAR AVGVSTVS = Nero Caesar Augustus; ROMA = The goddess Roma that personified the city, holding a small goddess Nike (Victory). The fleshly portrait of Nero puts this coin probably after the fire of Rome and is used as propaganda to show that Rome was saved under his leadership and arises victorious from the fire.

Old Religions vs. New Religions

Tacitus, Histories 5.5 §5 (c. AD 105, Loeb):

“Whatever is novel in religion is forbidden; but whatever is ancient is respected — even if it be based on error.”

Pliny the Elder, Natural History 30.11 §30.11 (c. AD 77, Loeb):

“Ancient religions win tolerance through their antiquity; new ones are looked on with suspicion, particularly when they refuse to worship the Roman gods.”

Judaism was tolerated as an ancient superstition. Christianity was branded a new superstition (superstitio nova), and thus unlawful. Nero’s persecution formalized this: Christians were no longer sheltered under Judaism but treated as an illicit movement.

The Uniqueness of Nero’s Persecution

Nero’s decision to blame an entire people group for the fire was without precedent in Roman history.

Before this, Rome punished individuals — conspirators, rivals, or outspoken philosophers — but never criminalized a community for its beliefs.

Candida Moss, in The Myth of Persecution: How Early Christians Invented a Story of Martyrdom (2013, pp. 37–38), notes that only one earlier group was treated in a vaguely similar way: the Druids of Britannia.

Tacitus, Annals 14.30 (c. AD 116, Loeb):

“The savage superstitions of the Druids were put down; for they considered it right to make their altars run with the blood of captives and to consult their gods by means of human entrails.”

That campaign, led by Suetonius Paulinus in AD 60, was a military operation, not an urban persecution. Rome destroyed the Druids’ sacred groves as part of conquest, not as a civic punishment for religious identity.

By contrast, Nero’s actions in AD 64 were entirely domestic. He used the Christians as scapegoats inside the capital itself. Tacitus writes that “those who confessed were arrested, and on their information a vast multitude was convicted.” This was not a handful of leaders, but an entire population, criminalized for existing.

Other groups, such as the Stoics, also suffered under Nero — but in a completely different way.

Tacitus, Annals 16.21 (c. AD 116, Loeb):

“Thrasea Paetus was put to death for his independence, Barea Soranus for his friendship with him, and many others for no crime except their virtues.”

These were individual executions within a small circle of senators and philosophers — men admired for their moral independence, not a mass suppression of Stoicism. The philosophy itself continued; it was never outlawed.

Nero’s persecution of Christians, by contrast, targeted a whole people. Their faith, not their conduct, was the crime.

Key Insight

The Druids were wiped out as a wartime measure in Britannia, not as an internal religious purge.
The Stoics were punished as individuals for political virtue, not as a philosophical school.
The Christians were the first group in Roman history to be executed collectively for belief alone.

Candida Moss is right that the Druids are the closest parallel — but Nero’s act went further. It was not conquest or politics. It was religion itself that was put on trial.

Agrippa II and Paul’s Journey to Rome

During Nero’s reign we also encounter Herod Agrippa II, son of Agrippa I. By this time he ruled parts of northern Palestine. When Paul was imprisoned at Caesarea under the procurator Festus, Agrippa II and his sister Bernice were invited to hear his case.

Acts 26:28 (c. AD 62):

“And Agrippa said to Paul, ‘In a short time would you persuade me to be a Christian?’”

Agrippa’s verdict was striking:

Acts 26:31–32 (c. AD 62):

“This man is doing nothing to deserve death or imprisonment. … This man could have been set free if he had not appealed to Caesar.”

Agrippa II did not condemn Paul. Yet because Paul had appealed to Caesar, his case was forwarded to Nero. This set Paul on his journey to Rome (Acts 27–28), where tradition holds he was later executed.

The Martyrdom of Peter and Paul: Early Witnesses

Dionysius of Corinth, fragment in Eusebius, Church History 2.25.8 (c. AD 170, Loeb): “Peter and Paul … taught together in Italy, and were martyred at the same time.”
Tertullian, Scorpiace 15 (c. AD 200, Loeb): “Where Peter endures a passion like his Lord’s, Paul wins his crown in death like John’s.”
Eusebius, Church History 2.25.5–8 (c. AD 325, Loeb): “Paul was beheaded in Rome itself, and Peter likewise was crucified under Nero. Peter was crucified head downwards, for so he had asked to suffer.”

The core tradition is plain: Peter crucified, Paul beheaded, both in Rome under Nero.

*Crucifixion of Saint Peter* – Caravaggio, 1601

The Apocryphal Acts: Legendary Expansions

By the late 2nd and 3rd centuries, apocryphal Acts circulated widely, retelling the apostles’ deaths with miracles and signs.

Acts of Paul 11 (c. AD 160–180, Apocryphal Acts): “And when they had beheaded Paul, milk flowed out upon the ground from his neck, so that the soldiers marveled.”
Martyrdom of Paul (c. AD 200–250, Apocryphal Acts): “And Paul, having prayed, said to the executioner, ‘Come, do thy work.’ And the soldier struck off his head, and immediately milk and blood issued forth.”
Acts of Peter and Paul 7 (c. AD 200–250, Apocryphal Acts): “And when he had prayed, he gave his neck to the sword without fear. And when the soldier struck off his head, there came forth milk and blood, and a great fragrance filled the place, so that many of those who stood by believed.”
Acts of Peter 37–39 (c. AD 180–200, Apocryphal Acts): “Peter, having come to the place, asked to be crucified head downwards. And while he was hanging there, he said: ‘Since my Lord was crucified head upwards, it is fitting for me to be crucified head downwards, so that the difference may be clear between the Lord and his servant.’”

Why Did Christians Embellish?

These miracle stories were not created to erase the truth — they were built on the core memory of Nero’s persecution. They aimed to:

Encourage believers in their own sufferings.
Show God’s power in weakness and death.
Magnify Peter and Paul as models of courage and humility.

Candida Moss’ Critique and a Response

Modern scholar Candida Moss, in The Myth of Persecution (2013), argues that most martyrdom accounts were exaggerated or fabricated, and that the church later built a “myth” of constant persecution. She points to the apocryphal Acts as evidence that Christians mythologized their sufferings with miracles and wonders.

Response:

The embellishments are real — milk, blood, heavenly fragrances, sermons from the cross.
But that does not erase the historical core.
The early witnesses (Dionysius, Tertullian, Eusebius) give us a plain, consistent story: Peter crucified, Paul beheaded, under Nero.
The apocryphal Acts show how popular devotion expanded these stories, not how they were invented.
The very existence of later embellishments shows there was a real core event to embellish.

Nero’s Lasting Precedent

Nero’s persecution was short, but its effects were lasting. For the first time, Christianity was officially branded a new and unlawful superstition. The charge was not arson, violence, or rebellion. It was the name itself.

From that moment on, this precedent endured:

Trajan (rescript to Pliny, c. AD 112): Christians are not to be hunted, but if accused and proven, they must be punished unless they recant and worship the gods.
Hadrian (rescript to Minucius Fundanus, c. AD 124): Christians cannot be condemned by mob accusations; formal charges and evidence are required.
Apollonius the Senator (c. AD 185, Eusebius, Church History 5.21.2, Loeb): Tried before the Senate, he confessed Christ and was executed “in compliance with an ancient law.”

This shows that Nero’s precedent was remembered and enforced for centuries. Later crackdowns under emperors like Decius or Diocletian were not innovations — they were intensifications of the same ancient law first established under Nero.

Final Key Insight

Candida Moss is wrong to claim that persecution was a myth built around a few exaggerated episodes. The evidence shows that from Nero onward, Christians lived under a standing legal threat.

They were not always hunted, but they were never safe.
Simply confessing Christ was enough for punishment, even death.
Nero’s fire did not burn out the church; it created the conditions under which the church would always exist: fragile in the eyes of Rome, yet resilient in the power of Christ.

The fire that consumed Rome lit a flame of witness that spread across the empire — a fire no emperor could extinguish.

Conversion Forbidden, Courage Unstoppable: Severus and the Early Church

September 19, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

The assassination of Commodus on December 31, AD 192 plunged Rome into civil war. In what became known as the Year of the Five Emperors (AD 193), power passed rapidly between Pertinax, Didius Julianus, Pescennius Niger, and Clodius Albinus. Finally, Septimius Severus—an African-born general from Leptis Magna—emerged victorious. He would rule for nearly two decades (193–211).

For Christians, nothing new is recorded under these brief emperors—only the continued, by now ancient, tradition that those accused of the name and refusing to deny it could be put to death. This tradition reached back to Nero’s precedent, when Christians were first condemned in Rome.

Once Severus consolidated power, however, a new wave of persecution broke out. By his tenth year (AD 202/203), we find evidence across Africa and Egypt of Christians martyred, catechumens executed, and great teachers forced to reckon with Rome’s hostility. And although only one late source names it directly, the tradition survives that Severus had issued a law forbidding conversions to Judaism and Christianity.

The Edict, Plainly Stated

Historia Augusta, Life of Severus 17.1 (Loeb):

“He forbade anyone to become a Jew, and he enacted severe penalties against those who attempted to convert to Judaism and Christianity.”

This is our sole explicit witness to the edict. The Historia Augusta was written in the 4th century and is often unreliable. But the law it describes explains why, at precisely this time, catechumens and teachers were executed from Carthage to Alexandria.

Eusebius: A Wave of Persecution

Eusebius, Church History 6.1.1–2 (Loeb):

“When Severus had been emperor for ten years, he stirred up persecution against the churches, and illustrious testimonies of martyrdom were given at that time. At Alexandria the great teachers of the faith were most distinguished, and in other regions also a great many received crowns of martyrdom with all kinds of tortures and punishments. At that time Origen, a young man, devoted himself with all earnestness to the divine word, while his father Leonidas received the crown of martyrdom.”

Here Carthage and Alexandria are linked. In North Africa, women and slaves were led to the arena. In Egypt, a father was executed, leaving his son to become the greatest theologian of early Christianity.

The Martyrs of Carthage: Perpetua, Felicitas, and Saturus (North Africa, AD 203)

The most vivid testimony of Severus’ persecution comes from the Passion of Perpetua and Felicitas. Its uniqueness lies in the fact that it is partly autobiographical—the first-person diary of Perpetua herself, later woven together with Saturus’ vision and an eyewitness account of their deaths.

When her father begged her to deny Christ, Perpetua answered with a simplicity Rome could not overcome:

“Father, do you see this little pitcher? Can it be called by any other name than what it is? … So too I cannot call myself anything else than what I am, a Christian.” (Passion 3–4)

She was imprisoned with several other catechumens. Among them was Saturus, a Christian teacher who had not been arrested at first but chose to surrender himself so he could share their chains. His voluntary imprisonment made him a model of pastoral courage, and in Perpetua’s visions he appears as her guide.

At first, Perpetua struggled with the darkness and the crowding of prison, but her greatest fear was for her baby:

“I was horrified, for I had never experienced such darkness. Oh, terrible day! The crowding of the mob, the harsh treatment by the soldiers, the extortion of the jailers. Then I was distressed by anxiety for my baby.” (Passion 3–5)

Eventually she was allowed to nurse her son in prison:

“Then I was allowed to nurse him in prison, and I recovered my strength, and my prison became to me a palace, so that I would rather have been there than anywhere else.” (Passion 5)

Later the baby was given into the care of her family. Though she grieved, she found freedom to face martyrdom without distraction:

“I endured great pain because I saw my infant wasted with hunger … Then I arranged for the child to stay with my mother and brother. For a little while I took care of the child in prison, but later I gave him up. And immediately the prison became a place of refreshment to me, and my anxiety for the child no longer consumed me.” (Passion 6)

That is the last we hear of her son, who survived, raised by his grandmother. The absence of any mention of her husband is striking. Whether she was widowed or separated we do not know; the editor of the Passion was not interested in her social status, but in her confession of Christ.

Perpetua’s visions gave her courage. She saw a narrow bronze ladder stretching to heaven, lined with swords and hooks, with a dragon lurking at its base. Saturus climbed first, and she followed, treading on the dragon’s head and entering a garden where a shepherd gave her milk turned into a cake, and all around said “Amen” (Passion 4).

Her fellow prisoner Felicitas faced her own trial. She was a slave woman, eight months pregnant when arrested. Roman law forbade executing pregnant women, and she feared she might be separated from her companions. She prayed to give birth before the day of the games, and her prayers were answered. When mocked by a jailer for her cries in labor, she replied:

“Now I myself suffer what I suffer, but then another will be in me who will suffer for me, because I am to suffer for him.” (Passion 15)

At last came the day of execution:

“The day of their victory dawned, and they marched from the prison into the amphitheater, as if into heaven, with cheerful looks and graceful bearing. Perpetua followed with shining step as the true spouse of Christ. When the young gladiator trembled to strike her, she guided his hand to her throat, for it was as if such a woman could not be slain unless she herself were willing.” (Passion 18, 21)

Rome called it punishment; the Christians called it victory. The amphitheater was meant to shame them before the crowd, but Perpetua, Felicitas, and Saturus walked into it as though into heaven.

Tertullian of Carthage (North Africa, c. 197–220)

Before the main outbreak of persecution under Severus, another Carthaginian gave voice to the church in Latin: Tertullian. A lawyer by training and a fiery Christian apologist, he addressed his works to Roman officials, governors, and pagan audiences who misunderstood the church. His writings prove that Christians in Africa were already living under suspicion and facing punishment years before Severus’ edict of 202/203.

In his Apology (c. AD 197), addressed to the provincial governors and magistrates of North Africa, Tertullian insists that Christians are everywhere:

Apology 37 (Loeb):

“We are but of yesterday, and we have filled every place among you—cities, islands, fortresses, towns, marketplaces, the very camp, tribes, companies, palace, senate, forum; we have left nothing to you but the temples of your gods.”

Persecution was already a reality. Christians were blamed for every disaster:

Ad Nationes 1.7:

“If the Tiber rises as high as the city walls, if the Nile does not rise into the fields, if the heavens give no rain, if the earth quakes, if there is a famine or a plague, the cry at once is, ‘The Christians to the lion!’”

And yet, persecution only multiplied them:

Apology 50:

“We multiply whenever we are mown down by you: the blood of Christians is seed.”

Later, in To Scapula (written around AD 212 to Scapula, the proconsul of Africa), he warned Rome’s governor directly:

To Scapula 5 (Loeb):

“Kill us, torture us, condemn us, grind us to dust; your injustice is the proof that we are innocent. … The more often you mow us down, the more we grow; the blood of Christians is seed.”

Tertullian’s writings show that persecution was not sudden but constant. By the time Severus issued his edict, the soil had already been watered with blood—and, as Tertullian argued, that blood was the seed of growth.

Clement of Alexandria (Egypt, c. 190–203+)

Meanwhile in Alexandria, the church had established a tradition of Christian teaching known as the catechetical school. Its master was Clement of Alexandria, a philosopher-turned-Christian who wrote in Greek to the city’s educated elite.

Clement’s trilogy of major works shows the breadth of his teaching:

Protrepticus (Exhortation to the Greeks):

“Leave the old delusion, flee from the ancient plague; seek after the new song, the new Logos, who has appeared among us from heaven. He alone is both God and man, the source of all our good.” (Protrepticus 1.5)

Paedagogus (The Instructor):

“The Word is all things to the child: father and mother, tutor and nurse. ‘Eat my flesh,’ He says, ‘and drink my blood.’ Such is suitable food for children, the Lord Himself made nourishment, love, and instruction.” (Paedagogus 1.6)

Stromata (Miscellanies):

“The true gnostic is one who imitates God as far as possible: he rests on faith, is founded on love, is educated by hope, and is perfected by knowledge. He has already attained the likeness of God, being righteous and holy with wisdom.” (Stromata 7.10)

On martyrdom, he wrote plainly:

“Many martyrs are daily burned, confined, or beheaded before our eyes, so that not only in ancient times but also among ourselves may one see such examples, being set forth in their thousands.” (Stromata 4.4)

And on wealth and charity:

Who Is the Rich Man That Shall Be Saved? 27:

“Wealth is not to be thrown away. It is a material for virtue, if it be rightly used. Riches are called good if they are distributed well; for they can become instruments of righteousness. Let the rich man do good, let him give liberally, let him share willingly, and he will be perfect.”

For Clement, charity was not about ascetic rejection but about transformed stewardship. Wealth was a tool, not a curse—its danger was in clinging to it selfishly, its virtue in giving it freely. He presented charity as a spiritual discipline: rational, cheerful, and loving generosity for the good of others.

When Severus’ persecution reached Alexandria around AD 202, Clement fled the city and took refuge in Cappadocia, never to return. Leadership of the Alexandrian school passed to the teenage Origen. But Clement’s writings remained a legacy: in the empire’s intellectual capital, he had given Christianity an intellectual defense, a moral handbook, and a vision of charity rooted not in fear but in love.

Origen and Leonidas (Alexandria, Egypt, AD 202/203)

When Leonidas, Origen’s father, was executed, Origen was only about seventeen years old. He was the eldest of seven children, and his family’s property was confiscated. He suddenly found himself destitute, responsible for his widowed mother and six younger siblings.

Eusebius, Church History 6.2.2–3 (Loeb):

“Leonidas, the father of Origen, was beheaded. Origen was eager to accompany him and to die as a martyr, but his mother prevented him by hiding all his clothes and thus compelled him to remain in the house. And he wrote to his father in prison, saying: ‘Take heed not to change your mind on our account.’”

Eusebius, Church History 6.3.9–11 (Loeb):

“Leonidas would often, when Origen was sleeping, uncover his breast and reverently kiss it, as though it were already sanctified by the divine Spirit within him. He educated his boy not only in general studies but above all in the Holy Scriptures.”

To support his family, Origen opened a school of grammar and literature, teaching pagans by day and catechumens by night. He lived with radical austerity, sleeping on the ground and fasting, so he could provide for his mother and siblings. In time, wealthy patrons like Ambrose of Alexandria also supported him, funding secretaries to copy his works.

When Clement fled, Origen inherited the catechetical school. This “school” (didaskaleion) was not simply a building but a tradition of Christian teaching in Alexandria, begun by Pantaenus, a Stoic philosopher turned Christian. Now, still in his teens, Origen became its master. From there he wrote commentaries on nearly every book of the Bible, debated pagan philosophers, and composed On First Principles, the first systematic theology in Christian history.

The persecution that took his father’s life launched his own.

Hippolytus of Rome (Italy, c. 200–215)

In Rome, the church was codifying its order even under threat. Hippolytus, writing in Greek, preserved the earliest liturgy and church order that has survived.

Apostolic Tradition (On Ordination, ch. 3):

“Let the bishop be ordained after he has been chosen by all the people. … Let all lay hands on him and pray, saying: ‘O God, pour forth the power of your Spirit upon this your servant, whom you have chosen to be shepherd of your people.’”

Apostolic Tradition (On Baptism, ch. 21):

“Do you believe in God the Father Almighty? … Do you believe in Christ Jesus, the Son of God, who was born … crucified … and rose again … and will come to judge the living and the dead? … Do you believe in the Holy Spirit, and the holy Church, and the resurrection of the flesh? … And so he is baptized a third time.”

Apostolic Tradition (On the Eucharist, ch. 4):

“We give you thanks, O God, through your beloved Son Jesus Christ, whom you sent to us as Savior and Redeemer … and when he had given thanks, he said: ‘This is my body, which is for you.’ … Remembering therefore his death and resurrection, we offer to you this bread and this cup, giving thanks to you.”

From the same hand we also have the Refutation of All Heresies, in which he exposed pagan astrology and Gnostic sects:

Refutation 4.37:

“If everything is under the control of fate, then let no one be blamed for sins, nor praised for virtues. But if this is absurd, then their teaching is false. For man has been made free by God.”

Refutation 9.7:

“There are those who, under the name of Christ, corrupt the truth by their deceit. But we have the tradition from the apostles, delivered through the succession of bishops, and we guard it in the Church by the Holy Spirit.”

Hippolytus shows us that in Rome itself—at the empire’s heart—Christians were not retreating underground but continuing to baptize, ordain, and celebrate the Eucharist. At the very time Severus forbade conversions, Rome’s church was still welcoming new converts and defending its doctrine.

Minucius Felix (Rome or North Africa, c. 197–210)

Octavius is the earliest surviving Christian apology written in elegant Latin. It is framed as a dialogue between Caecilius, a pagan, and Octavius, a Christian, with Minucius himself as arbiter.

On slanders against Christians, Caecilius charges:

Octavius 9:

“It is said that in your sacred rites you slay an infant and drink its blood, and that after the banquet you join in incestuous unions in shameless darkness. These are the fables you believe of us—things which you would not even believe of your own enemies.”

Octavius replies with a portrait of Christian life:

Octavius 31–32:

“They love one another before they know one another; they call one another brother and sister, and with reason. They are ready even to die for one another. … We neither keep our religion hidden, for our life is made known by its teachings, nor are we silent, since we are always being accused.”

On worship:

Octavius 33:

“We do not worship the images you make, for we know they are made of stone and wood. … Our sacrifice is a pure prayer proceeding from a pure heart.”

On persecution:

Octavius 35:

“Do you think that we are to be pitied, who are counted as your enemies? When we are slain, we conquer; when we are struck down, we are crowned; when we are condemned, we are acquitted.”

Minucius shows us Christianity in Rome’s own idiom: clear, concise, legal Latin rhetoric. He captures both the accusations Christians faced in Severus’ time and the moral beauty of their reply—love, openness, prayer, courage.

Bardaisan of Edessa (Syria/Mesopotamia, c. 200–222)

Far from Rome and Carthage, in the eastern frontier city of Edessa, the philosopher Bardaisan defended Christianity in Syriac against astrology and fatalism. His Book of the Laws of Countries, preserved by his disciples, is a dialogue on fate, free will, and culture.

On free will:

Laws of Countries 617 (Wright trans.):

“The constellations do not compel a man either to be righteous or to be a sinner, nor does fate constrain him to be rich or poor. But every man, according to his own will, approaches what is right, and departs from what is evil.”

On cultural diversity:

Laws of Countries 619:

“The same stars shine everywhere, yet laws differ among the Parthians, the Romans, and the Syrians. If fate compelled, all would live the same way. But men live according to their laws, and these laws are the fruit of free will.”

On the universality of Christianity:

Laws of Countries 622:

“The new law of our Lord is not written on stone but on the heart. Because of it, men from every nation have renounced their former customs and are ready to suffer and even to die rather than transgress it.”

On martyrdom:

Laws of Countries 623:

“This law has not only been written and spoken, but it is practiced. For in all places and in every land, men and women, young and old, endure persecution for the sake of this law, and they do not deny it.”

Bardaisan’s “law” is not Roman statute or Jewish Torah, but the gospel of Christ written on the heart. He stresses that this law is already global: Romans, Syrians, Parthians alike live by it, and all are ready to suffer for it. From the eastern frontier of the empire, Bardaisan shows us Christianity as a universal faith that conquers fatalism with freedom, and unites nations in one confession.

Conclusion

The reign of Septimius Severus (AD 193–211) was decisive for Christianity.

The edict: remembered in the Historia Augusta, forbidding conversion.
The martyrs: Perpetua, Felicitas, and Saturus in Carthage; Leonidas in Alexandria.
The writers:
- Tertullian (Carthage) — lawyer turned apologist, addressing governors and magistrates, insisting that persecution was constant and blood was seed.
- Clement (Alexandria) — philosopher turned teacher, whose writings shaped Christian virtue, charity, and knowledge before he fled persecution.
- Origen (Alexandria) — teenage prodigy, shaped by his father’s death, who built the greatest Christian school of the ancient world.
- Hippolytus (Rome) — presbyter preserving baptismal, eucharistic, and ordination rites, proving the church’s order survived in the capital.
- Minucius Felix (Rome/Africa) — polished Latin lawyer refuting slander and showing Christian innocence and love.
- Bardaisan (Edessa) — philosopher on the frontier, proclaiming the gospel as the new law written on the heart, freely obeyed in every nation.

By Severus’ reign, Christian voices were speaking from every corner of the empire. Rome tried to choke Christianity at its source—conversion—but instead gave the church martyrs, apologists, and theologians whose words and courage still inspire today.

Multiplying by Mission: Session 2 at Mission Lake

September 14, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

40% Growth Then, 5% Growth Now — What We Must Learn Anew

1. Review from Session 1

Last week we saw that even atheist and skeptical scholars agree on seven undisputed letters of Paul. These are the earliest Christian writings we possess, and they form the backbone of our historical knowledge of the first generation of the church. But that raises a crucial question: Can we be confident that the words we read in these letters today are the same words Paul actually wrote? Before we move forward in the Roman timeline, we need to look closely at how these letters were preserved.

2. Comparing Paul to Other Ancient Authors

When we compare the manuscript tradition of Paul’s letters with other works from antiquity, the results are striking:

Author	Work	Date Written	Earliest Copy	Time Gap
Josephus	Jewish War	75–79 AD	9th century	~800 years
Tacitus	Annals	~100 AD	~850 AD	~750 years
Pliny the Younger	Letters	~100–112 AD	~850 AD	~750 years
Suetonius	Lives of the Caesars	~121 AD	9th century	~700–800 yrs
Paul the Apostle	7 Undisputed Letters	48–64 AD	~175–200 AD (P46)	~125–150 yrs

Historians accept Josephus, Tacitus, Pliny, and Suetonius without hesitation, despite enormous gaps between the originals and our earliest copies. Yet Paul’s letters — with the shortest gap of all — are often treated with suspicion. That double standard says more about modern skepticism than it does about the evidence.

3. What Manuscripts Do We Actually Have?

When we talk about manuscripts here, remember: we are focusing only on the seven undisputed letters of Paul (Romans, 1–2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians, Philemon). If we were counting the entire New Testament, the totals would be much larger.

Approximate counts by language for these seven letters:

Greek: ~900 manuscripts.
Latin: 3,000–4,000+ manuscripts.
Coptic: 200–300 manuscripts.
Syriac: 200–300 manuscripts.
Other languages (Armenian, Gothic, Ethiopic, etc.): ~500 combined.
(By comparison, the entire New Testament is supported by over 5,800 Greek manuscripts, 10,000+ Latin, and another 10,000+ in other languages. But here our lens stays on the seven letters.)

Bart Ehrman, an agnostic scholar, concedes:

“We have more manuscripts of the New Testament than any other book from antiquity—many thousands. And many of these manuscripts date from quite early times.” (Misquoting Jesus, 2005, p. 88)

The Earliest Manuscript: P46

Papyrus 46 (P46), dated AD 175–225, is one of the earliest and most important witnesses to the seven undisputed letters. Originally 104 leaves; 86 survive.

Contents include:

Romans 5:17–16:27 (Romans 1–5:16 missing)
1 Corinthians 1:1–15:58 (chapter 16 missing)
2 Corinthians 1:1–9:6 (chapters 9:7–13:13 missing)
Galatians: fully preserved
Philippians: fully preserved
1 Thessalonians: fully preserved
Philemon: likely in the missing final leaves
Also present: Hebrews, Ephesians, Colossians, 2 Thessalonians.

This shows that by around AD 200, less than 150 years after Paul’s death, his letters were already being circulated as a collection, copied and bound together.

Manuscripts Between 200 and 325 AD

Other papyri confirm copying before the great codices:

P30 (c. 225–250): 1 Thessalonians 4:12–5:18.
P65 (c. 200–250): 1 Thessalonians 1:3–2:13.
P87 (c. 250–300): Philemon 13–15, 24–25.

These show that Paul’s letters were copied across regions before Constantine.

The Great Codices (after 325 AD)

Codex Vaticanus (c. 325–350): Preserves nearly the whole NT. Missing are 1–2 Timothy, Titus, Philemon, part of Hebrews, Revelation. Most likely due to physical loss.
Codex Sinaiticus (c. 330–360): Contains all 7 undisputed letters.

Though copied in different regions, they strongly agree with earlier papyri like P46.

Earliest Translations

Old Latin: The Freisinger Fragment (VL 64, late 2nd or early 3rd c.) preserves Romans 15:3–13.
Coptic (Sahidic): Papyrus Bodmer XIX (early 3rd c.) preserves Romans 1:1–2:3; 3:21–4:8; 5:8–13; 6:1–19.
Syriac: By the early 4th c., Paul’s letters circulated in Syriac. Aphrahat (c. 280–345) quotes them; the Peshitta included them.

So within 200–300 years of Paul’s life, his letters were available in Greek, Latin, Coptic, and Syriac.

4. What About Textual Variants?

For the seven undisputed letters, scholars count 7,000–8,000 variants. If we included the NT as a whole, the number would be much higher.

Most are trivial.

“Most of the textual changes in our manuscripts are completely insignificant.” (Ehrman, Misquoting Jesus, 2005, p. 208)

Examples of insignificant variants:

Romans 12:11 — “Serve the Lord” vs. “Serve the Spirit.”
Galatians 1:3 — “God our Father” vs. “God the Father.”

The Five Most Significant Variants in the Undisputed Letters

1. Romans 8:1
Short: “There is therefore now no condemnation for those who are in Christ Jesus.”
Long: “… who walk not according to the flesh but according to the Spirit.”
The longer phrase is almost certainly borrowed from verse 4 — a case of scribal harmonization. Either way, the chapter teaches both truths: freedom from condemnation and Spirit-led living.

2. 1 Thessalonians 2:7
“We were gentle among you” (ēpioi).
“We were like children among you” (nēpioi).
The difference hangs on a single Greek letter (eta vs. nu). Both readings make sense in context: Paul could be stressing either his gentleness or his childlike humility toward the Thessalonians.

3. Galatians 2:12
With the phrase: “… before certain men came from James…”
Without the phrase: “… before certain men came…”
Some manuscripts omit “from James,” likely to soften the perceived conflict between Paul and the Jerusalem leadership. The confrontation with Peter remains central in either reading.

4. 1 Corinthians 14:34–35
“Women should keep silent in the churches. For they are not permitted to speak, but should be in submission, as the Law also says. If there is anything they desire to learn, let them ask their husbands at home. For it is shameful for a woman to speak in church.”

In some manuscripts, these verses appear after verse 33.
In others, they are moved after verse 40.
In several, scribes marked the passage with symbols, signaling doubt about its original location.

This passage also creates tension with 1 Corinthians 11:5, where Paul assumes women are praying and prophesying aloud. Some scholars think the verses were originally a marginal note that later entered the text. Regardless, scribes preserved them — they did not erase what they weren’t sure about.

5. Romans 5:1
“We have peace with God…” (echomen, indicative).
“Let us have peace with God…” (echōmen, subjunctive).
A single vowel changes the sense from statement to exhortation. Both are ancient readings, and both are consistent with Paul’s theology — either declaring peace as a fact or urging believers to live in that peace.

Conclusion on Variants: Variants are real, but they are not a threat. None overturn Paul’s teaching. Our faith does not rest on the exact form of a single word — it rests on the total message Paul delivered about Christ. And that message comes through with clarity across the manuscript tradition.

5. Internal Evidence from Paul’s Own Letters

Even within the NT, Paul’s letters show awareness of being circulated and read widely:

1 Corinthians 1:2 — “…with all those who in every place call on the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, both their Lord and ours.”
2 Corinthians 1:1 — “…with all the saints who are in the whole of Achaia.”
Galatians 1:2 — “…to the churches of Galatia.”
2 Corinthians 10:10 — “‘His letters are weighty and strong, but his bodily presence is weak, and his speech of no account.’”
Even Paul’s opponents recognized his “letters” (plural) as influential.

But the most striking evidence comes from 2 Peter 3:15–16:

“And count the patience of our Lord as salvation, just as our beloved brother Paul also wrote to you according to the wisdom given him, as he does in all his letters when he speaks in them of these matters. There are some things in them that are hard to understand, which the ignorant and unstable twist to their own destruction, as they do the other Scriptures.”

This is extraordinary. The text not only names Paul directly, but refers to “all his letters” — a collection already known to the wider church — and explicitly places them alongside “the other Scriptures.”

The question then becomes: when was 2 Peter written?

If it is genuine (written by Peter before his martyrdom in AD 64), then Paul was still alive at the time, and his letters were already being gathered and treated as Scripture while he was still writing them. Notice the Greek verbs: Peter says Paul “wrote” (past tense) but also “he speaks” (present tense) in his letters, suggesting Paul was still actively writing. This would also imply that Peter himself, an Aramaic-speaking Jew, likely worked through a secretary (an amanuensis) to produce a polished Greek letter, as was common. Peter explicitly mentions Silvanus serving this role in 1 Peter 5:12. If Silvanus could serve for 1 Peter, then another amanuensis could easily explain the high-quality Greek of 2 Peter.
If it is not genuine but an early 2nd-century pseudepigraphon, it still proves that by that time Paul’s letters were being universally read and revered as Scripture. A forger could not have successfully passed off such a claim unless the churches already accepted Paul’s writings as Scripture and already knew them as a collection.

Either way, the conclusion is the same: 2 Peter 3:15–16 gives us decisive evidence that Paul’s letters were recognized as authoritative Scripture very early — whether during Paul’s own lifetime or within a generation after his death.

6. Early Christian Witness (95–180 AD)

Clement of Rome (c. 95 AD):

“Take up the epistle of the blessed Paul the Apostle. What did he write to you at the time when the Gospel first began to be preached? Truly, he wrote to you in the Spirit concerning himself, and Cephas, and Apollos, because even then you had formed parties.” (1 Clement 47)

Clement writes as if the Corinthians still physically possessed Paul’s letter — either the original or a faithful copy preserved in their church. His command to “take it up” makes no sense otherwise. Clement himself was also clearly familiar with the letter, meaning he too had access to a copy in Rome. Within one generation of Paul, his letters were present in multiple churches, available for reference and correction.

Ignatius of Antioch (c. 110 AD):

“You are associates in the mysteries with Paul, who was sanctified, who gained a good report, who is right blessed, in whose footsteps may I be found when I attain to God, who in every letter makes mention of you in Christ Jesus.” (To the Ephesians 12.2)

Ignatius assumes that the Ephesian Christians knew Paul’s letters well — they had them in their possession, whether in original form or in copies kept in the church. Ignatius himself had also read them, since he confidently appeals to “every letter” Paul wrote. This shows that by the early 2nd century Paul’s writings were already circulating widely and were accessible to multiple communities at the same time.

Polycarp of Smyrna (c. 110–140 AD):

“And when he was absent, he wrote you letters, which, if you study them, you will be able to build yourselves up in the faith that has been given you.” (To the Philippians 3.2)

Polycarp presumes that the Philippians still had Paul’s letters in their possession — originals or faithful copies carefully preserved in the church. And Polycarp himself had clearly read them too, since he urges them to “study” what he also knew. The fact that he treats these writings as ongoing sources of instruction shows they were viewed not as temporary notes but as enduring Scripture.

Theophilus of Antioch (c. 180 AD):

“And in another place, Paul says: ‘If you confess with your mouth that Jesus is Lord, and believe in your heart that God raised Him from the dead, you shall be saved.’” (To Autolycus 3.14, citing Romans 10:9)

Theophilus directly cites Paul’s words and calls them Scripture. This shows that by the late 2nd century Paul’s letters were not only preserved but already recognized as carrying the authority of the Word of God.

Irenaeus of Lyons (c. 180 AD):

“And Paul, too, says: ‘There is one God, the Father, who is above all, and through all, and in us all.’ And again, ‘There is one Lord Jesus Christ, by whom are all things, and we by Him.’” (Against Heresies 3.12.12, citing 1 Corinthians 8:6)

Across Against Heresies, Irenaeus cites all seven undisputed Pauline letters — Romans, 1–2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians, and Philemon. He names Paul explicitly, weaving his words into theological arguments, treating them as binding Scripture. Irenaeus knew them; the churches he wrote to knew them; and he expected his readers to recognize the authority of Paul’s letters immediately.

7. Reconstructing Paul’s Letters from Quotations

Between Clement of Rome (c. 95 AD) and Irenaeus of Lyons (c. 180 AD), every one of Paul’s seven undisputed letters is quoted or referenced. Even if all manuscripts had been lost, the content of Paul’s letters could still be reconstructed from these citations.

It is true that the Fathers sometimes paraphrased or quoted from memory, so not every line would be preserved word-for-word. But the essential message, theology, and teaching of Paul is fully present.

Bart Ehrman’s central challenge is this: since our earliest manuscript of Paul’s letters (P46) comes from around AD 175–225, how can we know the text was copied accurately in the first 100–150 years?

Ehrman himself concedes the point this way:

“Strictly speaking we can never know anything like this with 100% certainty. … we can’t know with absolute complete certainty what was said in each and every passage of the NT. … But that doesn’t mean that we cannot know with relative certainty what is said in most parts of the New Testament.” (The Accuracy of Paul’s Letter to the Galatians, ehrmanblog.org)

We agree: we cannot have mathematical certainty. We do not have the originals. There were surely variants in the earliest copies, maybe even more than in later ones. But the evidence we do have shows the same pattern century after century: variants exist, but they rarely affect meaning, and none change the core of Paul’s message.

And the positive case is strong:

The time gap between Paul’s writing and our earliest surviving copies is remarkably short compared to other ancient works that historians accept without hesitation.
The number of manuscripts is massive and unparalleled, giving us a wide base of comparison.
The variants that do appear rarely affect meaning, and none overturn any core doctrine of the Christian faith.
The writings of the Church Fathers confirm stability, since every one of Paul’s letters is quoted by the end of the 2nd century, providing an independent line of evidence alongside the manuscripts.
Most importantly, there is no plausible way the text could have been altered wholesale. By the end of the 2nd century, Paul’s letters had been copied and carried across the Roman world — from Rome to Corinth, from Antioch to Alexandria, from Asia Minor to North Africa. They were quoted in Greek, translated into Latin, Coptic, and Syriac, and cited by leaders as far apart as Clement in Rome, Ignatius in Syria, and Irenaeus in Gaul. To change Paul’s words in any significant way, someone would have had to gather up every copy, alter them in exactly the same fashion, and redistribute them across dozens of cities and multiple languages — without leaving any trace of disagreement. That never happened. The geographic spread of manuscripts and quotations itself is evidence of the stability of the text.

Taken together, this evidence shows that what we read in Paul’s letters today is the same message the earliest Christians received, studied, and preserved as Scripture.

8. Canon Lists and Heretical Canons

The Muratorian Fragment (c. 170–200 AD)

“As to the epistles of Paul, they themselves make clear to those desiring to understand which ones they are. First of all, he wrote to the Corinthians, addressing them in two letters. Then to the Ephesians, to the Philippians, to the Colossians, to the Galatians, to the Thessalonians — twice, and to the Romans. It is plain that he wrote these letters for the sake of instruction. There is yet another addressed to Philemon, one to Titus, and two to Timothy in affection and love. These are held sacred in the esteem of the Church and form part of the universal Church’s discipline and teaching.” (Muratorian Canon, lines 47–59)

The Muratorian list is the earliest surviving canon catalog. It carefully names nearly every Pauline letter — including all seven undisputed ones — and defends them as “sacred” and as part of the “universal Church’s discipline.” By around AD 180, Paul’s letters were not only being read but were already being formally recognized and defended as Scripture.

Marcion’s Canon (c. 140 AD)

Marcion, a heretic who rejected the Old Testament and much of Christianity, still accepted Paul as the true apostle. His canon included ten Pauline letters.

Ehrman comments:

“Marcion’s canon shows that the letters of Paul were already being collected and circulated as a group by the early second century.” (Lost Christianities, 2003, p. 104)

Even heresy confirms Paul’s letters were a recognized collection.

9. John’s Long Life

Irenaeus testifies that John lived until the reign of Trajan (Against Heresies 3.1.1). If John was a young man when he followed Jesus, he could have lived well into his 80s or 90s — stretching the apostolic witness into the closing years of the 1st century and the dawn of the 2nd.

Richard Bauckham notes:

“The Beloved Disciple… may well have been quite young during Jesus’ ministry. This possibility makes good sense of the tradition that he lived to extreme old age.” (Jesus and the Eyewitnesses, 2006, p. 390)

Even Bart Ehrman acknowledges:

“It is certainly possible—indeed plausible—that John was very young when he followed Jesus, which would help explain the later traditions about his longevity.” (How Jesus Became God, 2014, p. 124)

John’s long life bridged the gap between the first generation of apostles and the church of the 2nd century, anchoring the transmission of apostolic teaching.

10. Conclusion to Part 1

By the end of the 2nd century, Paul’s letters were:

Collected together in manuscripts like P46.
Quoted extensively by church leaders across the empire.
Preserved faithfully despite persecution.
Formally recognized in canon lists.
Respected even by heretics who tried to twist them.

The earliest Christians treated Paul’s writings not as casual correspondence but as sacred Scripture. They copied them carefully, spread them across the empire, quoted them as authoritative, and defended them in the face of challenges.

We do not have the originals. We cannot claim 100% certainty on every word. But the evidence — manuscripts, variants, patristic quotations, canon lists, and the geographic spread of witnesses — gives us extraordinary confidence that the letters we read today are the same message the earliest Christians received and preserved: the gospel of Christ through His apostle Paul.

Julius Caesar and the Jews

Now that we have seen why we can trust the preservation of Paul’s letters, we can step back into the wider Roman world where Christianity was born. To understand the setting of Jesus’ life and the early church, we begin with Julius Caesar and the unique place of the Jewish people in the empire.

1. Jewish Support for Julius Caesar (47–44 BC)

The Jews were not a marginal group in Caesar’s world — they were a significant presence across the Mediterranean, and their loyalty mattered.

During Caesar’s campaign in Egypt around 47 BC, Antipater, the father of Herod the Great, brought 3,000 Jewish troops to aid him:

“When Caesar had settled the affairs of Syria, he made his expedition against Egypt… Antipater brought three thousand armed men, partly Jews and partly foreigners. This force was very helpful to Caesar.” (Antiquities 14.8.1 §190)

Not long after, during Caesar’s campaign in Asia against Parthian-aligned forces, another 3,000 Jews under Hyrcanus II, the high priest, rallied to his side:

“The Jews in Asia also came to his assistance, being about three thousand armed men, and joined themselves to him. They did this, not only out of the goodwill they bore him, but also by the command of Hyrcanus the high priest, who at that time was in great friendship with Caesar.” (Antiquities 14.10.22 §295)

And when Caesar was assassinated in 44 BC, the Jews demonstrated their devotion in a way that astonished Roman observers:

“The Jews also mourned for him, and they even crowded about his house for many nights together bewailing their loss.” (Antiquities 14.10.1 §213)

The picture is consistent: the Jews fought for Caesar in Egypt, aided him in Asia against the Parthian threat, and grieved deeply at his assassination. Caesar, in turn, rewarded them richly and secured their privileges in the empire.

2. Size of the Jewish Population (1st century BC–1st century AD)

Why did Caesar value Jewish loyalty so highly? Quite simply, because the Jews were numerous, organized, and strategically placed across the empire.

Josephus emphasizes their strength in Rome itself:

“As for the Jews, they had already increased in numbers so greatly that it would have been hard to expel them from the city.” (Antiquities 14.7.2 §110)

Elsewhere, he insists their influence stretched across the entire Mediterranean world:

“There is not any city of the Grecians, nor any of the barbarians, nor any nation whatsoever, whither our custom of resting on the seventh day hath not come, and by which our fasts and lighting up lamps, and many of our prohibitions as to our food, are not observed.” (Against Apion 2.39 §282)

Philo of Alexandria, writing just after the time of Jesus, painted the same picture of their global dispersion:

“Countless myriads of Jews are in every region… in Asia and Europe, in the islands and mainland, in the East and the West.” (Embassy to Gaius §281, c. AD 41)

By the 1st century AD, Jews made up an estimated 7–10% of the Roman Empire — millions of people. Their largest concentrations were along the eastern frontier near Parthia, Rome’s greatest military rival. For Caesar, Jewish loyalty meant not just local support in Judea, but stability along the empire’s most contested border.

3. Caesar’s Decrees in Favor of the Jews (47–44 BC)

Julius Caesar did not merely thank the Jews with kind words; he issued a series of formal decrees guaranteeing their freedoms across the empire. Josephus preserves several of them in Antiquities 14, showing just how far Caesar was willing to go to secure Jewish loyalty.

Sabbath protection:

“It is not permitted to bring them before the tribunals on the Sabbath day, nor to require them to bear arms or to march, or to labor, on the Sabbath day.” (Antiquities 14.10.6 §213)

Right of assembly:

“They shall be permitted to assemble together according to their ancestral laws and ordinances, and to do so unhindered.” (Antiquities 14.10.8 §216)

Exemption from temple tribute taxes:

“They shall not be required to pay taxes on the sacred money which they send to Jerusalem, nor on their sacred offerings.” (Antiquities 14.10.8 §§213–216)

Provincial enforcement: Caesar repeated these protections in letters to governors in Asia Minor and Cyrene, instructing them to allow the Jews “to observe their own laws, and to enjoy the sacred money they collect for Jerusalem.” (Antiquities 14.10.8 §§223–225; 14.10.10 §235)

Taken together, these decrees amounted to a charter of Jewish privilege under Rome. Judaism was legally recognized, protected from interference, and granted rights unmatched by most other groups in the empire.

This made Judaism unique: an ancient religion formally safeguarded by Caesar’s laws. But it also created a problem for the future — because once Christianity emerged, the question would become: Does this new movement share in Jewish protections, or is it something new and therefore illegal?

4. Rome’s Respect for Ancient Religions

Why was Rome willing to tolerate the Jews? The answer lies in how Romans thought about religion. They admired what was old and distrusted what was new.

Pliny the Elder wrote in the 1st century AD:

“What is ancient is more holy; what is new is suspect.” (Natural History 28.3)

Tacitus, writing around 100 AD, echoed:

“Whatever their origin, the antiquity of their rites gives them credit.” (Histories 5.5)

Judaism, with its ancient laws and Scriptures, commanded a respect that protected it. Christianity, however, was seen as new — and therefore dangerous. Already, the seeds of conflict were planted.

5. Augustus: The Divine Son (27 BC–AD 14)

After Caesar’s assassination, his adopted son Octavian rose to power as Caesar Augustus. He carried his father’s legacy further, presenting himself as divine.

Suetonius records:

“He added the title ‘Son of a God’ to his name.” (Divus Augustus 94.1)

Augustus himself, in his Res Gestae (completed AD 14), boasts:

“After my death… the Senate decreed that my name should be included in the hymns of the Salii and be consecrated as a god.” (§35)

And the Priene Inscription (9 BC) celebrated him in language that should sound familiar to Christians:

“Since Providence… has filled [Augustus] with virtue so that he might benefit mankind… sending him as a Savior (sōtēr)… The birthday of the god Augustus was the beginning for the world of the good tidings (euangelion) that have come through him.” (OGIS 458)

Mark’s Gospel begins deliberately:

“The beginning of the gospel of Jesus Christ, the Son of God.” (Mark 1:1)

This was not just theology. It was a direct counter-claim to Rome’s imperial ideology.

6. Herod the Great and Mass Cruelties (37–4 BC)

Into this Roman world of Caesar’s decrees and Augustus’s divine claims came Herod the Great, Rome’s client king in Judea. He ruled from 37 BC until his death in 4 BC.

Josephus paints Herod as a man driven by paranoia and ruthless violence:

“His whole life was a continual scene of bloodshed; even his own sons were not spared.” (Antiquities 17.6.5 §§191–192)

“He gave orders to kill a great number of the most illustrious men of the whole Jewish nation.” (Antiquities 17.6.5 §204)

Among Herod’s victims was Hyrcanus II, the very same high priest who had once supported Julius Caesar and had brought troops to his aid. The execution of Caesar’s old ally showed that loyalty to Rome did not guarantee survival under a client king’s suspicion.

It is in this context that Matthew records Herod’s order to slaughter the infants in Bethlehem:

“Then Herod, when he saw that he had been tricked by the wise men, became furious, and he sent and killed all the male children in Bethlehem and in all that region who were two years old or under, according to the time that he had ascertained from the wise men.” (Matthew 2:16)

Some modern critics question this account because Josephus does not mention it. But considering what Josephus does report — the executions of Herod’s own sons, the planned massacre of Jerusalem’s leaders, and his general record of bloodshed — the killing of children in a small village is tragically consistent with his character. For Josephus, who focused on political and military events, such an atrocity may not have been considered significant enough to record. For Matthew, it carried theological and prophetic weight.

This also helps us with the dating of Jesus’ birth. Since Herod died in 4 BC, and Matthew describes Jesus as up to two years old at the time of the slaughter, most historians conclude that Jesus was born around 6 BC.

When Herod died, Judea erupted in revolt. The Roman governor Publius Quinctilius Varus marched swiftly from Syria to suppress it. His response was brutal:

“Varus… crucified about two thousand of those that had been the authors of the revolt.” (Jewish War 2.5.2 §75)

The roads around Jerusalem lined with crosses, the infants of Bethlehem slaughtered at a king’s command — these were the realities of the world into which Jesus was born.

7. The Census and Judas the Galilean (AD 6)

In AD 6, Rome removed Archelaus, Herod’s son, and made Judea a Roman province under direct rule. A census for taxation was ordered.

Josephus says:

“Coponius, a man of the equestrian order, was sent by Caesar to govern the Jews, and he had the power of life and death put into his hands by Caesar.” (Antiquities 18.1.1 §2)

A Galilean named Judas stirred rebellion:

“Judas of Galilee… said that this taxation was nothing less than slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty.” (Antiquities 18.1.6 §4)

Josephus describes their conviction:

“They say that God alone is their ruler and lord… and they do not value dying any more than living.” (Jewish War 2.8.1 §§117–118)

And he marks this moment as the beginning of a movement that would plague Rome for decades:

“This was the beginning of great disturbances.” (Antiquities 18.1.8 §27)

Jesus was about 12 years old at this time. He grew up in Galilee, the very region where Judas had raised his banner of revolt, and where memories of Rome’s response — arrests, crucifixions, suppression — were seared into the minds of families.

8. Rome Never Forgets (AD 46–48)

Rome did not forgive rebellion quickly. Even decades later, the family of Judas was hunted down. During the procuratorship of Tiberius Alexander (AD 46–48), two of Judas’s sons were captured:

“Two of his sons, James and Simon, were taken and crucified.” (Antiquities 20.5.2 §102)

This shows Rome’s long memory. Not only rebels, but their families were targeted. Even after Jesus’ crucifixion, Judas’s line was still being crucified.

9. Other Revolts, Other Crosses (1st century AD)

It is important to remember that Judea was not the only province to resist taxation. Tacitus records that in AD 21, the Gauls protested a census:

“The Gauls… declared they were being reduced to slavery under the guise of a census and taxation.” (Annals 3.40)

And in AD 60–61, the Britons under Boudica rose up violently against Rome’s abuses and tribute demands:

“The Britons… outraged by abuses and tribute, rose in fury to throw off the Roman yoke.” (Annals 14.31)

But there was a difference. For Gauls and Britons, taxation was political slavery. For Jews, taxation was also a theological affront. To pay tribute to Caesar was to confess him as lord, something only God could be. That is why resistance in Judea carried such intensity — it was not just about politics, but about worship.

10. Conclusion to Part 2

From Caesar’s decrees to Augustus’s divine titles, from Herod’s paranoia to Varus’s mass crucifixions, from Judas the Galilean’s revolt to Rome’s relentless vengeance, the Jewish world into which Jesus was born was dominated by imperial propaganda, oppressive taxation, and violent suppression.

The first Christians grew up in this environment. They knew what Rome demanded: loyalty, taxes, sacrifice, even worship. They also knew what Rome did to those who resisted: crosses by the thousands.

So when they proclaimed Jesus as Lord and Savior, they were not speaking safe religious words. They were directly challenging the claims of Caesar himself.

Faith in the Age of Commodus: From Senate Martyrs to Catacomb Worship

September 13, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

When Marcus Aurelius died in AD 180, the Roman world changed. For nearly a century the empire had been governed by what historians often call the “five good emperors”: Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius. Each was chosen by adoption, trained for years, and admired for discipline and stability. But Marcus broke the pattern. He left the empire to his son, Commodus — a move that ancient writers say marked the decline of Rome’s golden age.

Executions in the Imperial Household

At the very end of Marcus’ reign, even members of the imperial household were executed. Dio Cassius records:

“Many others, however, who adopted foreign customs were persecuted, and great numbers of them perished. And, in particular, those who were accused of atheism were executed. Among these were several of those who belonged to the imperial household.” (Roman History 72.4, Loeb)

The Romans used the charge of atheism not in our modern sense of denying all gods, but of rejecting the gods of Rome. Jews and Christians were the ones most often branded as atheists, because they refused to sacrifice to the gods and the emperor. The fact that Dio says members of the imperial household were executed strongly suggests that Christianity had already reached into Caesar’s own palace — and that believers there paid with their lives.

This makes what followed under Commodus all the more striking.

The Character of Commodus

Dio Cassius, who lived through Commodus’ reign, offers us a vivid portrait:

“Commodus was not naturally wicked, but, on the contrary, as guileless as any man that ever lived. His great simplicity, however, together with his cowardice, made him the slave of his companions, and it was through them that he at first, out of ignorance, missed the better life and then was led on into lustful and cruel habits, which soon became second nature.” (Roman History 72.1, Loeb)

Herodian likewise describes Commodus as a man given over to entertainment and self-indulgence:

“He showed no interest in military campaigns nor in the hardships of war; he devoted his entire attention to the amusements of the circus and the theater, delighting in gladiatorial spectacles and contests with wild beasts.” (Roman History 1.15.9, Loeb)

This is the emperor who styled himself Hercules, fought in the arena, and renamed Rome after himself. Ancient authors despised him as cruel and debased.

And yet — Christians found unexpected favor in his reign.

A Turning Point for Christians

Eusebius tells us:

“In the time of Commodus, our affairs took an easier turn. By the grace of God the emperor’s concubine, Marcia by name, who was highly honored by him, was friendly to the Christians. She rendered many favors to our brethren, for she requested the emperor to grant the release of those who had been condemned to labor in the mines of Sardinia. And he readily granted her request.” (Church History 5.21, Loeb)

Think of the contrast: under Marcus, Christians in the imperial household were executed; under Commodus, a member of the imperial household — his concubine Marcia — became the protector of Christians, winning freedom for many. The palace went from being a place of death to a place of refuge.

Eusebius’ Perspective

Eusebius interprets Marcia’s intervention as proof that the whole situation of Christians “took an easier turn” under Commodus. But this is the same mistake he had made when describing Hadrian. In Church History 4.9, he claimed that Hadrian’s rescript lessened persecution, when in fact it only required Christians to be executed after formal accusation and trial. The legal status of Christianity never changed.

So too under Commodus: while individual figures like Marcia could grant relief, the “ancient law” still condemned Christians once accused. As the case of Apollonius shows, the empire’s hostility remained intact.

The Case of Apollonius

Eusebius also preserves the case of Apollonius, a Christian senator:

“At this time Apollonius, a senator who was well learned and of great distinction, came forward as a champion of the faith. Accused by one of his servants, he gave an eloquent and philosophical defense of Christianity before the Senate. Yet he was not permitted to go free, but in accordance with an ancient law that no Christian who had once been brought before the tribunal should be dismissed unpunished, he was condemned and executed.” (Church History 5.21, Loeb)

Apollonius was not a slave or artisan, but a senator — a member of Rome’s ruling elite. This alone shows how far Christianity had spread in just 150 years. Yet even his status could not shield him from the law.

What Did “Ancient Law” Mean?

Eusebius says Apollonius died under an “ancient law.” For Romans, a law could be called ancient (vetus or antiqua) if it had been established by earlier emperors or the Senate and had been observed continuously. It did not require centuries of distance. Cicero used vetus in the 1st century BC to describe laws less than a hundred years old. By Apollonius’ time, Nero’s precedent (AD 64) was already more than a century old — plenty of time for it to be viewed as antiqua lex.

This fits perfectly with Trajan’s rescript to Pliny (c. 112). When Pliny asked how to handle Christians, Trajan didn’t invent a new rule; he assumed the principle was already established. His ruling — “They are not to be sought out, but if accused and proven guilty, they must be punished” — shows that the criminality of Christianity itself was a recognized policy across the empire. By Commodus’ day, the Senate could legitimately call this an “ancient law.”

So the martyrdom of Apollonius was not local prejudice. It was the outworking of a Roman legal culture that had, since Nero, considered Christians criminal by definition.

Christianity in High Places — and Under Empire-Wide Law

By Commodus’ reign, Christianity had a paradoxical position. On the one hand, it had entered the palace: Marcia secured the release of prisoners. It had entered the Senate: Apollonius confessed Christ before Rome’s rulers. On the other hand, the very same Senate invoked the ancient law that bound them to execute Christians once accused.

This shows why skeptical historians are mistaken to portray persecution as local and sporadic. The record of Apollonius proves otherwise: Christianity had been treated as a crime throughout the empire since Nero’s precedent. Trajan’s rescript only confirmed what was already assumed to be Roman policy. By calling it an “ancient law,” the Senate in Commodus’ day acknowledged that Christians had been subject to execution for generations.

The stories we possess come from certain places — Lyons, Smyrna, Rome, Bithynia — but the law itself was empire-wide. Every Christian in every province lived under its shadow.

And yet, Christians did not retreat into silence. Even while the empire branded them criminals, they carved out spaces where their hope was made visible. Nowhere is this clearer than in the catacombs of Rome, which became both burial grounds and gathering places for a people who lived under constant threat.

What Are Catacombs?

Catacombs are underground burial galleries dug out of the soft volcanic stone (tufa) beneath Rome and other cities. They began as family tomb networks, but by the late 2nd century Christians began using them extensively. Unlike pagan necropoleis, which were mostly above ground, catacombs gave Christians a way to bury their dead together and to mark their faith with symbols of hope — the fish, the anchor, the Good Shepherd.

They were not secret hideouts (as legend sometimes imagines) but cemeteries that doubled as gathering spaces. Christians would hold memorial meals (refrigeria) on the anniversaries of a martyr’s death, or gather to pray and read Scripture. These underground spaces gave Christianity a physical presence in Rome that was both practical and symbolic.

Who Was Domitilla?

The Catacomb of Domitilla takes its name from Flavia Domitilla, a noblewoman of the Flavian dynasty (the same imperial family as Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian). Ancient sources say she was exiled by Domitian, possibly for sympathy with Jews or Christians.

Her property outside Rome became the site of one of the largest Christian cemeteries. This link to the Flavian family shows that Christianity was not only present among the poor but was also connected, even from the 1st century, with Roman aristocracy.

The Unique Chamber in Domitilla

Within the Catacomb of Domitilla is a chamber unlike any other known space from this early period — the so-called hypogeum of the Flavians:

Architectural design: benches carved into the walls on three sides, allowing 30–40 people to recline for meals.
Decoration: Christian frescoes on the plastered walls — symbols like the fish, the Good Shepherd, and biblical scenes.
Function: communal banquets for the dead (refrigeria), and likely the Eucharist as well.

This is the earliest surviving space adapted for Christian assembly. Before this, house churches left no archaeological trace distinct from other homes. The Domitilla chamber is different: it was carved and decorated in ways that mark it as intentionally Christian.

Here, during the same years Apollonius stood in the Senate and Marcia interceded in the palace, Christians were gathering underground in spaces designed for their worship and remembrance.

Christian Authors and Contested Writings

The reign of Commodus also coincided with one of the richest bursts of Christian literature in the 2nd century. While some believers were dying under law and others were carving chambers in the catacombs, Christian teachers were laying down the intellectual and theological foundations of the faith.

Irenaeus of Lyons

Irenaeus had been born in Asia Minor, most likely in Smyrna, where as a youth he had listened to Polycarp, the disciple of the apostle John. Later he moved west to Gaul, where he served as a presbyter in Lyons. After the persecutions of AD 177 that left his community devastated and their bishop Pothinus martyred, Irenaeus returned from a mission in Rome and was chosen as the new bishop of Lyons.

It was from this place of pain and resilience that he composed one of the most important works in Christian history. Its title was “Detection and Overthrow of Knowledge Falsely So-Called” — what we call Against Heresies. Unlike earlier apologists (Justin Martyr, Athenagoras), who wrote defenses to pagan rulers, Irenaeus aimed his work inward: to protect Christians from the flood of Gnostic sects and rival “gospels” circulating in his day.

He begins by describing the danger:

“They set forth their own compositions, boasting that they have more gospels than there really are. But in truth they have not gospels which are not full of blasphemy. For indeed there can be no more or fewer than the number of the gospels we have declared.” (Against Heresies 3.11.9, Loeb)

On Persecution

“The suffering of the righteous… is not new, but has been foreshown by the prophets, and fulfilled in Christ, and is now being fulfilled in the Church.” (Against Heresies 5.30.1, Loeb)

Here he interprets martyrdom itself — the loss of his own flock — as fulfillment of God’s plan. Persecution was not failure, but continuity with Christ.

On the Unity of the Church

“The Church, though dispersed throughout the whole world, even to the ends of the earth, has received from the apostles and their disciples this faith… She likewise believes these things as if she had but one soul and the same heart, and she proclaims them, and teaches them, and hands them down with perfect harmony, as if she possessed but one mouth. For, although the languages of the world are dissimilar, yet the import of the tradition is one and the same.” (Against Heresies 1.10.2, Loeb)

Even after his own community was ravaged, Irenaeus could insist that the church was one body, one voice, one heart across the world.

On the Fourfold Gospel

“It is not possible that the Gospels can be either more or fewer in number than they are. For, since there are four zones of the world in which we live, and four principal winds, while the Church is scattered throughout all the world… it is fitting that she should have four pillars, breathing out immortality on every side.” (Against Heresies 3.11.8, Loeb)

Against those who produced “more gospels,” Irenaeus anchored the church to the fourfold Gospel.

On Apostolic Continuity

“For it is a matter of necessity that every Church should agree with this Church [Rome], on account of its preeminent authority… The blessed apostles, then, having founded and built up the Church, committed into the hands of Linus the office of the episcopate… and now, in the twelfth place from the apostles, Eleutherus holds the inheritance of the episcopate.” (Against Heresies 3.3.2–3, Loeb)

This list of bishops, written during Commodus’ reign, was a defiant declaration: the church had unbroken succession from the apostles, while heretical sects had none.

On Christian Generosity

“The Jews were constrained to a regular payment of tithes; but Christians, who have received liberty, assign all their possessions to the Lord, bestowing joyfully and freely not the lesser portions of their property, since they have the hope of better things; like that poor widow who cast all her living into the treasury of God.” (Against Heresies 4.18.2)

This illustrates the distinctive spirit of the early church: while Roman officials often accused Christians of atheism or secrecy, their actual way of life was one of generosity, freely giving to the Lord and to the poor.

In Irenaeus we see the Christian mind under Commodus: scarred by persecution, yet confident in Scripture, united across the world, rooted in apostolic succession, and marked by radical generosity.

The Muratorian Fragment

The Muratorian Fragment, written around AD 180 in Rome, is our earliest surviving canonical list. It is preserved in a damaged Latin manuscript, so the very beginning and end are missing, but what remains is invaluable. It shows that by Commodus’ reign, the church already recognized a core New Testament canon.

On the Gospels

The opening lines are broken, but it clearly names Luke and John as the third and fourth Gospels — which implies Matthew and Mark were already listed. It says:

“The third book of the Gospel is that according to Luke… The fourth Gospel is that of John, one of the disciples.”

This affirms what Irenaeus said about the fourfold Gospel: no more, no fewer.

On Acts

“The Acts of all the apostles have been written in one book. Luke so comprised them for the most excellent Theophilus, because the several events took place when he was present.”

Acts was treated as authoritative history, alongside the Gospels.

On Paul’s Letters

“The blessed apostle Paul himself, following the order of his predecessor John, writes only to seven churches by name… But although he writes twice to the Corinthians and Thessalonians for correction, it is yet shown — one Church is recognized as being spread throughout the whole earth.”

Paul’s letters are described in a symbolic sevenfold pattern (like Revelation’s seven churches), but the list also included Philemon, Titus, and Timothy.

On Catholic Epistles and Revelation

The fragment accepts Jude and two letters of John. It recognizes the Apocalypse of John, and even mentions the Apocalypse of Peter — though it notes that some in the church did not want it read publicly.

On Spurious Works

The fragment draws a sharp line against forgeries:

“But the Epistle of Paul to the Laodiceans, and another to the Alexandrians, forged in Paul’s name for the heresy of Marcion, must be rejected… neither may gall be mixed with honey.”

This shows the church was not passively receiving every book that claimed apostolic authorship — it was testing and rejecting fakes.

On the Shepherd of Hermas

“But Hermas wrote the Shepherd quite recently, in our times, in the city of Rome, while his brother Pius was occupying the bishop’s chair. And therefore it ought indeed to be read; but it cannot be read publicly to the people in church, either among the prophets, whose number is complete, or among the apostles.”

This is remarkable. It shows that Roman Christians in Commodus’ day valued Hermas, but they knew it was recent and therefore not apostolic Scripture. It was good for private devotion, not for the public canon.

Why the Muratorian Fragment Matters

The Muratorian Fragment proves that by Commodus’ reign, the church already:

Recognized the four Gospels as the only Gospels.
Affirmed Acts, Paul’s letters, Revelation, and several Catholic Epistles.
Debated a few books (like the Apocalypse of Peter).
Rejected outright forgeries tied to heretical groups.
Distinguished between useful writings (like Hermas) and canonical Scripture.

Canon formation was not a 4th-century invention; it was already well advanced in the 2nd century.

Theophilus of Antioch

Theophilus, bishop of Antioch until about AD 183, was the earliest Christian writer to use the word “Trinity” (trias). Earlier Christians (like Justin Martyr) had spoken in triadic ways — Father, Son, and Spirit — but Theophilus is the first whose writings explicitly use the term.

On the Trinity

“In like manner also the three days which were before the luminaries are types of the Trinity (trias), of God, and His Word, and His Wisdom… The first is God, the second is the Son, the third is the Spirit of prophecy.” (To Autolycus 2.15)

This is one of the earliest explicit triadic statements: Father, Son, and Spirit named together.

On Scripture

“But if you will give yourself to a more exact study of the Scriptures, you will learn from them more accurately concerning God and His Christ, and concerning all things that are revealed.” (To Autolycus 2.9)

On Creation

“God, having His own Word internal within His own bowels, begat Him, emitting Him along with His own Wisdom before all things. He had this Word as a helper in the things that were created by Him, and by Him He made all things.” (To Autolycus 2.10)

On Idolatry

“Do not wonder if the truth is belabored by the lie; for first the lie is more ancient, but truth appeared later. For the truth always conquers, and falsehood is overcome.” (To Autolycus 1.14)

These words capture the apologetic spirit of Commodus’ era: Christians accused of atheism for rejecting idols, yet proclaiming Christ as the eternal Word, and the Spirit as the Spirit of prophecy.

Gnostic Rivals — The Gospel of Judas and Other Apocrypha

At the same time that orthodox leaders were defending the apostolic faith, rival groups were producing their own “gospels” and “acts.”

Irenaeus described one such group, the Cainites:

“They declare that Judas the traitor was thoroughly acquainted with these things, and that he alone, knowing the truth as no others did, accomplished the mystery of the betrayal. They produce a fictitious history which they style the Gospel of Judas.” (Against Heresies 1.31.1, Loeb)

For centuries this was our only evidence for the Gospel of Judas. Then, in the late 20th century, a Coptic manuscript was discovered in Egypt. Its contents matched Irenaeus’ account exactly.

In the text, Jesus mocks the disciples’ prayers:

“When he came to his disciples … they were gathered together and offering a prayer of thanksgiving over the bread. When he approached, he laughed.” (Gospel of Judas 33)

And to Judas, he offers a shocking commendation:

“You will exceed all of them. For you will sacrifice the man that clothes me.” (Gospel of Judas 56)

This bizarre inversion makes Judas the hero, praised for helping to discard Jesus’ human body. The discovery confirmed Irenaeus was right: the Gnostic “gospel” glorified the betrayer and denied Christ’s true incarnation.

Other apocrypha from this period were equally strange:

Apocryphal Gospels (30+ known by this time)

Gospel of Judas — Judas exalted for “sacrificing the man that clothes me.”
Gospel of Truth — Valentinian meditation redefining salvation as knowledge.
Gospel of the Egyptians — cited by Clement of Alexandria; ascetic in tone.
Gospel of Peter — fragment portrays a docetic Christ whose body feels no pain.
Gospel of the Hebrews — fragments used among Jewish-Christian groups.
Infancy Gospel of Thomas — boy Jesus curses playmates and strikes them dead, then raises them again.
Protoevangelium of James — elaborates Mary’s miraculous birth and childhood.
Gospel of the Ebionites — fragments depict a vegetarian Jesus, denying his divinity.
Gospel of the Nazarenes — fragments cited by Jerome.

Apocryphal Acts

Acts of Peter — includes the “Quo Vadis” scene; Peter crucified upside down.
Acts of Paul and Thecla — Thecla survives fire and beasts, preaches, baptizes herself.
Acts of John — Jesus leaves “no footprints,” appears in shifting forms.
Acts of Andrew — legendary missionary journeys and martyrdom of Andrew.
Acts of Thomas — missionary work in India, includes the famous “Hymn of the Pearl.”

Apocryphal Apocalypses

Apocalypse of Peter — visions of heaven and hell; debated in some churches.
Apocalypse of Paul — visionary journeys that became very popular later.
Apocalypse of Adam — Gnostic cosmology denying the Creator God.
Apocalypse of Zephaniah — Jewish-Christian apocalypse with angelic visions.

Other Gnostic Treatises Already Circulating

Gospel of Mary — Mary Magdalene as the revealer of secret knowledge. “Peter said to Mary, ‘Sister, we know that the Savior loved you more than the rest of women. Tell us the words of the Savior which you remember…’” (Gospel of Mary 10)
Apocryphon of John — a Gnostic retelling of Genesis, portraying the Creator God as an ignorant “demiurge.” “And he [the demiurge] said, ‘I am a jealous God, and there is no other god beside me.’ But by announcing this, he indicated to the angels who attended him that another God does exist.” (Apocryphon of John)
Teachings of Silvanus — wisdom text urging the pursuit of knowledge as the highest good.

By the year 200, at least 50–60 apocryphal works were already circulating — dozens of gospels, multiple acts, several apocalypses, and a growing shelf of Gnostic treatises. Some exalted Judas, others denied Jesus’ humanity, others turned Mary Magdalene into the revealer of hidden truth, and still others recast the Creator God as a blind and ignorant impostor.

Against this avalanche of counterfeits, the defenses of Irenaeus, the canon list of Rome, and the clarity of Theophilus stand out all the more. And archaeology has confirmed that they were not exaggerating. The rediscovery of the Gospel of Judas proved Irenaeus was right: the heretics really did produce “fictitious histories” that glorified the betrayer and denied Christ.

Conclusion

Commodus was assassinated in AD 192, strangled in his bath after twelve years of misrule. His death plunged Rome into the bloody “Year of the Five Emperors.” For the empire, his reign was remembered as a disgrace. But for Christians, Commodus’ years were remembered as a respite — a surprising turn from death in the palace to protection in the palace.

What began as a persecuted movement among the poor now had defenders in Caesar’s own household, a senator willing to declare Christ before Rome’s highest assembly, believers carving out rooms in the catacombs as their first communal spaces, and teachers like Irenaeus and Theophilus shaping the canon of Scripture and even the very word “Trinity” — all while the shadow of an “ancient law” reminded believers that the empire still considered them criminals.

Commodus’ reign thus marks a turning point: the faith of Jesus Christ was no longer hidden at the margins but had reached the heart of the empire, the underground corridors of Rome, and the contested battlefield of competing gospels — with the apostolic church proving itself the reliable guardian of the truth.

The Church’s Voice in an Emperor’s “Peaceful” Reign

August 31, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

Antoninus Pius (AD 138–161) is remembered as one of Rome’s “Five Good Emperors.” His reign lasted twenty-three years and was marked by peace, stability, and prosperity. He earned the title Pius because of his devotion: to his adoptive father Hadrian, whose memory he defended; to Roman religion, which he honored scrupulously; and to his family. Ancient writers portray him as the model of dutifulness and justice.

But beneath this outward calm, Christianity continued to grow. For Christians, Antoninus’ reign was not simply peaceful. It was a season of both intellectual flourishing and enduring danger. Some of the earliest apologies — reasoned defenses of Christianity addressed to emperors — come from this time, as well as one of the most famous martyrdom accounts of the ancient church.

Antoninus and His Reputation

The Historia Augusta reports:

“He was called Pius for the following reason: When the Senate wanted to annul Hadrian’s decrees, he persuaded them not to do so. He supported the father of his wife Faustina, who had been accused, and obtained his pardon. He always treated his stepmother with respect and honor. And he always sacrificed to the gods, showing reverence in every way.” (Life of Antoninus Pius, 6).

This reputation for reverence and stability carried into later Roman memory. He was remembered as a benevolent emperor who avoided war, strengthened the law, and ensured financial security.

Justin Martyr: Pleading Before the Emperors

During Antoninus’ reign, the Christian philosopher Justin Martyr composed his First Apology (c. 155), addressed to Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Lucius Verus, and the Roman Senate. Why multiple emperors? Because Antoninus had adopted Marcus and Lucius as his heirs. By addressing all of them, Justin was not only appealing to the reigning emperor but also to those who would succeed him. He wanted Christianity to be judged fairly at the highest level of Rome.

Justin’s central plea was simple: stop condemning Christians for their name alone.

“Reason requires that those who are accused should not be condemned without a trial, nor hated on account of a name. For what is the accusation? That we are called Christians. This is no crime. The charge is only that we bear a name. If any is found guilty of evil, let him be punished as an evildoer; but not on account of the name, if he is found to be guiltless.” (First Apology 4, Loeb).

He exposed the absurdity of condemning someone merely for a title:

“For from a name neither praise nor punishment could reasonably spring, unless something excellent or base in action can be shown about it. Those who accuse us of atheism, because we do not worship the same gods as you, charge us falsely; for we worship the Maker of this universe, declaring that He has no need of streams of blood and libations and incense.” (First Apology 6, Loeb).

Justin also wanted to show that Christians lived morally upright lives:

“We who once delighted in fornication, now embrace chastity alone. We who used magical arts dedicate ourselves to the good and unbegotten God. We who loved gain above all things now bring what we have into a common stock, and share with every needy one. We who hated and destroyed one another, and on account of our different customs would not live with men of a different tribe, now, since the coming of Christ, live familiarly with them, and pray for our enemies.” (First Apology 14, Loeb).

Describing Christian Worship

Before Justin, the Roman governor Pliny the Younger had reported what former Christians told him under interrogation (ca. AD 112 under Trajan):

“They declared that the sum of their fault or error had been that they were accustomed to meet on a fixed day before dawn, and to sing responsively a hymn to Christ as to a god, and to bind themselves by an oath, not to some crime, but not to commit theft, robbery, or adultery, not to break their word, and not to refuse to return a deposit when asked for it. After this it was their custom to depart, and then to assemble again to partake of food — but ordinary and innocent food.” (Pliny, Letters 10.96, Loeb).

But Justin’s First Apology is the first time a Christian himself described worship directly to the Roman emperors. His account is fuller, and deliberately meant to explain Christian practice in detail:

“On the day called Sunday, all who live in cities or in the country gather together in one place, and the memoirs of the apostles or the writings of the prophets are read, as long as time permits. Then, when the reader has finished, the president verbally instructs, and exhorts to the imitation of these good things. Then we all rise together and pray, and, as we said before, when our prayer is ended, bread and wine and water are brought, and the president in like manner offers prayers and thanksgivings, according to his ability, and the people assent, saying Amen; and there is a distribution to each, and a sharing of that over which thanks have been given, and to those who are absent a portion is sent by the deacons.” (First Apology 67, Loeb).

And on the Eucharist:

“This food is called among us the Eucharist, of which no one is allowed to partake but the man who believes that the things which we teach are true, and who has been washed with the washing for the remission of sins, and unto regeneration, and who is so living as Christ has enjoined. For not as common bread and common drink do we receive these; but in like manner as Jesus Christ our Savior, having been made flesh by the Word of God, had both flesh and blood for our salvation, so likewise have we been taught that the food which is blessed by the prayer of His word, and from which our blood and flesh are nourished, is the flesh and blood of that Jesus who was made flesh.” (First Apology 66, Loeb).

Justin left no doubt: Christians worshiped Christ as God, and their meal was not symbolic but sacred — the body and blood of Jesus.

In his Second Apology, Justin gave examples of how Christians were still executed for the name alone:

“When a certain woman, who had been made a disciple of Christ, remained with her husband for a time and tried to persuade him to live in chastity, and when he continued in licentiousness, she left him. Then, when she was about to be married to another, her former husband accused her of being a Christian. She presented a petition to delay the case until she could arrange her affairs, but her instructor in the faith was arrested and punished merely for being called a Christian.” (Second Apology 2, Loeb).

Even under Antoninus, Christians died for their confession of Christ.

Polycarp: Faithful Unto Death

At roughly the same time, Polycarp — bishop of Smyrna and disciple of the apostle John — was brought before the Roman proconsul.

When pressed to deny Christ, he famously replied:

“Eighty-six years I have served him, and he has done me no wrong. How then can I blaspheme my King who saved me?” (Martyrdom of Polycarp 9, Loeb).

The proconsul urged him to swear by Caesar:

“Swear by the fortune of Caesar; repent, and say, Away with the atheists!’ But Polycarp, with solemn countenance, looked upon all the lawless heathen in the arena, and waving his hand toward them, groaned, and looking up to heaven, said: ‘Away with the atheists.’” (Martyrdom of Polycarp 10, Loeb).

As they bound him for the fire, he prayed:

“O Lord God Almighty, Father of Thy beloved and blessed Son Jesus Christ, by whom we have received the knowledge of Thee, the God of angels and powers and every creature, and of all the righteous who live before Thee, I bless Thee that Thou hast counted me worthy of this day and hour, that I may share, among the number of the martyrs, in the cup of Thy Christ, for resurrection to eternal life both of soul and body, in the incorruptibility of the Holy Spirit.” (Martyrdom of Polycarp 14, Loeb).

Polycarp’s death under Antoninus shows that Rome still demanded worship of Caesar — and Christians who refused still died.

The Epistle to Diognetus: Citizens of Another World

From the same period comes the anonymous Epistle to Diognetus. It begins with a fictional inquirer raising the questions that many pagans asked about Christians:

“Since I see, most excellent Diognetus, that you are exceedingly anxious to learn the religion of the Christians, and are searching into it with the most careful and exact inquiry — as to what God they trust, and how they worship Him, that they all despise the world and disregard death, and neither account the acknowledged gods of the Greeks to be gods, nor observe the superstition of the Jews; and what kind of love they have for one another, and why this new race or practice has entered into life now and not before — I welcome this zeal of yours, and I beg of God, who enables both us to speak and you to hear, that it may be granted to both of us to profit by what we learn.” (Epistle to Diognetus 1, Loeb).

After dismissing both idol worship and Jewish ritual sacrifices as unworthy of God, the author explains that Christianity did not come from human speculation, but from revelation:

“When then you have freed yourself from all these things, and laid aside the error of the common talk, and are rid of the deception of the gods, and no longer suppose, like the Jews, that God has need of sacrifices — then shall you learn what is the true mystery of the Christian faith. For neither by curiosity nor by busy inquiry have we learned it, nor did we discover it through the art of men, as in some empty talk; but it has been handed down to us from the very Word of God Himself, who was sent from heaven by God to men.” (Epistle to Diognetus 4, Loeb).

And then comes one of the most moving descriptions of the Christian life in the entire second century — a vision of paradox, resilience, and heavenly citizenship:

“For Christians are not distinguished from the rest of mankind by country or by speech or by customs. For they do not dwell somewhere in their own cities, nor do they use some different language, nor practice a peculiar kind of life. This teaching of theirs has not been discovered by the thought and reflection of inquisitive men, nor do they champion any human doctrine, as some do. But while they dwell in both Greek and barbarian cities, as each has fallen to their lot, and follow the native customs in clothing and food and the other matters of daily life, yet the condition of citizenship which they exhibit is wonderful, and admittedly strange. They live in their own countries, but only as sojourners; they share all things as citizens, and suffer all things as foreigners. Every foreign country is a fatherland to them, and every fatherland is foreign.

They marry like all other men, and they beget children; but they do not cast away their offspring. They have their meals in common, but not their wives. They are found in the flesh, yet they do not live after the flesh. They spend their days upon earth, but their citizenship is in heaven. They obey the established laws, and they surpass the laws in their own lives. They love all men, and are persecuted by all. They are not known, and yet they are condemned. They are put to death, and yet they are quickened into life. They are poor, yet make many rich; they lack all things, and yet abound in all things. They are dishonored, and yet are glorified in their dishonor. They are spoken evil of, and yet are justified. They are reviled, and bless; they are insulted, and repay the insult with honor. They do good, yet are punished as evildoers. Being punished, they rejoice as though they were thereby quickened into life. The Jews make war upon them as foreigners, and the Greeks persecute them; and those who hate them cannot state the cause of their enmity.” (Epistle to Diognetus 5–6, Loeb).

This is how Christians under Antoninus saw themselves: rooted in Roman cities, yet belonging to another world; hated and persecuted, yet bringing life to others; dishonored, yet glorified; punished, yet rejoicing.

Hegesippus: Guarding the Apostolic Tradition

During Antoninus’ reign, the writer Hegesippus began preserving Christian memory in his five books of Memoirs. Sadly the work is lost, but fragments survive in Eusebius:

On the uniformity of doctrine:

“And the Church of Corinth continued in the true faith until Primus was bishop in Corinth; and I conversed with them on my voyage to Rome, and we were refreshed together in the true doctrine. And being in Rome I made a succession up to Anicetus, whose deacon was Eleutherus. And after Anicetus, Soter succeeded, and after him Eleutherus. In every succession and in every city things are as the Law and the Prophets and the Lord proclaim.” (Hist. Eccl. 4.22.1–3, Loeb).

On the family of Jesus (“desposyni”):

“There still survived of the kindred of the Lord the grandsons of Jude, who had been called his brother according to the flesh. … Domitian asked them how much property they owned; they said they had only thirty-nine plethra of land, and showed their calloused hands from farming. Asked about Christ and his kingdom, they replied that it was not earthly but heavenly and angelic, to appear at the end of the world. At this Domitian let them go, and they became leaders of the churches, both as witnesses and as of the Lord’s family.” (Hist. Eccl. 3.19–20, Loeb).

On James the Just:

“James, the brother of the Lord, succeeded to the government of the Church in conjunction with the apostles. … His knees became hard like a camel’s because of his constant worship, kneeling and asking forgiveness for the people. … They threw him down from the temple, stoned him, and finally a fuller’s club struck his head. Thus he bore witness, and they buried him by the temple, and his monument still remains.” (Hist. Eccl. 2.23, Loeb, citing Hegesippus).

On heresies after the apostles:

“Until the times of Trajan the Church continued a pure and uncorrupted virgin. But when the sacred band of apostles had closed their lives, and that generation passed away, then the conspiracy of godless error arose through the fraud of false teachers.” (Hist. Eccl. 4.22.4–7, Loeb).

Hegesippus stands as one of the earliest church historians, traveling through cities, checking successions of bishops, and insisting on continuity with the apostles.

The Rescript of Antoninus — and Why It Fails

Eusebius also preserves a decree attributed to Antoninus, which seems to restrain mob violence against Christians:

“If, therefore, the provincials are able to make a clear case against the Christians in court, let them bring charges. But it is unlawful to persecute them merely for the name. If anyone continues to harass them, let the one accused be released, even though he be found to be a Christian, and let the informer be punished.” (Church History IV.13, Loeb).

At first glance, this sounds as if Antoninus protected Christians. But the evidence of the time says otherwise.

Justin begged that Christians not be condemned for the name alone — which shows they were.
Polycarp was executed for refusing to deny Christ.
Justin’s Second Apology explicitly describes Christians punished “merely for being called a Christian.”

For these reasons, most historians conclude that Eusebius was wrong in this instance — either quoting a spurious decree or idealizing Antoninus. Whatever Antoninus may have written, Christians still died for their confession of Christ.

Conclusion

Antoninus Pius is remembered by Roman historians as the calmest, most peaceful emperor of the second century. But for Christians, his reign looked different.

Justin Martyr wrote eloquent defenses of Christianity, describing their moral life and Sunday worship — but still had to plead that Christians not be killed for the name alone.
Polycarp was executed, proving that even in a so-called peaceful reign, death was the cost of faith.
The Epistle to Diognetus portrayed Christians as citizens of heaven, foreigners in every land.
Hegesippus preserved the memory of apostolic succession and the purity of the early church.
And Eusebius’ rosy decree about Antoninus was almost certainly wrong.

Antoninus’ reign demonstrates a crucial point: even when Rome was at peace, Christians were not safe. Their very identity was enough to condemn them. Yet it was in this climate that Christianity’s first great apologists wrote, its first great martyrdom was recorded, and its distinct self-understanding emerged.

The empire might call Antoninus Pius — dutiful and devout. But for Christians, true piety meant loyalty to a greater King, even unto death.

Lord and God: Domitian’s Demand and the Church’s Response

August 22, 2025August 22, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

Domitian ruled the Roman Empire from AD 81 to 96. Unlike his predecessors, he didn’t wait for the Senate to deify him after death—he demanded divine honors while still alive. In his reign, we find the clearest clash yet between the Roman emperor’s claim to absolute authority and the growing Christian conviction that Jesus alone is Lord.

We will examine how Domitian reshaped imperial religion, how Jews and Christians were affected, and how John’s Gospel and Revelation responded. Then we’ll look at Nerva, his successor, who briefly reversed these policies and allowed the apostle John to return from exile.

Imperial Title: “Lord and God” — Claimed by Domitian, Confessed by Thomas

Multiple Roman sources record that Domitian required subjects to refer to him with divine titles.

Suetonius (c. AD 69–122), a Roman biographer, writes:

“He even dictated a circular letter in the name of his procurators, beginning: ‘Our Lord and God commands that this be done.’”
— Suetonius, Life of Domitian 13.2

Cassius Dio (c. AD 155–235), a Roman senator and historian, adds:

“Domitian was not only bold enough to boast of his divinity openly, but compelled everyone to address him as Lord and God.”
— Cassius Dio, Roman History 67.4

At the same time, the Gospel of John (written c. AD 90–95, near the end of Domitian’s reign) records the only place in the New Testament where someone addresses Jesus with both titles:

“Thomas answered and said to Him, ‘My Lord and my God!’”
— John 20:28

The Greek, ho Kyrios mou kai ho Theos mou, mirrors the very language demanded of Domitian in the Greek-speaking east. In a world where Caesar was called “Lord and God” by force, John records a disciple saying it freely of Jesus.

Emperor Worship in Asia Minor

Domitian’s divine status was especially prominent in Asia Minor, the region addressed by Revelation (written c. AD 95).

Ephesus: A temple was constructed during Domitian’s reign and dedicated to him. Archaeology has recovered fragments of a colossal statue and inscriptions honoring him.
Pergamum: Already home to the first imperial cult temple in Asia (to Augustus and Roma, 29 BC), it continued to be a center of emperor worship under Domitian. Revelation 2:13 calls it “where Satan’s throne is.”
Smyrna and Sardis: Inscriptions name Domitian with divine epithets like Sebastos Theos (“August and God”). Public festivals and civic life revolved around his cult.

These local realities explain why Revelation portrays emperor worship as unavoidable and coercive.

Economic Pressure and the “Mark of the Beast”

Revelation describes a system where worship and commerce are inseparable:

“No one could buy or sell except the one who had the mark or the name of the beast.”
— Revelation 13:17 (written c. AD 95)

Participation in the emperor cult was often required for guilds, festivals, and trade. In Domitian’s Asia Minor, refusing to honor Caesar could mean exclusion from economic life, imprisonment, or worse.

The Number of the Beast and the Nero Legend

Revelation 13 ends with one of the most famous verses in the Bible:

“This calls for wisdom: let the one who has understanding calculate the number of the beast, for it is the number of a man, and his number is 666.”
— Revelation 13:18

Most scholars recognize this as gematria—a system where letters represent numbers. When “Nero Caesar” is written in Hebrew letters (נרון קסר, Neron Qesar), the total is 666. Some manuscripts of Revelation even read 616, which fits the Latin spelling “Nero Caesar” without the final n.

Because Romans themselves believed Nero was not really gone.

Suetonius: The Rumor of Nero’s Return

Suetonius (c. AD 110–120) explains that the rumor of Nero’s return never died:

“Although Nero was now dead and already missed by no one, yet in the course of many years, there were still people who dressed up like him and pretended to be him, and they met with such success that they stirred up serious disorders.”
— Suetonius, Life of Nero 57

This wasn’t harmless theater. People believed these impostors. The disturbances Suetonius describes show that Nero’s return was taken seriously enough to cause riots and uprisings.

Cassius Dio: False Neros and Domitian as a New Nero

Cassius Dio (c. AD 220) confirms the same phenomenon:

“In his time and afterward, many pretended to be Nero, and this caused great disturbances.”
— Roman History 66.19

And when he describes Domitian, Dio makes the connection explicit:

“He was a man of Nero’s type, cruel and lustful, but he concealed these vices at the beginning of his reign… Later, however, he showed himself the equal of Nero in cruelty.”
— Roman History 67.1–2

So the link is clear:

The legend of Nero’s return haunted the empire.
Domitian’s cruelty made many see him as a “new Nero.”

Why This Matters for Revelation

For John’s audience in Asia Minor, Nero was the archetype of the beast. The rumor of his return kept that fear alive. Under Domitian, those fears became present reality.

Thus, the number of the beast (666) was not a mystical code about the far future. It was a way of saying: the same spirit of persecution that lived in Nero now lives again in Domitian.

John’s Exile to Patmos

Irenaeus (c. AD 130–202), bishop of Lyons, records:

“It [Revelation] was seen no long time ago, but almost in our generation, at the end of Domitian’s reign.”
— Against Heresies 5.30.3

Eusebius (c. AD 260–340), the early church historian, confirms:

“John… was banished to the island of Patmos by the tyrant Domitian.”
— Ecclesiastical History 3.18

And John himself (c. AD 95) writes:

“I, John… was on the island called Patmos for the word of God and for the testimony of Jesus Christ.”
— Revelation 1:9

John’s exile reflects Domitian’s broader repression of religious dissent.

The Jewish Tax and Identity Pressure

Domitian enforced the fiscus Judaicus with severity.

Suetonius (writing c. AD 110–120) records:

“The tax on the Jews was levied with the utmost rigor. Those who lived like Jews without publicly admitting it were prosecuted.”
— Suetonius, Life of Domitian 12.2

This created legal confusion. Christians were caught between identities:

If they looked Jewish, they were taxed.
If they weren’t legally Jewish, they had no protections.
If they refused emperor worship, they were called atheists.

Revelation reflects this tension:

“I know the slander of those who say they are Jews and are not, but are a synagogue of Satan.”
— Revelation 2:9 (c. AD 95)

This is not anti-Jewish polemic—it’s a real-time response to legal and political accusations in Smyrna, where Jewish communities may have denounced Christians to Roman authorities.

Martyrdom: Clemens and Domitilla

In AD 95, Domitian executed his cousin Flavius Clemens and banished his wife Domitilla.

Suetonius (c. AD 110–120) writes:

“He put to death his cousin Flavius Clemens… and banished his wife Domitilla… on the most trivial of charges.”
— Suetonius, Life of Domitian 15.1

Later Christian sources, such as Eusebius (c. AD 260–340), identified them as Christian sympathizers. Whether or not that is precise, their fate shows even Rome’s elite were not spared when religious loyalty was questioned.

Did Domitian Persecute Christians?

There is no formal edict against Christians from Domitian’s reign, but the evidence suggests targeted repression:

John exiled to Patmos (c. AD 95)
Clemens executed, Domitilla banished (AD 95)
Christians accused of atheism or tax evasion

Persecution was not empire-wide, but under Domitian, Christians could be criminalized for their faith.

1 Clement — A Contemporary Voice from Rome

Around the same time, Clement of Rome (c. AD 95–96) wrote to the church in Corinth. His letter, 1 Clement, is the earliest Christian writing outside the New Testament.

Clement begins:

“Because of the sudden and repeated misfortunes and reverses that have happened to us, we have been somewhat tardy in turning our attention to the matters in dispute among you.”
— 1 Clement 1.1

This likely refers to Domitian’s persecutions in Rome. Clement adds:

“Many are in fear and distress, enduring torments and imprisonment.”
— 1 Clement 6.1

He recalls the deaths of Peter and Paul:

“Peter… endured many trials, and thus, having given his testimony, went to the place of glory.”
— 1 Clement 5.4

“Paul… having preached in the East and in the West… was martyred under the prefects.”
— 1 Clement 5.6–7

And he instructs believers to endure persecution without revolt:

“Let us submit ourselves to every decree of the rulers and authorities… For the rulers are God’s servants, and their judgment is not without purpose.”
— 1 Clement 61.1

Like Revelation, Clement reflects a church under pressure—calling for endurance, peace, and loyalty to God over Caesar.

Persecution in Revelation’s Own Words

Revelation itself (c. AD 95) bears witness to persecution under Domitian:

Smyrna:

“Do not fear what you are about to suffer… The devil is about to throw some of you into prison… Be faithful unto death.” (Rev. 2:10)

Pergamum:

“Antipas, my faithful witness… was killed among you.” (Rev. 2:13)

Philadelphia:

“You have kept my word about patient endurance… I will keep you from the hour of trial.” (Rev. 3:10)

The Martyrs Under the Altar:

“I saw under the altar the souls of those who had been slain for the word of God…” (Rev. 6:9–11)

Conquering Through Death:

“They loved not their lives even unto death.” (Rev. 12:11)

Beheaded for the Testimony:

“I saw the souls of those who had been beheaded for the testimony of Jesus.” (Rev. 20:4)

These passages are contemporary witnesses, showing the churches in Asia were suffering imprisonment, slander, and even martyrdom under Domitian.

The Broader New Testament Context

Critical and atheist scholars, who reject early Christian tradition about the dating of New Testament writings, place almost all of the New Testament (outside of Paul’s seven undisputed letters) into the very decades between Nero and Domitian (AD 65–96).

Mark is usually dated just after the destruction of Jerusalem (c. AD 70).
Matthew and Luke-Acts are typically placed in the 80s or 90s.
John’s Gospel and letters are often dated to the 90s, during or immediately after Domitian’s reign.
1 Peter, Jude, and other Catholic Epistles are also slotted into this time period.

If that critical dating is correct, then the majority of the New Testament was written in an atmosphere of persecution and repression — either Nero’s violent purges, or Domitian’s pressures on Jews and Christians alike.

And these writings don’t minimize persecution — they emphasize it.

1 Peter explicitly refers to Christians suffering not for crimes, but simply for the name “Christian”: “If anyone suffers as a Christian, let him not be ashamed, but let him glorify God in that name.”
— 1 Peter 4:16
Hebrews urges perseverance in the face of social rejection and suffering: “Recall the former days when, after you were enlightened, you endured a hard struggle with sufferings, sometimes being publicly exposed to reproach and affliction, and sometimes being partners with those so treated.”
— Hebrews 10:32–33
The Gospels repeatedly stress Jesus’ warnings that his followers would be “hated by all nations” and “delivered up to tribulation” (cf. Matt. 24:9; Mark 13:13; Luke 21:17).

Even if one accepts the most skeptical dating, the consensus of critical scholarship places much of the New Testament in a context of Roman suspicion, Jewish-Christian conflict, and persecution.

The Witness of the Didache

The Didache (“Teaching”), one of the earliest non-biblical Christian writings (c. AD 80–100), echoes the same themes of persecution and endurance:

“The world-deceiver will appear as a son of God… and the earth will be delivered into his hands… many will fall away and perish; but those who endure in their faith will be saved.”
— Didache 16.4–5

Even outside the New Testament, Christians at the close of the 1st century were being taught to expect tribulation, resist deception, and endure to the end.

Common Themes Across the First-Century Witnesses

From Paul’s letters in the 50s to Revelation, Clement, and the Didache in the 90s, one theme unites the earliest church: faith in Christ expressed through endurance and moral living.

Faith in Jesus as Lord:
Thomas confessed, “My Lord and my God” (John 20:28), words that in John’s Gospel belong to Christ, not Caesar. For Clement of Rome, writing near the end of Domitian’s reign, this same allegiance framed his encouragement to endure faithfully, even as believers in Rome suffered “torments and imprisonment” (1 Clement 6.1).
Endurance under persecution:
Paul praised the Thessalonians for imitating the persecuted churches in Judea (1 Thess. 2:14). Peter told believers not to be ashamed of the name “Christian” (1 Pet. 4:16). Hebrews reminded its readers of their “hard struggle with sufferings” (Heb. 10:32–33). Revelation called the church in Smyrna to be “faithful unto death” (Rev. 2:10). Clement honored Peter and Paul as models who suffered faithfully (1 Clement 5). The Didache urged endurance against the “world-deceiver” in the final trial (Didache 16.4–5).
Commitment to moral living:
Paul urged the churches to “live in a manner worthy of God” (1 Thess. 2:12). Hebrews stressed the “holiness without which no one will see the Lord” (Heb. 12:14). The Gospels and John’s letters call for love, purity, and obedience. Clement rebuked envy, pride, and strife as the causes of disorder, urging humility, peace, and good works (1 Clement 38–39). The Didache contrasted the Way of Life (love, generosity, self-control) with the Way of Death (greed, idolatry, violence).

Across these writings, the earliest Christians are consistent: they were not revolutionaries seeking to overthrow Rome, but a people set apart in loyalty to Christ and in moral living. They endured slander, imprisonment, and death while maintaining their baseline confession:

Jesus is Lord, not Caesar.
The church must endure suffering.
The church must live a holy, distinct life.

Nerva and the Reversal

Domitian was assassinated in AD 96. The Senate chose Nerva (r. AD 96–98) as emperor, who immediately reversed many of Domitian’s harsher policies.

Cassius Dio (writing c. AD 220) records:

“He forbade the accusation of those who were living a Jewish life without admitting it.”
— Roman History 68.1

Nerva also released those unjustly banished, likely including John, who then returned to Ephesus and lived out his final years there.

Nerva’s short reign resembles Claudius (r. AD 41–54): both followed unstable emperors, restored legal balance, and unintentionally created space for Christianity to grow.

Conclusion

Domitian demanded worship, punished dissent, and blurred the legal categories that had once sheltered Christians under Judaism. John wrote Revelation from exile in Patmos, Clement wrote from a pressured Rome, and the churches of Asia endured imprisonment, slander, and death. The Didache echoed the same warning: the “world-deceiver” would arise, but those who endured to the end would be saved.

Then came Nerva, who reversed Domitian’s harsh policies, released exiles, and brought a short reprieve. Like Claudius before him, his unexpected moderation gave the Christian movement room to breathe, to write, and to expand.

From Paul’s earliest letters to the Didache, one message ties the first-century church together:

Jesus is Lord, not Caesar.
The church must endure suffering.
The church must live a holy, distinct life.

In the end, Domitian’s title “Lord and God” died with him. But the words recorded by John endure:

“Thomas said to Him, ‘My Lord and my God.’”

The True Temple Rises: Christianity After AD 70

August 21, 2025August 21, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

When Nero died by suicide in AD 68, the Roman Empire plunged into chaos. In one year, four emperors—Galba, Otho, Vitellius, and finally Vespasian—rose and fell. While Rome burned and battled for power, Judea was in full revolt.

And in the smoldering ruins of that rebellion, Vespasian and his son Titus would become emperors. Their campaign didn’t just crush a revolt—it destroyed Jerusalem, leveled the Temple, and forever reshaped both Jewish and Christian identity.

The Revolt Begins: Taxes, Desecration, and Massacres

In AD 66, the Roman governor of Judea, Gessius Florus, pushed the people beyond their limits. He looted the Temple treasury—seizing 17 talents, equivalent to about $10 million today.

This wasn’t mere corruption — it was an act of sacrilege and robbery of funds consecrated to God.

The people mocked Florus by passing baskets around as though collecting alms for him. His response was slaughter. Josephus (c. AD 75–79) records:

“Florus sent soldiers into Jerusalem and ordered a massacre. They killed 3,600 men, women, and children—even Roman citizens of equestrian rank. Some were scourged, and then crucified.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 2.14.9 (Loeb)

This atrocity ignited full-scale revolt.

Roman Garrisons Overrun

Jewish Zealots stormed the Antonia Fortress, overran the Roman garrison, and then ambushed Roman forces at Masada. Josephus writes:

“They compelled the Roman garrison to surrender and slaughtered them. The war was now started in earnest.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 2.17.9 (Loeb)

Rome had no choice but to respond.

Vespasian in Galilee: Fire and Terror

Nero sent Vespasian, a seasoned general, to crush the uprising. Accompanied by his son Titus, he swept through Galilee.

At Jotapata, Josephus himself was the Jewish commander. He was captured there and became an eyewitness to everything that followed. His account of these events is not second-hand history; it comes from someone who stood in the middle of the war and later wrote under Roman patronage.

Josephus describes the fall of Jotapata:

“Forty thousand were slain, and the city was utterly demolished. Those hiding in caves were dragged out and killed.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 3.7.36 (Loeb)

In Gamla, the scene was horrific:

“People hurled themselves, wives, and children over the cliffs. The entire city was covered with corpses.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 4.1.9 (Loeb)

He sums it up:

“Galilee was filled with fire and blood.”

Christians in Galilee were not spared this. They lived in the same villages and towns, and the Roman army made no distinction. Alongside their Jewish neighbors, they too were killed, crucified, or driven into slavery. The suffering Josephus describes was shared by all, including those who confessed Christ.

Titus and the Siege of Jerusalem

After Nero’s death, Vespasian left for Rome, leaving the siege of Jerusalem in the hands of Titus.

Jerusalem was already fractured from within. Zealots and moderates fought each other while Roman forces built a five-mile siege wall to starve the city.

Josephus, still an eyewitness from the Roman camp, records the horrors inside:

“The famine was so severe that parents stole food from their own children. Dead bodies lay everywhere. No one had strength to bury them.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 5.12.3–4 (Loeb)

And then, one of the darkest accounts in ancient history:

“A woman named Mary… took her infant son, slew him, roasted him, and ate half, hiding the rest. When soldiers smelled the roasted flesh and stormed in, she said, ‘This is my son… I have eaten my own child.’”
— Josephus, Jewish War 6.201–213 (Loeb)

Titus pressed on. Though he claimed to want to spare the Temple:

“I gave orders to preserve the Temple, but my commands were ignored in the madness of battle.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 6.4.7 (6.254 Loeb)

The Temple burned. The city fell. Josephus claimed over 1.1 million people died in the siege.

For Christians, the destruction of the Temple wasn’t only tragedy — it was fulfillment of Jesus’ prophecy (Mark 13:2). The collapse of the Temple-centered world validated their conviction that Christ himself was the new and greater Temple.

Crucifixions Without Number

Josephus gives us two chilling glimpses of Roman cruelty:

“As for those who had fled from within the city, many were caught; and when they were caught, they were scourged and tortured, then crucified opposite the walls. The Roman soldiers, out of anger and hatred, nailed up those they caught, one after one way, and another after another, to entertain themselves by the variety. And so great was their number that there was not room enough for the crosses, and not crosses enough for the bodies.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 5.11.1 (Loeb)

And again:

“They caught those that had fled out of the city… and when they were caught, they were first scourged, then tormented with all sorts of tortures, and finally crucified before the wall of the city. Titus indeed commiserated their fate; yet he understood that their number was so great that room was lacking for the crosses, and crosses lacking for the bodies. About five hundred were crucified daily.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 6.1.1 (Loeb)

This was the empire’s logic of terror — the same system of crucifixion that had killed Jesus, now repeated on a scale of hundreds per day. Early Christians could never look at the Roman cross as anything but a symbol of cruelty and their Lord’s triumph over it.

Aftermath: Slavery, Spectacle, and the Jewish Tax

Thousands of survivors were:

Paraded through Rome in Titus’s triumph, forced to carry sacred items like the Menorah.
Sold into slavery across the empire.

Rome minted coins that read:

“Judea Capta” — Judea Captured.

And then came the fiscus Judaicus—the Jewish tax.

“He also decreed that all Jews throughout the world should pay each year two drachmas to the Capitol in Rome, as they had previously paid them to the Temple in Jerusalem.”
— Dio Cassius (c. AD 200–220), Roman History 66.7 (Loeb)

For Jewish Christians, this was especially complex. In Judea, they were still outwardly seen as part of the Jewish community and likely taxed along with them. But in Rome, Nero had already distinguished Christians as a separate group. The destruction of the Temple and the imposition of this tax pushed the divide further: Christians were being forced to decide — were they simply another branch of Judaism, or something distinct?

And the atmosphere in Rome was not one of tolerance. Suetonius (c. AD 120) records:

“He banished from the city the philosophers and the astrologers.”
— Suetonius, Vespasian 15 (Loeb)

This wasn’t aimed at Christians directly, but it reveals the suspicion with which Rome viewed any new teachers or rival authorities. The gospel’s claim that Jesus is Lord would have sounded as threatening to imperial ears as the mutterings of philosophers or astrologers.

The Arch of Titus

The victory was immortalized in stone. After Titus’s death, the Roman Senate and People built the Arch of Titus (c. AD 81), which still stands in Rome today.

The dedicatory inscription reads:

“The Senate and People of Rome [dedicated this] to the deified Titus Vespasian Augustus, son of the deified Vespasian.”

Inside the arch, the reliefs show Roman soldiers carrying the sacred objects of the Jerusalem Temple — the Menorah, the Table of Showbread, and even the Torah scrolls. Josephus describes the same scene in his account of Titus’s triumph:

“They brought the menorah and the table of the bread of the Presence, and the last of the spoils was the Law of the Jews. After these, a great number of captives followed.”
— Josephus, Jewish War 7.5.5 (Loeb, c. AD 75–79)

For Rome, this was not just a military victory. It was theological. In Roman eyes, Titus had defeated the Jewish god himself. That is why the arch presents Titus as a god honored for his conquest: our god overcame your god.

For Jews and Christians alike, the arch became a bitter monument. For Christians especially, it underscored the truth that the Temple was gone, but Christ had already promised: “Not one stone shall be left upon another.”

The Christians Who Fled – and the First Heretical Group

The church in Jerusalem did not perish in the siege.

“The people of the church in Jerusalem had been commanded by a revelation… to dwell in a town of Perea called Pella.”
— Eusebius (c. AD 310–325), Ecclesiastical History 3.5.3 (Loeb)

This flight preserved the core of the church, but not all Christians escaped. Those who stayed in Jerusalem, or who were caught in the countryside during Rome’s advance, would have shared the same fate as their Jewish neighbors — famine, crucifixion, or slavery. The Roman army made no distinction. To them, it was one rebellious people.

But at Pella, Christians regrouped. And in the same city, other Jewish survivors settled. Out of this mixture emerged the Ebionites, the first major heretical group.

They rejected Paul as an apostle.
They insisted on strict adherence to the Law.
They denied the full divinity of Jesus.
They used only a corrupted form of Matthew’s Gospel, altered to fit their theology.

Epiphanius (c. AD 375–400) writes:

“They accept the Gospel according to Matthew, but only that which is called ‘according to the Hebrews.’ They call it the Gospel of Matthew, however it is not complete and entire but falsified and mutilated.”
— Panarion 30.13.2

Irenaeus (c. AD 180) confirms:

“Those who are called Ebionites… use the Gospel according to Matthew only, and repudiate the Apostle Paul, maintaining that he was an apostate from the law.”
— Against Heresies 1.26.2

The fact that the Ebionites were already mutilating Matthew’s Gospel in the 70s AD shows that Matthew must have been written before the destruction of the Temple.

This stands in contrast to the critical scholarly view, which typically places Mark around AD 70 and Matthew and Luke in the 80s or later. Their reasoning? Jesus’ prophecy of the Temple’s destruction. They assume prophecy is impossible, and therefore the Gospels must have been written after the event.

But if Matthew was already available to be twisted by the Ebionites in the 70s, then Mark — the source they say Matthew used — must be earlier still. The Gospels, far from being late inventions, stand close to the events they describe.

For more on the Ebionites and their altered gospel, see my earlier blog post: [The Ebionites]

Rome’s Pride, God’s Judgment

Tacitus (c. AD 100–110) gives us the Roman perspective:

“Their temple was famous beyond all other works of men… it was resolved to raze it to the ground, that the religion of the Jews might be more completely abolished.”
— Tacitus, Histories 5.12 (Loeb)

But Jesus had said long before:

“Do you see these great buildings? Not one stone shall be left upon another that shall not be thrown down.”
— Mark 13:2

To Rome, it was conquest.
To Christians, it was fulfillment.

Conclusion: What This Meant for Christians

The fall of Jerusalem was not only a Jewish tragedy but a Christian turning point.

It validated Jesus’ prophecy of the Temple’s destruction.
It preserved the church through the flight to Pella — though many Christians were slaughtered along with the Jews.
It deepened the separation between Christianity and Judaism.
It produced the first major heresy (Ebionites), which ironically confirms the early existence of Matthew’s Gospel.

Tacitus summed up Rome’s perspective:

“It was resolved to raze it to the ground, that the religion of the Jews might be more completely abolished.”
— Tacitus, Histories 5.12 (Loeb, c. AD 100–110)

What Rome thought was the abolition of a religion, Christians understood as the vindication of Christ’s words:

“Not one stone shall be left upon another that shall not be thrown down.” (Mark 13:2)

Vespasian and Titus were hailed as saviors of Rome and later deified as gods. But their triumph was also God’s judgment — and the stage on which Christianity stepped into a new identity as the true temple of the living God.

How We Know Paul’s Letters Were Accurately Preserved

June 18, 2025June 18, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

How do we know that the Apostle Paul’s original letters—written between 48 and 64 AD—were accurately transmitted before our earliest surviving manuscript copy from around 200 AD?

In this post, we walk through internal evidence from the New Testament, quotes from early Christian leaders, and even comparisons with other ancient writings. The result is a compelling historical case for the reliable preservation of Paul’s seven undisputed letters: Romans, 1–2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians, and Philemon.

Comparing Paul to Other Ancient Authors

Before jumping into Christian sources, let’s compare Paul’s letters with other ancient texts that historians accept without controversy:

Author	Work	Date Written	Earliest Copy	Time Gap
Josephus	Jewish War	75–79 AD	9th century	~800 years
Tacitus	Annals	~100 AD	~850 AD	~750 years
Pliny the Younger	Letters	~100–112 AD	~850 AD	~750 years
Suetonius	Lives of the Caesars	~121 AD	9th century	~700–800 years
Paul the Apostle	7 Undisputed Letters	48–64 AD	~175–200 AD (P46)	~125–150 years

Paul’s letters have the shortest gap between composition and manuscript evidence—yet are often treated with far more suspicion. Why?

Internal Evidence from Paul’s Own Letters

Even during Paul’s lifetime, his letters were being circulated and discussed:

1 Corinthians 1:2
“To the church of God which is at Corinth… with all who in every place call on the name of Jesus Christ our Lord.”

2 Corinthians 1:1
“To the church of God which is at Corinth, with all the saints who are in all Achaia.”

Galatians 1:2
“To the churches of Galatia.”

These greetings show that Paul’s letters were meant for entire regions, not just local churches.

2 Corinthians 10:10
“For his letters,” they say, “are weighty and powerful, but his bodily presence is weak, and his speech contemptible.”

Even his opponents knew and discussed his letters, plural—during his lifetime.

2 Peter 3:15–16 (likely early 60s AD):
“…as also in all his epistles… as they do also the rest of the Scriptures.”

Paul’s letters were already being grouped together and treated as Scripture.

Colossians 4:16 (disputed):
“…see that it is read also in the church of the Laodiceans…”

Bart Ehrman, agnostic scholar:
“The passage in Colossians suggests that even by the time of its composition—whoever wrote it—there was a custom of circulating Christian letters.” (Forged, 2011)

Early Christian Witness (95–180 AD)

Clement of Rome (c. 95 AD)
“Take up the epistle of the blessed Paul the Apostle. What did he write to you at the time when the Gospel first began to be preached?” (1 Clement 47)

Clement assumes the Corinthians still had Paul’s letter over 40 years later.

David F. Wright (Christian historian):
“The rhetoric and theological framing of 1 Clement are unmistakably Pauline, using patterns found in Galatians and Romans—even where exact verbal citation is absent.” (Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 2014)

Ignatius of Antioch (c. 110 AD)
“You are associates in the mysteries with Paul… who in every letter makes mention of you in Christ Jesus.” (To the Ephesians 12.2)

Ignatius refers to “every letter” of Paul, indicating a corpus already known to his readers.

Michael Holmes (Christian textual scholar):
“Ignatius’s epistles are built upon the structure and tone of Paul, especially in areas such as ecclesiology and unity.” (The Apostolic Fathers, 2nd ed.)

Polycarp of Smyrna (c. 110–140 AD)
“The blessed Paul wrote letters to you… which, if you study them, you will be able to build yourselves up in the faith.” (To the Philippians 3.2)

Polycarp speaks of “letters” plural—implying either multiple communications or a collection.

Kenneth Berding (Christian professor of New Testament):
“Polycarp’s theology and phraseology… show clear mimēsis of Pauline thought—not mere influence, but conscious imitation.” (Polycarp and Paul, Brill)

Theophilus of Antioch (c. 180 AD)
“Paul says: ‘If you confess with your mouth that Jesus is Lord and believe in your heart that God raised him from the dead, you shall be saved.’” (To Autolycus 3.14, quoting Romans 10:9)

Theophilus refers to Romans as “Scripture.”

Irenaeus of Lyons (c. 180 AD)
“Paul… ‘There is one God… and one Lord Jesus Christ.’” (Against Heresies 3.12.12, quoting 1 Corinthians 8:6)

Irenaeus quotes all seven undisputed letters and explicitly names Paul.

Canon Lists and Heretical Canons

The Muratorian Fragment (c. 170–200 AD)
“As to the epistles of Paul, they themselves make clear to those desiring to understand which ones they are. First of all, he wrote to the Corinthians, addressing them in two letters. Then to the Ephesians, to the Philippians, to the Colossians, to the Galatians, to the Thessalonians—twice, and to the Romans. It is plain that he wrote these letters for the sake of instruction. There is yet another addressed to Philemon, one to Titus, and two to Timothy in affection and love. These are held sacred in the esteem of the Church and form part of the universal Church’s discipline and teaching.”

Marcion’s Canon (c. 140 AD)
The first known Christian canon was created by a heretic—and it included 10 Pauline letters.

Bart Ehrman:
“Marcion’s canon shows that the letters of Paul were already being collected and circulated as a group by the early second century.” (Lost Christianities, 2003)

The Importance of John’s Long Life

Irenaeus (c. 180 AD):
“Then John, the disciple of the Lord… lived on until the times of Trajan.” (Against Heresies 3.1.1)

Polycrates of Ephesus (c. 190 AD):
“John… being a priest, wore the high-priestly plate.”

If John was 20 years old in 30 AD, he would have been about 90 when Trajan’s reign began in 98 AD—allowing him to influence and oversee the preservation of apostolic teaching decades after Paul’s death.

Richard Bauckham:
“The Beloved Disciple… may well have been quite young during Jesus’ ministry. This possibility makes good sense of the tradition that he lived to extreme old age.” (Jesus and the Eyewitnesses, 2006)

Bart Ehrman:
“It is certainly possible—indeed plausible—that John was very young when he followed Jesus, which would help explain the later traditions about his longevity.” (How Jesus Became God, 2014)

Conclusion: Proven by Perseverance

We don’t have Paul’s original letters.
And we don’t have an unbroken chain of manuscripts from 50 to 200 AD.

But what we do have may be even more compelling:
A generation of people who lived and died for Paul’s message.

They didn’t preserve his letters in silence.
They preserved them through suffering.

They weren’t philosophers in libraries—they were men and women who had seen their lives overturned. Enemies became brothers. The immoral became upright. The fearful became fearless. And when persecution came, they didn’t flinch. They held to Paul’s gospel of Christ crucified and risen—because they had seen its power.

They copied Paul’s words because they were living what those words described.
They circulated them because they believed others could encounter the same Spirit they had.
And they called them Scripture because, to them, no other explanation made sense.

Miracles were reported. Communities of mutual love sprang up where none had existed. Even skeptics were forced to admit: something had changed.

If you’re agnostic, this doesn’t demand blind faith.

It invites a hard look at the kind of people who believed Paul’s words—and what happened when they did.

We’re not just trusting that the church preserved his letters.

We’re trusting why they preserved them.

Because those letters changed lives.