Diocletian and the Great Persecution

November 26, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

Nothing in the long history of Roman hostility toward Christians compares to what unfolded under Diocletian. Earlier persecutions were real and often severe, but under Diocletian the empire launched a decade-long, organized effort to dismantle Christianity itself. His political reforms, his religious worldview, and the system he created known as the Tetrarchy all collided with a rapidly growing Christian movement that refused to participate in Rome’s sacrificial life. The result was the largest and most systematic attempt ever made to extinguish the Christian name.

Understanding why the Great Persecution erupts with such force in 303 requires beginning with the political and religious system Diocletian put into place.

The Tetrarchy and the Ideology of Unified Rule

The formal Tetrarchy was established in AD 293, but the divine pairing of Diocletian and Maximian began earlier, when they ruled together as co-emperors. This divine alignment was already well established before Galerius and Constantius were added as Caesars.

A panegyric delivered before the Tetrarchy was formally created makes this divine association unmistakable:

Panegyrici Latini 10.4 (AD 289)
“Diocletian and Maximian, the one associated with Jupiter and the other with Hercules, govern the world with the majesty of the gods and the strength of heroes.”

This does not mean the emperors claimed personal divinity in the manner of Caligula or Domitian. They did not demand that sacrifices be offered to themselves. Instead, they presented themselves as ruling under Jupiter and Hercules, receiving divine legitimacy from these gods.

Under this political theology, unified worship was essential.
Sacrifice maintained the gods’ favor.
Refusal to sacrifice undermined the religious foundation that supported imperial stability.

When the Tetrarchy was formally created in AD 293, this divine framework expanded to include Galerius and Constantius as partners in the same cosmic order.

Diocletian’s Rise and His Vision for Stability

Fourth-century historian Aurelius Victor describes the turbulent origins of Diocletian’s reign:

Aurelius Victor, Epitome 39 (AD 360s)
“Diocletian, a man of low birth but keen mind, was hailed emperor by the army after Numerian had been treacherously slain.”

Diocletian inherited an empire weakened by half a century of civil war, invasion, inflation, and constant leadership changes. For him, restoring Rome required both administrative reconstruction and the renewal of Rome’s relationship with the gods.

His public image reflected this divine partnership. Inscriptions and coins throughout his reign repeatedly invoke the gods who upheld his rule:

IOVI CONSERVATORI
“To Jupiter the Protector”

HERCVLI DEFENSORI
“To Hercules the Defender”

GENIVS POPVLI ROMANI
“To the Guardian Spirit of the Roman People”

Obverse: **IMP DIOCLETIANVS P AVG** — “Emperor Diocletian, Dutiful Augustus,” radiate and cuirassed bust right.
Reverse: **IOVI AVGG** — “To Jupiter of the Emperors,” showing Jupiter standing facing, head left, holding a scepter and Victory on a globe; eagle at his feet to the left

These inscriptions show not emperor worship but emperor alignment. Diocletian ruled under Jupiter’s protection, not as Jupiter himself. Christian refusal to sacrifice therefore struck at the foundation of the very system that legitimized the Tetrarchy.

A Rapidly Expanding Christian Movement

By the early fourth century, Christian communities were thriving. Eusebius describes this moment as a period of remarkable growth and public visibility:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.1.1 (AD 311–325)
“Before the persecution, the churches were at peace and multiplied everywhere. Rulers honored the Christians. Crowds assembled in the churches. New buildings rose from their foundations in every city.”

Archaeology confirms this account. Christian buildings became larger and more numerous; clergy gained public recognition; and Christians entered civic roles and even imperial service. A movement that once met quietly in homes now built large structures in major cities.

For an imperial system built upon unified sacrifice, this expanding Christian public life created unavoidable tension.

Galerius and the Push Toward Hostility

Lactantius, an eyewitness to these events, identifies Galerius as the chief instigator behind the coming persecution:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 11 (AD 313–315)
“Galerius, a man fierce in nature and hostile to the name of the Christians, urged the emperor daily to destroy the churches and to compel all to sacrifice.”

Galerius believed the empire’s troubles stemmed from neglect of the gods. Christian refusal to sacrifice was not private dissent but a direct challenge to Rome’s divine protection and the religious foundation of the Tetrarchy.

Diocletian hesitated for several years, but as pressure increased, he gradually shifted toward Galerius’s position.

Signs, Omens, and the Turning Point

Lactantius records a critical moment in AD 299, when the imperial household sought omens through a traditional sacrifice:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 10 (AD 313–315)
“When Diocletian and Galerius consulted the oracle, the diviners declared that the presence of Christians had disturbed the sacred rites.”

Christians in the imperial service did not participate in the gestures of reverence. The diviners blamed them for the failure of the ritual. In a political system where divine favor upheld the rulers, this carried enormous weight.

Eusebius describes the resulting shift in Diocletian’s attitude:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.2.1 (AD 311–325)
“Diocletian was persuaded that the time had come to wage war against the churches as if against enemies of the state.”

By AD 302, the decision was near.
By early AD 303, it was set.

The Destruction of the Nicomedia Church

The Great Persecution opened with a symbolic act carried out at the political center of the Eastern empire. On February 23, AD 303, Diocletian ordered the destruction of the major church in Nicomedia. Lactantius, writing only a decade later, gives us a vivid description of what happened that morning:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 12 (AD 313–315)
“On the morning of the day appointed for the celebration of the Terminalia, when the sun had not yet risen, the prefect together with tribunes and officers arrived at the church in Nicomedia, and having broken open the doors, they searched for the image of the god of the Christians, the Scriptures, and all that they used in their worship. When they found the Scriptures, they burned them; everything else they destroyed. The soldiers were allowed to seize whatever was found inside.”

The reference to the Terminalia, a festival dedicated to boundaries, is significant. Diocletian was drawing a line between the old religious order and the presence of Christianity in public life. By choosing this date, he signaled that the empire was redrawing its religious boundaries.

Eusebius, writing from within the Eastern provinces, confirms the same event from a different vantage point:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.2.4 (AD 311–325)
“The imperial edict commanded that the church in Nicomedia be leveled to the ground. Those who were present saw the building demolished from its foundations, and the sacred Scriptures committed to the flames.”

The two accounts, one Western and Latin (Lactantius) and one Eastern and Greek (Eusebius), give us the fullest picture we have of this opening blow.

The First Edict of 303

After the church was destroyed, Diocletian issued the first of four imperial laws. Lactantius reproduces the text in summary form, and his account is our primary source for its contents. According to him, the first edict contained four major provisions:

All churches were to be destroyed.
All Scriptures were to be burned.
Christians were to lose legal rights and protections.
Those in government positions were to be removed unless they sacrificed.

Here is the full text as preserved in Lactantius:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 13 (AD 313–315)
“An edict was published ordering that the assemblies of the Christians should be abolished, that their churches be torn down, that the Scriptures be burned, that those who held places of honor be degraded, that servants who persisted in the Christian faith be made incapable of freedom, and that those under accusation of following Christianity be not allowed to defend themselves in court.”

The brutality of the law becomes clear as Lactantius explains its underlying logic:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 13 (AD 313–315)
“The emperor believed that if he took away the opportunity of meeting for worship and destroyed their Scriptures, the religion itself could be abolished.”

This is the key sentence.
It shows the intent behind the Great Persecution: not merely to pressure Christians, but to erase the Christian movement by attacking its buildings, its Scriptures, and its legal status.

Refusal and Immediate Violence

Eusebius records the immediate resistance of some Christians in Nicomedia who tore down the imperial edict publicly:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.5.1 (AD 311–325)
“One of the Christians, moved with holy zeal, tore down the imperial edict that had been posted in a public place and put it into shreds as something profane and illegal.”

According to Eusebius, this man was arrested, tortured, and executed. His act represents one of the earliest martyrdoms of the Great Persecution.

Impact Across the Empire

The First Edict was carried out differently in East and West. In the East, where Galerius wielded influence, the laws were enforced strictly. Eusebius describes widespread destruction:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.2.5 (AD 311–325)
“Churches were torn down from top to bottom, and the sacred Scriptures were cast into the fire in the open marketplaces.”

In the West, Constantius enforced the law only minimally. Churches were destroyed, but he did not pursue Christians or burn Scriptures with the same severity. As Lactantius notes:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 15 (AD 313–315)
“Constantius, although he destroyed a few buildings, spared the Christians themselves and took no delight in their suffering.”

This divergence becomes much more pronounced in the years that follow. The edicts will be applied ruthlessly in the East and with comparative restraint in the West.

The Second Edict: Imprisonment of the Clergy

The First Edict had targeted buildings, Scriptures, and legal rights. When this failed to break Christian resolve, the imperial court issued a second command. This time, the goal was to dismantle the leadership of the churches.

Lactantius provides the clearest account:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 15 (AD 313–315)
“Diocletian published another edict, ordering that all the bishops and ministers should be thrown into prison.”

This marked a dramatic escalation. It was not aimed at all Christians, but at the entire structure that led and organized Christian communities.

Eusebius confirms the severity in the Eastern provinces:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.6.1 (AD 311–325)
“An edict was issued that all who were called ministers of the Word should be seized and committed to prison. And there was nothing mild in the execution of this command.”

Prisons filled rapidly. Eusebius writes:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.6.6 (AD 311–325)
“The prisons, which had previously held murderers and robbers, were now filled with bishops, presbyters, deacons, readers, and exorcists.”

This detail is important.
It shows the scale of the arrests and also how the empire quickly ran out of space to hold so many clergy.

The Third Edict: Forcing the Clergy to Sacrifice

By late 303, the prisons were overflowing. Rather than release the clergy, the imperial court issued a third edict directing that all imprisoned leaders be compelled to sacrifice.

Lactantius writes:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 16 (AD 313–315)
“A third edict commanded that all those in prison should be forced by every means to sacrifice.”

The phrase “by every means” implies torture, starvation, deprivation, and psychological pressure. Eusebius describes what happened in the East:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.6.8 (AD 311–325)
“Some endured every form of punishment in the attempt to force them to sacrifice; they suffered rackings, burnings, and all kinds of torment.”

Some clergy yielded. Many did not.
Those who refused were either kept imprisoned or executed.

The Fourth Edict: Universal Sacrifice

The fourth edict marked the full and final escalation. While the first three focused on property and clergy, the fourth edict extended to every Christian, commanding everyone to sacrifice to the gods or face punishment.

Lactantius states:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 17 (AD 313–315)
“A fourth edict was issued ordering that all persons, without exception, should sacrifice and taste the offerings.”

This was the heart of the Great Persecution.
For the first time in Roman history, a universal law required every Christian in the empire to sacrifice on pain of imprisonment, torture, or death.

Eusebius describes the impact:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.6.9 (AD 311–325)
“The command was given that all the inhabitants of the cities should be compelled to sacrifice and pour libations to the idols. Those who refused were subjected to various punishments.”

This edict brought the entire Christian population into direct conflict with the state.

Diverging Paths: East and West

The edicts applied to the whole empire, but enforcement differed dramatically.

The Western Provinces

Constantius, ruling in Gaul and Britain, enforced only part of the First Edict. He destroyed some church buildings but refused to persecute Christians themselves.

Lactantius remarks on this restraint:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 15 (AD 313–315)
“Constantius, though he destroyed a few buildings, did not harm the Christians and took no pleasure in their suffering.”

Under Constantine (after 306), persecution ceased entirely in the West.

The Eastern Provinces

The East was ruled first by Diocletian and Galerius, then by Galerius alone, and finally by Maximinus Daia. Here the edicts were enforced with full severity for nearly a decade.

Eusebius records the intense suffering that followed:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.9.1 (AD 311–325)
“In the regions under the rule of Maximinus an unbroken series of evils overwhelmed the Christians.”

This distinction between East and West explains why the Great Persecution lasted much longer in some regions. The universal sacrifice edict was enforced fiercely in the East and only lightly in the West.

The Scale of the Persecution

The four edicts created the most comprehensive legal assault Christianity ever faced:

• Churches destroyed
• Scriptures burned
• Legal rights removed
• Clergy imprisoned
• Clergy forced to sacrifice
• All Christians required to sacrifice
• Severe punishments for refusal
• Enforcement lasting nearly a decade in the East

This was not a short moment, like the requirement under Decius.
This was an attempt to eradicate Christian identity, its leadership, its Scripture, and its existence as a public movement.

The Height of the Persecution

After the fourth edict extended the requirement of sacrifice to every Christian in the empire, the persecution entered its most violent phase. This period, stretching from 303 through the early 310s in the East, produced scenes of cruelty unmatched in earlier Roman history. Eusebius and Lactantius, both eyewitnesses to portions of these events, provide detailed accounts of torture, imprisonments, and executions across the provinces.

Torture and Public Punishments

Eusebius describes how the authorities attempted to break Christian resolve with punishments designed to terrify the entire population.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.7.1 (AD 311–325)
“Some were scourged with whips, torn by the rack, and stretched out upon instruments of torture; some were burned with fire; others were crucified; some were beheaded; many were condemned to the mines or to the wild beasts.”

He emphasizes that these punishments were not isolated incidents but part of a coordinated effort:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.7.2 (AD 311–325)
“The cruelty of the governors was such that no words can adequately describe the variety and severity of their torments.”

Lactantius gives similar testimony, describing how the persecutors operated with deliberate intent to inflict suffering:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 18 (AD 313–315)
“Those who refused to sacrifice were tortured with every kind of instrument, and the cruelty of the judges seemed to have no end.”

These statements establish the environment of terror that spread through the Eastern provinces.

The Persecution in Egypt

Egypt experienced some of the most intense violence. Eusebius, who lived in Caesarea but had deep ties to Egypt, records the ferocity of the punishments in Alexandria:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.9.4 (AD 311–325)
“In Alexandria countless numbers were put to death. Some were beheaded; others burned; others cast into the sea; others given to the sword. The massacre continued day after day.”

He describes the courage of the martyrs:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.9.5 (AD 311–325)
“Not even the women were spared; they endured the same tortures as the men, and many met their end with remarkable courage.”

Egypt’s large Christian population meant that resistance was strong, and so was the response of the authorities. The violence continued for years.

The Suffering in Palestine

Eusebius’s Martyrs of Palestine (an appendix to his Ecclesiastical History) is one of the most detailed regional martyr narratives from the ancient world. In Part 4 of the main history, he describes the beginning of the violence:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.8.1 (AD 311–325)
“In Palestine, the persecutions were incessant. Every day brought new trials, and the judges devised new forms of torture.”

Some Christians were mutilated:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.8.3 (AD 311–325)
“Some had one eye gouged out, others had the joints of their ankles burned or severed, and thereafter were sent to the copper mines.”

Others were executed publicly:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.9.6 (AD 311–325)
“Many were beheaded or burned alive, so that the flames and the sword together took their daily victims.”

These passages give a vivid picture of the relentless and creative brutality that characterized the persecution in Palestine.

The Persecution Under Maximinus Daia

When Diocletian and Maximian abdicated in AD 305, the persecution did not end. Instead, it intensified in the East under Maximinus Daia, nephew of Galerius. Eusebius portrays his rule in especially dark terms:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.14.1 (AD 311–325)
“Maximinus, more cruel than any before him, inflamed with an unbounded hatred of the Christians, drove all to madness by his tyrannical measures.”

Under Maximinus, local officials were encouraged to compete in displays of cruelty, and mobs were incited to attack Christian communities.

Eusebius writes:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 9.2.1 (AD 311–325)
“The provinces under Maximinus were filled with executions; the tortures were carried out not only in the cities but in every village and district.”

This period saw some of the most gruesome executions in recorded Christian history.

The Attempt to Eradicate Christian Scripture

One of the defining features of the Great Persecution was the attempt to eliminate Christian Scripture. This was a continuation of the First Edict, which targeted the sacred writings. Eusebius describes systematic searches:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.2.5 (AD 311–325)
“The sacred Scriptures were sought out with diligence, and when found, they were burned in the open squares.”

Lactantius adds:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 12 (AD 313–315)
“They burned the Scriptures with fire, believing that if the writings were destroyed the religion itself would perish.”

This attempt to eliminate Christian Scripture sets the Great Persecution apart from all earlier Roman actions.

The Persecution of Bishops and Teachers

Because bishops and teachers played a central role in community identity, the authorities targeted them specifically. Eusebius emphasizes how the persecution dismantled Christian leadership:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.6.6 (AD 311–325)
“The prisons, which had previously been filled with criminals, were now crowded with bishops, presbyters, deacons, readers, and exorcists.”

This was not incidental. Destroying the leadership was essential to the imperial plan. Without clergy, the Christian movement would lose cohesion. Without bishops, the sacraments could not be administered. Without teachers, instruction would cease.

Crucifixion, Mutilation, and the Mines

The Great Persecution included punishments that earlier emperors rarely used against Christians, including crucifixion. Eusebius documents instances where believers were nailed to crosses:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.7.5 (AD 311–325)
“Some were nailed to crosses, others were stretched out on them while still alive.”

Condemnation to the mines was common:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.12.1 (AD 311–325)
“Many were sent to the mines in Lebanon, Cilicia, and Palestine, with one eye mutilated and the joints of the ankles burned.”

These punishments were intended not only to kill but to degrade and terrorize.

The Emotional Weight of the Persecution

Eusebius breaks from his usual historical tone when describing the intensity of the suffering:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.12.3 (AD 311–325)
“It is impossible to recount the sufferings of the martyrs one by one, for the cruelty of the tyrants exceeded all bounds.”

This statement from an eyewitness underscores why the Great Persecution stands apart in scale and severity.

Galerius Struck with Illness

For nearly eight years after the first edict, the persecution raged most violently in the Eastern empire under Galerius and, later, Maximinus Daia. But in AD 310–311, Galerius was struck by a sudden and horrifying disease. Lactantius describes the illness in graphic detail, presenting it as divine judgment.

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 33 (AD 313–315)
“A malignant ulcer broke out in the secret parts of Galerius’s body, which gradually spread and ate into his vitals; from it issued a stench so foul that it was impossible for any man to endure it.”

The disease worsened over time:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 33 (AD 313–315)
“It became a torpid mass of corrupt flesh, breeding worms which no medical skill could remove. The surgeons cut away decayed pieces, but the wound only grew larger.”

Eusebius confirms the same picture:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.16.2 (AD 311–325)
“He was reduced to such a condition by an incurable disease that even his physicians could no longer approach him because of the unbearable stench.”

In this agony, Galerius made a decision no one expected.

Galerius Issues the Edict of Toleration (AD 311)

On April 30, AD 311, Galerius issued an imperial proclamation ending the persecution he had driven for a decade. Lactantius preserves the text in full. This is the earliest surviving imperial law granting legal status to Christianity.

Here is the complete edict, without abbreviation:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 34 (AD 313–315)
“Among the other measures that we have taken for the advantage of the empire, we had desired first of all to set everything right in accordance with the ancient laws and public discipline of the Romans. We therefore sought to restore the worship of the gods who sustain our empire, believing that the Christians had abandoned the religion of their ancestors.

Since, however, many persisted in their purpose, and since we saw that they neither paid reverence to the gods nor worshipped them, we therefore judged it necessary to command that they return to the practices of the ancients.

Yet because many obeyed not our decrees but endured all kinds of suffering, and because they showed that they could in no way be turned from their purpose, we are compelled by our utmost indulgence to extend pardon to them, so that once more they may be Christians and may build the places in which they gather, always provided that they do nothing contrary to good order.

It will be required of them that they pray to their God for our safety and that of the empire, and for their own, so that the state may be preserved in security on every side and that they may live in peace within their own dwellings.”

This is one of the most extraordinary documents in Roman history.
The man who insisted Christianity must be destroyed now publicly acknowledges:

the Christians endured suffering,
they could not be broken,
and the imperial court now permits them to exist again.

After Galerius: Maximinus Daia Continues the Persecution

Although Galerius reversed imperial policy in 311, the violence did not end everywhere. In the Eastern provinces under Maximinus Daia, persecution continued until 313.

Eusebius describes Maximinus’s renewed hostility:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 9.1.2 (AD 311–325)
“Maximinus, inflamed with greater rage than before, would not permit the decree of Galerius to be carried out in his provinces.”

He incited cities to petition for continued persecution:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 9.2.4 (AD 311–325)
“Some of the cities sent formal petitions requesting that the Christians be forbidden to inhabit their lands. Maximinus eagerly granted such requests.”

It is only after Maximinus’s military defeat in 313 that Christianity finally receives full legal protection in the East.

Constantine and Licinius End the Persecution (AD 313)

In early 313, Constantine and Licinius met in Milan and jointly agreed to extend full toleration across the empire. Although the exact text survives in a provincial copy preserved by Lactantius, its purpose is clear: to restore full freedom to Christian communities.

The proclamation states:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 48 (AD 313–315)
“We resolved to grant both to the Christians and to all others full authority to observe whatever worship they choose, so that whatever divinity resides in heaven may be favorable to us and to all who are under our authority.”

By this point:

Constantius had always been mild in the West
Constantine ended persecution in 306
Galerius ended the persecution in 311 in his realms
Maximinus’s defeat in 313 ended the last violent enforcement

Thus, AD 313 marks the end of the Great Persecution, nearly ten years after it began.

The Long Aftermath

Eusebius depicts the rejoicing of Christian communities once the persecution ceased:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 10.2.1 (AD 311–325)
“After the tyrants had been removed, God wiped away every tear from their eyes, and the festival of freedom was celebrated throughout the cities.”

Churches were rebuilt.
Leaders returned from exile.
Scriptures were recopied.
The memory of the martyrs became foundational to Christian identity.

The Great Persecution had failed.
Instead of destroying Christianity, it had purified and strengthened it.

Eyewitness Martyr Testimonies and Christian Voices During the Persecution

To understand the intensity of the Great Persecution, it is necessary to hear the voices of those who lived through it. Beyond the narratives of Lactantius and Eusebius, several eyewitness accounts survive describing the sufferings of Christians across the empire. These texts record the trials, tortures, and executions of believers who endured the decade between 303 and 313. Their voices form one of the richest collections of primary sources from early Christian history.

The Martyrs of Palestine

Eusebius’s Martyrs of Palestine is among the most detailed eyewitness accounts of martyrdom from the ancient world. Written between AD 311 and 313, it describes the executions he witnessed in Caesarea and the surrounding regions.

Apphianus

The story of Apphianus is among the most vivid:

Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine 4.7–8 (AD 311–313)
“Apphianus was struck repeatedly on the face, yet his courage did not falter. When they wrenched his limbs with instruments of torture, he remained unshaken in his purpose. They wrapped his feet in linen steeped in oil and set them on fire. Then they bound heavy stones to him and cast him into the sea.”

Procopius

Eusebius also records the martyrdom of Procopius, a reader in the church:

Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine 1.2 (AD 311–313)
“Procopius was brought before the governor. When he refused to sacrifice, he was immediately beheaded, sealing his testimony with the sword.”

Agapius and the Beasts

One of the most dramatic scenes takes place in the amphitheater:

Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine 6.3 (AD 311–313)
“Agapius was sentenced to the wild beasts. When he confessed Christ boldly, the beasts were let loose upon him, and he met his end with steadfast courage.”

Pamphilus and the Scholars

Eusebius’s own mentor and teacher, Pamphilus of Caesarea, was martyred along with a group of scholars:

Eusebius, Martyrs of Palestine 11.1 (AD 311–313)
“Pamphilus, the most admirable of men, endured imprisonment for two years. After countless tortures, he and his companions were put to death.”

The Alexandrian Martyrs

Alexandria remained one of the largest Christian centers in the empire, and the persecution struck it with unusual violence.

Eusebius writes:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.9.6 (AD 311–325)
“Some were burned, some were drowned, some beheaded, some given to the sword, and others cast into the fire. The massacre continued day after day.”

Peter of Alexandria

Peter, bishop of the city, was executed in AD 311:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.13.2 (AD 311–325)
“Peter, who presided over the church in Alexandria, was arrested and beheaded, giving a noble example to the flock.”

Phileas of Thmuis

Phileas, another Egyptian bishop, wrote an eyewitness letter describing the prisons and tortures. Eusebius preserves part of it:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.10.2–3 (AD 311–325)
“Phileas wrote in detail of the sufferings of the blessed martyrs: how they stood firm under countless torments, how the judges exhausted themselves in devising new forms of cruelty, and how the martyrs endured everything with admirable patience.”

The Egyptian Confessors Sent to the Mines

Among the most horrifying scenes is the mutilation and transportation of Egyptian confessors to the mines of Palestine.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.8.3 (AD 311–325)
“Some had the one eye gouged out, others had the joints of their ankles burned or severed. Then they were sent to the mines, bearing in their bodies the marks of Christ’s sufferings.”

These punishments were intended to break morale and terrorize Christian communities.

Martyrdom in Syria and Asia Minor

While Palestine and Egypt preserve the richest martyr narratives, persecution also raged throughout Syria and Asia Minor.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.12.1 (AD 311–325)
“Throughout Syria and the regions beyond, countless numbers were sent to the mines after being mutilated in their eyes and feet.”

And in a passage describing Maximinus Daia’s reign:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 9.2.1 (AD 311–325)
“The provinces under Maximinus were filled with executions, both in the cities and in the villages.”

The Martyrdom of Lucian of Antioch

Lucian, a priest and renowned biblical scholar, was executed in AD 312 at Nicomedia.

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 9.6.3 (AD 311–325)
“Lucian, a man distinguished for his skill in the divine Scriptures, sealed his testimony at Nicomedia, offering a noble example of endurance.”

Methodius of Olympus

Methodius, an important theological writer, was martyred near the end of Galerius’s reign. Though Eusebius does not describe the details, Jerome preserves the tradition:

Jerome, On Illustrious Men 83 (AD 392)
“Methodius, bishop of Olympus, suffered martyrdom at the end of the reign of Galerius.”

His death represents the loss of one of the era’s great Christian thinkers.

Peter of Alexandria’s Pastoral Letters

Peter, the martyred bishop of Alexandria, wrote pastoral letters during the persecution addressing those who had lapsed under torture.

Peter of Alexandria, Canonical Letter 4 (AD 306–311)
“Those who betrayed the faith under the compulsion of torture must be received with mercy after they have shown due repentance, for they fell under force and not of their own will.”

These letters show how deeply the persecution impacted Christian pastoral life and discipline.

Restoration Inscriptions and Archaeological Witnesses

After the persecution ended, inscriptions commemorated the rebuilding of destroyed churches. One from North Africa reads:

Cirta inscription (Numidia), c. 315
“Restored from the ruins of the persecution.”

Archaeological evidence also preserves burn layers, smashed furnishings, and remnants of hidden Scriptures, confirming the literary accounts of destruction.

Conclusion: The Decade Rome Tried to Erase the Church

The Great Persecution stands alone in the history of the Roman Empire. Earlier persecutions were real and often severe, but none matched the scale, duration, coordination, or intent of the measures launched between AD 303 and 313. Across the Eastern empire especially, Christians faced a comprehensive legal and physical assault designed not merely to punish them but to erase their Scriptures, dismantle their leadership, destroy their churches, and compel all believers to abandon their faith.

The laws progressed step by step until the entire Christian population fell under their weight. Churches were torn down, Scriptures burned, clergy imprisoned, clergy tortured, and finally all Christians forced to sacrifice under threat of death. The edicts touched every element of Christian life.

The purpose is stated clearly in the primary sources. Lactantius records Diocletian’s reasoning with stark precision:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 13 (AD 313–315)
“He believed that if he took away the opportunity of meeting for worship and destroyed their Scriptures, the religion itself could be abolished.”

No earlier emperor had attempted something so broad, so systematic, or sustained for so many years.

The Witness of the Martyrs

The eyewitness narratives from the period show Christians suffering with extraordinary courage. These testimonies were not written decades later. They are contemporary accounts of real people, recorded by those who saw them.

Apphianus in Caesarea stood firm under repeated blows, brutal torture, and finally death by drowning:

Procopius was executed in a single stroke for refusing to sacrifice.
Agapius went to the beasts and met them with fearless confession.
Pamphilus, mentor of Eusebius, endured two years of imprisonment before being put to death.
Phileas of Thmuis described the judges exhausting themselves in inventing new torments.
The Egyptian confessors bore mutilated bodies as marks of their faith.
Lucian of Antioch sealed his testimony at Nicomedia.
Methodius of Olympus, a profound Christian thinker, was killed late in the persecution.
Peter of Alexandria guided his flock with pastoral letters, then faced martyrdom himself.

These names, and many more whose stories survive only in fragments or inscriptions, represent a generation of Christians who stood firm when Rome sought to destroy their faith at its roots.

Eusebius summarizes their endurance with solemn simplicity:

Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 8.13.12 (AD 311–325)
“In all these trials the athletes of religion shone with patient endurance, for they held fast to their faith with unshaken resolve.”

The Failure of the Persecution

Despite the severity of the laws and the brutality of their enforcement, the persecution ultimately failed.
It failed because Christians refused to abandon their faith.
It failed because Scripture was recopied even while authorities burned it.
It failed because the bishops and clergy held the communities together under unimaginable pressure.
It failed because Christian identity proved stronger than imperial coercion.

Galerius, the chief architect of the persecution, acknowledged this failure publicly in his Edict of Toleration:

Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 34 (AD 313–315)
“Since many obeyed not our decrees but endured all kinds of suffering, and since they showed that they could in no way be turned from their purpose, we are compelled by our utmost indulgence to extend pardon to them.”

The persecutor confessed that he could not break the Christians.
He allowed them once again to gather, rebuild, and worship.

Restoration After the Storm

Once Maximinus Daia was defeated in 313, the last remnants of persecution collapsed. Constantine and Licinius extended full religious freedom to all:

The rebuilding began immediately. Eusebius describes the rejoicing of Christian communities:

Inscriptions across the empire testify to this restoration:

Cirta inscription (Numidia), c. 315
“Restored from the ruins of the persecution.”

Churches were rebuilt larger than before. Scriptures were recopied. Clergy returned from exile. Communities gathered openly. The names of the martyrs were honored. The memory of their courage became foundational to Christian identity and theology.

A Final Reflection

The Great Persecution did not destroy Christianity. It revealed its strength.
It did not silence Christian witness. It amplified it.
It did not weaken the church. It purified and deepened it.

The empire had attempted to extinguish the Christian faith by burning its Scriptures, breaking its leadership, and torturing its people. Instead, Christianity emerged from this decade more unified, more resilient, and more firmly rooted in the conviction that no earthly power could overcome the truth of the gospel.

When the persecution ended, Christianity did not merely survive.
It stood on the threshold of transformation.
Within a single generation, emperors who once sought its destruction would support its growth and honor its martyrs.

The Great Persecution remains one of the defining moments in Christian memory:
a testimony to suffering, endurance, and the unwavering faith of those who stood firm when the world pressed hardest against them.

When Philosophy Fought Back: Porphyry Against the Christians

November 26, 2025November 27, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

The later third century, roughly AD 260 to 305, was not a calm moment for Christianity. It was the most shaken, destabilized, and vulnerable moment the Roman Empire had experienced since the fall of the Republic. The empire’s myths of invincibility had shattered. The perception that the gods protected Rome had collapsed. No event demonstrated this more brutally than the humiliation of Emperor Valerian in the AD 250s.

Pagan historian Aurelius Victor gives the most chilling description of the moment:

“Valerian was captured in battle and taken into Persia. They kept him there until he died, and after his death they stripped the skin from his body along with the imperial purple.”
Aurelius Victor, Epitome of the Caesars 33.4

This was not just a military defeat. It was a cosmic humiliation. Rome’s entire self-identity trembled. People questioned everything: the order of the universe, the protection of the gods, the meaning of tradition, the future of the empire.

At the same time, Christianity was rising. Christianity had not collapsed under Decius. It had not shattered under Valerian. It grew and spread. It acquired intellectual converts. It developed Scriptures, bishops, and theological schools. It formed moral communities that stood out in a collapsing world. Even the elite philosophical schools of Rome were encountering Christian arguments face to face.

This is where Porphyry enters the story. He was born around AD 232 and lived into the early AD 300s. He grew up in a world where Rome was cracking, yet Christianity was accelerating.

The World That Formed Porphyry: Plotinus and the Defense of the Ancient Tradition

Porphyry came to Rome around AD 263 and became a student of Plotinus, one of the most revered philosophers of antiquity. His biography of Plotinus, written later, gives us rare insight into the intellectual environment that shaped his thinking.

Porphyry writes:

“Plotinus seemed ashamed of being in the body. He refused to speak about his birth, his parents, or his homeland, and was so ashamed of being in the body that he would not allow anyone to make a portrait of him. He said it was enough to bear the likeness of the body in which he was clothed.”
Life of Plotinus 1

Plotinus’s disdain for the body, for history, and for physicality formed the foundation of Porphyry’s worldview. Christianity, with its proclamation of a God who takes on flesh, enters time, suffers, dies, and rises in a body, contradicted everything Plotinus considered philosophically exalted.

Plotinus also condemned new religious movements that claimed to supersede ancient wisdom. Porphyry records:

“Certain people who had recently taken up teaching began to speak arrogantly, pretending that they had discovered the complete truth, though they perverted the doctrines of the ancients and invented fictions of their own.”
Life of Plotinus 3

And again Porphyry writes:

“Many others who had recently come forward asserted that they had discovered the complete truth, though they corrupted the oracles of the ancient sages and fabricated fictions of their own.”
Life of Plotinus 16

Scholars broadly agree that Plotinus is referring here to Christians, whose claims of a new revelation threatened the philosophical tradition he defended.

Porphyry also records one of the earliest direct testimonies of a philosophical debate between pagans and Christians. A Christian named Antoninus was part of Plotinus’s circle. Porphyry writes:

“Among those who came to Plotinus was also a certain Antoninus, who had forsaken the old religion and embraced the doctrine of the Christians. Plotinus argued with him many times, attempting to turn him away from these opinions, but could not succeed. Antoninus held firmly to the Scriptures of the Christians and would not give them up.”
Life of Plotinus 3

This is extraordinary. Plotinus, the greatest philosopher of his age, debated a Christian convert and was unable to win him back.

Porphyry witnessed all of this. He watched Christianity enter the philosophical elite. He watched his own teacher fail to defeat a Christian convert. This moment planted the seed of Porphyry’s later hostility.

What Plotinus Taught Porphyry About Scripture, Myth, and Truth

Porphyry also records Plotinus’s view that sacred texts must not be interpreted literally:

“Plotinus declared that myths and sacred writings must not be taken literally, but understood allegorically, for the literal meaning was often absurd.”
Life of Plotinus 22

This is the principle Porphyry later applies to Christian Scripture.

Plotinus insisted that true wisdom was ancient and that new movements were false. Porphyry writes:

“Plotinus taught that the ancient philosophers had already discovered the truth, and that the doctrines of those who had recently arisen were false and filled with contradictions.”
Life of Plotinus 18

Porphyry accepted this fully.

Christianity was recent.
Christianity contradicted ancient wisdom.
Therefore Christianity must be false.

Plotinus also revered the ancient gods:

“Plotinus had a reverence for the gods and delighted in the ancient rites, saying that they were established by wise men of old and should be preserved.”
Life of Plotinus 23

Porphyry embraced this same reverence and used it to criticize Judaism and Christianity for destroying images, rejecting rituals, and breaking from ancestral customs.

Porphyry’s Fifteen-Book Against the Christians

Somewhere between AD 270 and 300, Porphyry composed his massive fifteen-volume polemic titled Against the Christians. Christian emperors later condemned and destroyed it. The order survives in the Theodosian Code, issued under Theodosius II in AD 448:

“The books of Porphyry, written against the religion of the Christians, shall be sought out and burned with fire.”
Theodosian Code 16.5.66 (AD 448)

Because the work was destroyed, we depend on later authors who quoted Porphyry in order to refute him. Whenever one of these sources appears for the first time in this script, it receives a brief introduction so the reader knows who they are.

Porphyry’s surviving arguments attack every foundation of the Christian movement:

Moses and the Pentateuch.
The historical books of Scripture.
The Gospels.
Paul.
Christian prophecy, especially Daniel.
Christian miracles.
Christian exclusivism.
Christian literalism.
Christian rejection of images.
Jewish dietary laws that early Christians inherited.
Christian abandonment of ancestral customs.
Christian claims of new revelation.

Porphyry’s Attack on Moses and the Pentateuch

Our first witness is Eusebius of Caesarea, the early fourth-century Christian historian who wrote Church History and Preparation for the Gospel. Eusebius quotes Porphyry in order to refute him. From him we learn that Porphyry denied Mosaic authorship:

“Porphyry impugns Moses and says the writings attributed to him are not by him, but by others long after his time.”
Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel 1.9

Porphyry also argued that Moses borrowed from Greek philosophy, reversing the Christian idea that Greek wisdom borrowed from Israel.

Porphyry’s Attack on the Gospels

Macarius Magnes was an early fourth-century Christian writer who composed a dialogue titled the Apocriticus. In it he quotes a pagan critic at length before responding. Scholars agree that the arguments he preserves come directly from Porphyry’s Against the Christians.

Macarius records Porphyry saying:

“The evangelists were unskilled men and of no education. Their writings are devoid of art. They show not malice but lack of ability.”
Apocriticus 3.2

Macarius also preserves Porphyry accusing the Gospels of contradiction:

“Your writings are full of contradictions. One says one thing. Another writes something different. Each evangelist follows his own fancy.”
Apocriticus 2.6

And again:

“You are compelled to make up explanations to make them agree.”
Apocriticus 3.9

Porphyry even challenges the resurrection appearances:

“Why did Jesus not show himself openly after he rose? Why did he appear only to a few? A god should have shown himself to all.”
Apocriticus 3.9

Porphyry’s Attack on Paul

Augustine of Hippo, writing in the late fourth and early fifth centuries, preserves Porphyry’s criticism of Paul in The City of God:

“Porphyry reproaches Paul for abandoning the law and introducing new doctrines.”
Augustine, City of God 19.23

Porphyry believed Paul corrupted the original Jewish faith and created a dangerous innovation.

Porphyry’s Attack on Christian Literalism

Macarius preserves Porphyry’s criticism of how Christians read Scripture:

“Your Scriptures contain myths and fables no better than the tales of the Greeks.”
Apocriticus 4.21

Porphyry argues that Christians interpret their writings in the most literal and unsophisticated way possible.

Porphyry’s Attack on Christian Exclusivism

The next source is the Suda, a massive tenth-century Byzantine encyclopedia that preserves brief quotations from older writers. It records Porphyry’s complaint:

“Porphyry wrote that the Christians forsake the customs of their ancestors and presume to condemn all others.”

This is one of the earliest pagan descriptions of the Christian claim that salvation comes only through Christ.

Porphyry’s Attack on Christian Miracles

In addition to the Gospels and Paul, Porphyry challenged the Christian claim that miracles proved Jesus was divine. Augustine of Hippo, writing in the early fifth century, preserves this line of argument. Augustine quotes Porphyry directly in The City of God, where he records Porphyry arguing that Jesus’ miracles were not unique at all:

“There are many others who have worked wonders no less than Jesus, yet they are not on that account gods.”
Augustine, City of God 10.32

For a philosopher formed by Plotinus, miracles proved nothing.
Medicine, magic, and religion could all produce wonders.
Jesus, Porphyry argued, belonged to a wider class of healers and holy men who never claimed to be divine.

Macarius Magnes preserves a similar statement from Porphyry’s lost work:

“If Jesus performed miracles, so have many others before him. Why then do you call him God when others who have done the same things are not gods?”
Apocriticus 3.6

For Porphyry, miracles were not evidence of divine identity.
They were common features of the ancient world.
Christians, he insisted, were naïve for treating them as proof.

Porphyry’s Attack on Christian Epistemology

Porphyry also attacked Christianity at its strongest point — its claim that the resurrection, apostolic testimony, Scripture, and the moral transformation of believers together provided a compelling reason for belief.

Macarius Magnes preserves Porphyry’s criticism of the Christian appeal to faith:

“You Christians have no demonstration for what you believe. You accept everything on faith alone, without proof.”
Apocriticus 4.19

This is one of the earliest explicit arguments that Christianity lacks philosophical evidence.

Porphyry demanded the kind of demonstration valued by the Platonic schools.
Christians responded that history, revelation, eyewitness testimony, prophetic fulfillment, and moral transformation constituted a different kind of proof.

Eusebius, writing in the early fourth century in direct response to Porphyry, explained it this way:

“Our faith is not based on clever reasoning but on the power of truth shown in deeds.”
Eusebius, Demonstration of the Gospel 1.5

Porphyry forced Christian writers to clarify the nature of Christian evidence.
They insisted they were not offering abstract philosophical argument but historical testimony to events God had done.

Porphyry’s Attack on Jewish and Christian Dietary Practices

Another preserved piece of Porphyry’s work comes from his treatise On Abstinence from Animal Food. In this work, Porphyry discusses the practices of several cultures, including the Jews. His comment is brief but revealing:

“The Jewish nation abstains from swine and certain other animals, not for reasons of purity, but because of ancient ancestral customs.”
On Abstinence 2.36

This statement is significant for two reasons.

First, Porphyry denies that Jewish dietary laws reflect divine command.
Second, he treats these customs as merely ethnic and cultural.

Early Christians inherited aspects of this Jewish debate and were still wrestling with food laws in the second and third centuries. Porphyry’s dismissal of these practices as “ancestral customs” fits with his larger claim that Christian practices were human inventions, not divine revelations.

Porphyry’s Attack on Jewish and Christian Views of Images

Porphyry also wrote a separate work titled On Images, in which he defended the philosophical value of pagan images, statues, temples, and rituals. Although the work does not survive, Eusebius preserves Porphyry’s arguments.

Eusebius tells us:

“Porphyry says images are symbols that lift the mind to the gods, and that the Jews are impious for destroying them.”
Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel 3.6

This helps us understand two important points.

First, Porphyry believed that pagan worship involved profound symbolism, not superstition.
Second, he saw Jewish and Christian hostility to images as ignorant, impious, and culturally destructive.

Christianity’s refusal to honor images — its refusal to sacrifice, its refusal to join civic rituals, and its rejection of pagan temples — was, in Porphyry’s eyes, a direct assault on everything wise and ancient in the empire.

For Porphyry, the ancient rites deserved respect. Christians, he believed, were tearing down the cultural world that preserved truth.

Porphyry’s Appeal to Pagan Oracles

Porphyry did not only defend pagan tradition.
He argued that the gods actively revealed truth through the ancient oracles.

He wrote a now-lost work titled On the Philosophy from Oracles.
Much of it was destroyed by Christian emperors, but Eusebius preserves a summary:

“Porphyry says that the gods speak in oracles and reveal to us the ways of virtue and truth.”
Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel 4.7

This is crucial for understanding Porphyry’s worldview.

For Porphyry:

The gods reveal truth through ancient rituals.
The philosophers preserve this truth through reason.
The ancestral traditions embody this truth through symbol and rite.

Christianity, in his eyes, had none of this.
It was recent, literalistic, exclusive, and dismissive of the traditions that carried the wisdom of antiquity.

This is why Porphyry regarded Christianity not as harmless but as culturally and philosophically dangerous.

Porphyry’s Attack on Daniel

Porphyry’s longest and most detailed attack focused on the Book of Daniel. More of his words survive here than on any other topic because the Christian scholar Jerome quoted him extensively in his fourth-century Commentary on Daniel.

Jerome explains Porphyry’s argument this way:

“Porphyry wrote his twelfth book against Daniel, denying that he was a prophet, but asserting that all the things narrated in his book happened in the past, under Antiochus Epiphanes, and that Daniel did not predict the future but reported the past in the form of prophecy.”
Jerome, Commentary on Daniel 11.5

Porphyry argued that Daniel’s predictions were too accurate regarding the events of the second century BC.
He concluded the book was written during the Maccabean crisis, not in the sixth century BC.

Jerome quotes Porphyry further:

“Nearly all the things he relates in this chapter have been fulfilled. He tells of Antiochus who fought against the king of Egypt. But he lies when he adds other things which did not take place at all.”
Jerome, Commentary on Daniel 11.5

Porphyry’s point was simple.
Daniel describes historical events accurately until a certain point.
After that point the predictions fail.
Therefore, Daniel was a historical narrative pretending to be prophecy.

Jerome’s frustration is evident.
He admitted:

“Porphyry followed the history so closely that he cannot be refuted except by saying that Daniel truly foretold the future.”
Jerome, Commentary on Daniel 11.5

For Christians, Daniel was foundational evidence that God reveals future events.
Porphyry’s attack struck at the heart of Christian apologetics.

Hierocles: A Roman Governor Attacking Christianity During the Persecution

At the same time Porphyry was sharpening the philosophical attack against Christianity, another voice emerged from within the Roman administration itself. Hierocles was a high-ranking Roman governor under Diocletian, first in Bithynia and later in Alexandria. Around the very moment the Great Persecution began in AD 303, he composed a work titled Philalethes (“Lover of Truth”), one of the most important pagan attacks on Christianity from the early fourth century.

Unlike Porphyry, Hierocles was not a philosopher speaking from a school.
He was a Roman official speaking from authority.
His critique reveals how Christianity was viewed by those charged with protecting the Roman order.

Eusebius, who lived through the same period, wrote a direct refutation titled Against Hierocles between AD 310 and 313 and quotes Hierocles at length.

Hierocles’s central claim was that Jesus was nothing special and that Christians foolishly exalted Him above other wise men such as Apollonius of Tyana. Eusebius preserves the argument clearly:

“Hierocles endeavors to show that Apollonius was more divine than Jesus, and reproaches us for worshipping Him whom he calls an ordinary man, while we overlook Apollonius, who performed more wonderful deeds.”
Eusebius, Against Hierocles 1 (AD 310–313)

Hierocles insists that Jesus accomplished nothing unique:

“He asserts that Jesus performed nothing remarkable, but that the apostles invented tales of His miracles out of foolishness, whereas Apollonius, he says, displayed greater power and wisdom.”
Against Hierocles 2

He mocks Christians for exclusive devotion to Jesus:

“He accuses us of folly, saying that while we overlook many men who have performed great deeds, we have exalted Jesus alone, though He accomplished nothing worthy of such honor.”
Against Hierocles 4

He even compares their trials:

“He says that Apollonius, when tried by the emperors, displayed courage and divine power, whereas Jesus, dragged before Pilate, showed nothing divine and suffered an inglorious death.”
Against Hierocles 4

He attacks Christian Scripture:

“He mocks us for preferring the barbaric writings of the Christians to the wise and philosophical doctrines of the Greeks.”
Against Hierocles 3

He denies Christian moral superiority:

“He says that what we admire in Christian conduct is found more beautifully among the philosophers, who taught moderation, justice, and wisdom long before.”
Against Hierocles 5

He mocks Christian intellectual status:

“He derides the simplicity of the faith, calling it the belief of unlearned men who know nothing of true philosophy.”
Against Hierocles 3

And he attacks Christian miracle claims:

“He says that the deeds attributed to Jesus are neither new nor extraordinary, for many have worked similar wonders, yet none of these are worshipped as gods.”
Against Hierocles 4

His conclusion is blunt:

“He declares that Christians have been deceived by exaggeration, exalting Jesus beyond measure, when in reality He was no greater than many others.”
Against Hierocles 1

Hierocles therefore stands beside Porphyry as one of the clearest voices opposing Christianity just as the Great Persecution began. He represents the mindset of Roman officials who saw Christianity not only as theologically dangerous but socially destabilizing and philosophically unimpressive.

Christian Responses to Porphyry

Porphyry triggered more Christian responses than any pagan writer before him.
Entire works were written to refute him.

Eusebius of Caesarea

In the early fourth century, he wrote Preparation for the Gospel and Demonstration of the Gospel intended as philosophical and historical weapons against Porphyry.

Eusebius openly acknowledges the scale of the challenge:

“Porphyry has written against us with no small skill.”
Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel 1.1

Methodius of Olympus

In the late third century, he wrote a multi-volume refutation titled Against Porphyry.
The work is mostly lost.

Apollinaris of Laodicea

In the mid-fourth century, he wrote another large response to Porphyry.
Also mostly lost.

Augustine of Hippo

In the early fifth century, he addressed Porphyry multiple times in The City of God.

Augustine admits:

“Porphyry’s writings disturb many, for he was most subtle in his arguments.”
Augustine, City of God 19.22

Jerome

In the late fourth century, he quoted Porphyry’s arguments against Daniel and wrote a full-scale defense of the book as true prophecy.

The sheer number and scale of these responses show how deeply Porphyry’s arguments penetrated Christian thought.

Porphyry and the Road to the Great Persecution

Porphyry’s work did not lead to persecution by itself.
But his ideas shaped the intellectual atmosphere in which Diocletian’s Great Persecution began in AD 303.

Porphyry argued that:

Christianity rejected Rome’s ancestral customs.
Christianity undermined pagan wisdom.
Christianity destroyed images and temples.
Christianity refused to sacrifice.
Christianity misread ancient texts.
Christianity invented new doctrines.
Christianity was a danger to Roman identity.

These are the same themes echoed in Diocletian’s edicts, which demanded:

the destruction of Christian Scriptures
the destruction of churches
the removal of Christians from public office
the arrest of clergy
and the restoration of ancestral rites

Porphyry was not a politician.
But he helped provide the philosophical justification for a state-driven attempt to suppress Christianity.

His intellectual assault and Diocletian’s political assault belong to the same moment.
The empire tried to protect its cultural inheritance and turned to force when argument failed.

Conclusion: Why Porphyry Still Matters

Porphyry’s criticisms remain the foundation of many modern skeptical arguments:

That Daniel was written after the events it “predicts.”
That the Gospels contradict one another.
That miracles do not prove divinity.
That Christians rely on faith rather than proof.
That Christian practices came from Jewish custom rather than divine mandate.
That Christianity is a late and dangerous innovation.

Porphyry was the first to articulate these critiques in a systematic way. He understood Christianity well enough to attack it where it seemed strongest.

Christianity did not survive Porphyry because his arguments were weak. It survived because its historical claims, its prophetic confidence, and its communities of endurance were stronger than any philosophical challenge.

Porphyry represents the moment when philosophy fought back with full force. And Christianity answered with its own witness, writings, and courage.

The Forty Year Peace, AD 260 TO 303

November 25, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

The Little Peace of the Church

For more than two centuries Christians lived with the expectation that violence could begin at any moment. The memory of Nero’s accusations after the fire of Rome, the pressure under Domitian, the legal judgments of Trajan that treated the name “Christian” as a crime, the local troubles recorded throughout the second century, the martyrdoms under Marcus Aurelius, the hostility under Severus, and especially the empire wide edicts of Decius and the targeted punishments of Valerian created an atmosphere of continual uncertainty.

Everything changed abruptly in the year 260. Valerian was taken captive by Shapur of Persia. His son Gallienus became sole emperor and immediately reversed the policies that had brought Christian property under seizure and bishops under threat. From this point until the year 303 Christians experienced the longest period of stability they had known. The era from the year 260 to the opening of Diocletian’s persecution in 303 is commonly called the Little Peace of the Church.

The surviving evidence for these decades includes an imperial letter recognizing Christian property, Christian testimony describing renewed festival gatherings, the minutes and letters of a public synod in Antioch, the writings of Christian scholars, and the archaeological remains of worship spaces and burial complexes. Together these sources show a Church entering a new phase of public life in the empire.

Gallienus and the Restoration of Christian Rights

The Edict of Gallienus

The beginning of this transformation is marked by the letter of Gallienus, preserved in Eusebius’ Church History. Gallienus orders that Christian properties be restored and instructs provincial governors to protect Christian assemblies:

I have ordered that the places which were formerly taken from the lawful possession of the Christians be restored to them.

Let the administrators of the provinces see to it that this decree is carried out with all diligence, so that no one shall prevent the Christians from assembling in the places belonging to them.

(Letter of Gallienus to the bishops of Egypt, Eusebius, Church History 7.13.9 to 10, written around AD 260)

This is the earliest surviving imperial statement that grants explicit legal protection to Christian meeting places. It recognizes Christians as lawful owners of property and commands Roman officials to protect their gatherings.

Dionysius of Alexandria and the Renewed Assemblies

Dionysius of Alexandria had lived through both the Decian and Valerian persecutions. His description of the change that followed Gallienus’ decree gives a vivid sense of how Christians experienced the new peace. He writes:

Then straightway there came again upon us a peace unbroken and indescribable, so great that even the least suspicious were amazed.

The festival assemblies were held, and our gatherings, formerly hindered, were restored with more splendor than before.

(Dionysius of Alexandria, letter preserved in Eusebius, Church History 7.22, written in the early 260s)

This testimony shows that Christian assemblies were restored immediately and that they were conducted openly and joyfully. The language of “festival assemblies” and “gatherings formerly hindered” describes concrete public worship practices returning to life.

Paul of Samosata and the Public Character of Christian Communities

Public Synods and the Imperial Decision

A further indication of the Church’s new public standing is the controversy surrounding Paul of Samosata, who served as bishop of Antioch during the 260s. Paul taught that Christ was a mere man in whom the divine Word dwelt as it had in earlier prophets. He was also accused of personal pride and of treating his role as bishop as a means of civic advancement.

A synod of bishops met in Antioch to examine Paul’s life and teaching. Their decision survives in Eusebius:

Though Paul was present with us for a long time, yet we found him not to be among us, for his manner of life was alien to the rule which has been handed down.

He has brought reproach upon our order by worldly pride, by arrogance in dress, and by the company of officials, and he has introduced teachings contrary to the faith, saying that our Saviour is a mere man, and that the Word and Wisdom of God are in him as in one of the prophets.

(Synodical letter concerning Paul of Samosata, Eusebius, Church History 7.30.19 to 20, written around AD 268)

Paul refused to relinquish the church building after the synod removed him, and the dispute eventually reached the emperor Aurelian. Eusebius records the decision:

When after much time had passed and many synods had been held, and Paul still occupied the church building, the matter was referred to the emperor Aurelian. He ordered that the building be given to those with whom the bishops of Italy and of the city of Rome were in communion.

(Eusebius, Church History 7.30.18, describing events around AD 272)

The presence of a Christian church building in Antioch, substantial enough to require an imperial ruling, reflects a broader pattern of Christian worship spaces that had already developed before the Little Peace.

Early Evidence for Designated Christian Buildings for Worship

(Distinguished from catacombs, burial spaces, and ordinary house gatherings)

Approx. Date	Location	Type of Christian Gathering Place	Primary Evidence	Source Citation and Date of Writing
Late second to early third century	Alexandria	Distinct Christian “houses of prayer”	Origen refers to “the houses of prayer where the Christians meet”	Origen, Against Celsus 8.75, c. AD 248
AD 201	Edessa	Recognized meeting place damaged in a flood	Chronicle notes damage to “the meeting place of the Christians”	Chronicle of Edessa, entry for AD 201
AD 230–250	Dura Europos	House converted into a worship complex	Excavated building destroyed in AD 256	Archaeological excavation
AD 249–251	Carthage	Christian gathering places seized	Cyprian reports “the places where we were accustomed to gather”	Cyprian, Letter 80.1, c. AD 250
AD 249–260	Alexandria, Caesarea, Rome	“Large and spacious churches” already present	Eusebius describes “large assemblies and spacious churches”	Eusebius, Church History 8.1.5
AD 260	Provinces under Gallienus	Christian buildings restored	Gallienus orders meeting places returned	Eusebius, Church History 7.13.9–10
AD 268–272	Antioch	Major designated church building	Aurelian’s legal ruling	Eusebius, Church History 7.30.18–20

Christian Teaching, Literature, and Community Life During the Little Peace

The stability that followed the decree of Gallienus allowed Christian communities to focus on worship, moral instruction, doctrinal clarity, and pastoral care. The literary and archaeological sources that survive from these decades give a fuller picture of Christian life than would first appear from the scarcity of surviving manuscripts. The harmony between these sources shows a Church whose thought, worship, and communal structures were developing in an atmosphere largely free from imperial disruption.

Voices from North Africa: Commodian

One of the earliest clear voices from this period is Commodian, a Christian teacher writing in North Africa. His Instructiones, composed around the years 260 to 280, offer moral admonitions and exhortations to purity. His tone reflects a community navigating daily life in a pagan world with confidence in divine judgment. He writes:

You who believe in Christ, keep your hearts undefiled.
Do not mingle with unbelievers or walk in the counsel of the wicked.
The Judge sees all things and will render to each according to his deeds.

(Commodian, Instructiones 1.8, written around AD 260 to 280)

He also warns Christians to remember their calling and avoid the practices that had once shaped their former lives. He says:

The world hates the servants of God because they are mindful of Him.
Remain steadfast, for the Lord Christ will come and will judge the living and the dead.

(Commodian, Instructiones 1.35, written around AD 260 to 280)

These writings reveal a Christian moral consciousness that fits well with what we see in inscriptions and other texts from these years. Christians understood themselves as a people distinct from their surroundings, committed to purity of conduct, confident that Christ would return.

The Didascalia Apostolorum: Church Order in the East

A second window into Christian life during these decades comes from the Didascalia Apostolorum, a church manual originating earlier in the third century but widely used across the Syrian churches during the Little Peace. Its instructions reflect the pastoral and communal expectations of the time. It says:

Let the bishop be your leader and shepherd, for he watches over your souls.
Let the deacons be like the eyes of the Church, caring for the poor and examining the needs of all.

(Didascalia Apostolorum 9, widely used 260 to 300)

The Didascalia also describes Christian worship and the discipline of community life:

Gather every Lord’s Day, and break bread, and give thanks, having confessed your sins,
that your sacrifice may be pure.

(Didascalia Apostolorum 13, circulating 260 to 300)

And it describes the role of prayer within the community:

Let the widows be honored, for they are the altar of God.
Let them pray unceasingly for all who are in the Church.

(Didascalia Apostolorum 15, circulated 260 to 300)

These instructions show a well-structured Church with an ordered hierarchy, regular weekly worship, roles for widows and deacons, and a commitment to purity and unity.

The Disputation at Antioch: Malchion and Paul of Samosata

The doctrinal life of Christian communities during these years appears most clearly in the dispute centered on Paul of Samosata. The public disputation between Paul and Malchion, a presbyter in Antioch trained in philosophy, provides a rare look at third-century theological debate. Malchion says:

You say the Word came to dwell in Jesus as in a prophet, yet you deny that He is the eternal Wisdom who was with God before all things.

(Malchion, Disputation with Paul, preserved in Eusebius, Church History 7.29, written around AD 268)

Malchion insists that Christian teaching must affirm the eternal preexistence of the divine Word:

You speak of Jesus as a man who attained glory, but we proclaim Him as the divine Wisdom who became man for us.

(Malchion, Disputation with Paul, c. 268)

These fragments demonstrate the level of intellectual engagement Christians could sustain during these decades of peace.

Methodius of Olympus: Theology at the End of the Peace

Near the end of the Little Peace another major Christian thinker appears in Methodius of Olympus. His works reflect deep concern for virtue, purity, and the resurrection. Writing around the years 290 to 300, Methodius says:

The soul is adorned with the virtues as a bride, and Christ receives her when she has purified herself
and kept herself from corruption.

(Methodius, Symposium 2.6, written around AD 290 to 300)

He also affirms the unity of body and soul in the resurrection:

The resurrection is the restoration of the whole man, the body joined again to the soul, that both may receive the reward of their deeds.

(Methodius, On the Resurrection 1.4, written around AD 290 to 300)

His work shows the maturity of Christian theology just before the outbreak of the Great Persecution.

Victorinus of Pettau: The First Latin Commentary on Revelation

Latin Christianity also produced writings in this period. Victorinus of Pettau, the earliest known Latin commentator on Revelation, wrote during the decades before he was martyred in the year 303. In his commentary he says:

The Church is the virgin who keeps herself for Christ and refuses to be defiled by the world.

(Victorinus, Commentary on Revelation 3.14, written around AD 260 to 303)

He also emphasizes perseverance:

He who perseveres in faith, even in the face of death, receives the crown of life promised by the Lord.

(Victorinus, Commentary on Revelation 2.10, written around AD 260 to 303)

Victorinus reveals a Latin Christian world confident in the teaching of Scripture and the promise of Christ’s return.

Arnobius of Sicca: A North African Voice

A North African voice from the very end of this period appears in Arnobius of Sicca, who wrote Against the Nations around the years 295 to 303. Arnobius defends Christian belief in the divinity of Christ and the moral transformation produced by Christian conversion. He writes:

We are mocked for confessing that Christ is God, yet we persevere, knowing that His power has transformed our lives.

(Arnobius, Against the Nations 1.5, written around AD 295 to 303)

He also describes the growth and moral influence of Christian communities:

The Church grows not by the sword but by persuasion and by the example of a holy community.

(Arnobius, Against the Nations 2.1, written around AD 295 to 303)

Arnobius gives voice to the public confidence of Christians at the end of the Little Peace.

Other Christian Writings of the Era

The Acts of Archelaus and Manes, a Christian dialogue against Manichaeism written around the years 278 to 280, states:

The truth of Christ is confirmed by the harmony of the prophets and by the lives of the apostles who sealed their testimony with their blood.

(Acts of Archelaus and Manes 42, written around AD 278 to 280)

Syriac Christianity also produced texts in this era. The Teaching of Addai, associated with Edessa and dated to the late third century, proclaims:

Blessed are those who keep themselves from the idols of the world and walk in the way of Christ who brings life to those who believe.

(Teaching of Addai 7, Edessa, late third century)

And the Syriac exhortation texts call believers to renewal:

Beloved, let us put off the old man and put on Christ, for He has called us into the light of His kingdom.

(Syriac Exhortation, Homily 3, written around AD 270 to 300)

Archaeological Testimony

Archaeology provides further evidence. Catacomb inscriptions from Rome in the late third century show Christians identifying themselves openly as believers and noting the offices they held. One reads:

Aurelius Gaius, servant of Christ, rests in peace.

(Catacomb inscription, Rome, late third century)

Another says:

Severianus the presbyter sleeps in the peace of the Lord.

(Catacomb inscription, Rome, late third century)

Such inscriptions demonstrate that Christians were organized, confident, and socially visible even before the dramatic expansion of the fourth century.

Porphyry and the Wider Intellectual World

These Christian voices existed alongside the intellectual resistance of Porphyry of Tyre, a Neoplatonic philosopher who wrote a detailed critique of Christianity between the years 270 and 300. His work shows that Christian Scripture, teaching, and community life were prominent enough to draw attention from the most educated circles of the empire. Although his writings survive only in fragments, their existence demonstrates that Christianity was part of the larger intellectual conversation during the Little Peace.

The Lost Literature of the Little Peace

The Destruction of Christian Writings Under Diocletian

The relatively small number of surviving writings from this forty year period is not an indication that Christians were inactive or silent. The primary reason for the loss is the deliberate destruction of Christian literature during the Great Persecution that began in the year 303.

The first edict of Diocletian required the destruction of Christian writings. Lactantius describes the order:

It was commanded that the churches be torn down, and that the Scriptures be burned with fire. Those who held office in the churches were to be arrested.

(Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 12.1, written after AD 313)

Eusebius, who witnessed the persecution in Palestine, records the same reality:

We saw with our own eyes the houses of prayer thrown down to their foundations, and the divine Scriptures burned in the open marketplace.

(Eusebius, Church History 8.2.1, describing events beginning in AD 303)

He adds:

Search was made for the sacred books, and they were delivered to be burned.

(Eusebius, Church History 8.3.1)

Because Christian writings were kept in churches, bishop’s houses, cemeterial chapels, and teaching centers, these locations were primary targets. Eusebius laments:

Many writings of the ancient martyrs and of those who bore witness to the truth have perished in the persecution recently suffered by the churches.

(Eusebius, Church History 8.13.7)

The persecution targeted not only people but memory. Books were easy to find and burn, and many of the writings produced in the peaceful years between 260 and 303 were lost.

The Emperors Who Maintained the Peace

The stability that Christians experienced after the decree of Gallienus continued under the emperors who followed him. Claudius, Aurelian, Tacitus, Florian, Probus, Carus, and the sons of Carus left no record of empire wide action against the Church. Christian assemblies continued openly. Pastors taught. Writers composed treatises and commentaries. Disputes such as the one surrounding Paul of Samosata were resolved by synods rather than by fear of imperial coercion.

Aurelian’s involvement in that controversy is the clearest window into imperial engagement with the Church during these years. When Paul refused to surrender the church building at Antioch after the synod deposed him, the case was appealed to the emperor. Eusebius writes:

When after much time had passed and many synods had been held, and Paul still occupied the church building, the matter was referred to the emperor Aurelian. He ordered that the building be given to those with whom the bishops of Italy and of the city of Rome were in communion.

(Eusebius, Church History 7.30.18, describing events around AD 272)

This ruling favored the wider episcopal consensus and shows that Christian property was recognized in law and that Christian disputes could be settled by appealing to imperial authority. It is an image of the Church operating within public legal structures rather than in hiding from them.

When Diocletian became emperor in the year 284 he preserved the long tradition of toleration that had begun under Gallienus. Christians served in public roles and lived in the orbit of imperial families. Eusebius later reflects on their presence within the administration:

When the rulers employed Christians in their services and entrusted them with authority, those who observed their lives admired the faith and the zeal that marked their conduct.

(Eusebius, Church History 8.1.2, referring to the years before AD 303)

Christians therefore lived openly, engaged in civic responsibilities, and were regarded with respect in many public contexts. Their faith was not confined to private spaces but was visible within the structures of the state.

Christian Soldiers During the Little Peace

The most striking evidence of Christian integration into public life during this period is the presence of Christians in the Roman military. Several accounts from different regions show Christians serving as soldiers and officers, and some being executed when they refused to participate in rites that conflicted with their faith.

A notable case appears at the very beginning of the Little Peace in Caesarea. Marinus, a Christian serving as a centurion, was accused when he was about to receive promotion. His refusal to offer sacrifice led directly to his death. The account states:

Marinus was in the army and had the rank of centurion. When he was about to receive a promotion, he was accused of being a Christian. He refused to offer sacrifice, declaring that he had long served Christ.
He was led away and immediately beheaded.

(Marinus of Caesarea, martyr account preserved in Eusebius, Church History 7.15, describing events around AD 260)

This testimony shows that Christians held rank in the military and that their refusal to obey sacrificial commands could lead to execution even during years of general peace. The issue was not their military service as such, but their refusal to participate in religious rites that they believed violated their allegiance to Christ.

Another important account appears in North Africa in the year 295. The Acts of Maximilian record a Roman proconsul acknowledging that Christians were numerous in the army. When Maximilian refused the oath of service, the outcome was immediate. The transcript reads:

When Maximilian refused the military oath, the proconsul said to him, There are Christians serving today in the army. Maximilian remained firm.
The sentence was read: Maximilian is to be executed by the sword.
And he was executed at once.

(Acts of Maximilian 3 to 9, dated AD 295)

The key line is the admission that “there are Christians serving today in the army.” This statement confirms that Christian military service was common by the late third century. The fact that Maximilian is executed for refusing service shows that the empire could tolerate Christians in the army, but not when they openly rejected the obligations of the oath.

A related case comes from Tingitana in the year 298. Marcellus, a centurion of the Seventh Legion, refused to participate in a military ceremony honoring the emperor. His profession of loyalty to Christ cost him his life. The account states:

Marcellus, a centurion of the Thundering Legion, cast aside his military belt and declared, I serve Jesus Christ the eternal King.
The sentence was read: Marcellus is to be executed with the sword.
He was executed immediately.

(Passion of Marcellus 3 to 6, dated AD 298)

This episode demonstrates that Christians did not always see military service and allegiance to Christ as compatible when imperial ritual demanded a form of worship they could not give. Their refusal brought the penalty of death even before any empire wide persecution began.

A similar moment occurred at the court of Diocletian, where a soldier refused to join in a sacrificial act. Lactantius describes the event:

A certain man, who was a soldier, refused to take part in the sacrifice and confessed that he was a Christian.
He was immediately put to death.

(Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 10.3, describing events around AD 298)

This account confirms the presence of Christians serving very near the emperor himself and shows that clashes over ritual obedience were already occurring before the outbreak of the wider persecution.

Eusebius summarizes the general condition of Christians in public and military life during these decades:

Many of those who later became most violent against us had before this time lived familiarly with the brethren, and some of them had wives who were believers.

(Eusebius, Church History 8.1.1)

Taken together, these testimonies confirm that Christians served throughout the Roman army during the Little Peace and that some chose martyrdom rather than conform to religious practices they believed to be forbidden. The Little Peace was therefore not an absolute end of suffering, but a period in which persecution became localized and was often triggered by specific conflicts over ritual and loyalty.

The Tetrarchy and Subtle Shifts in Imperial Expectations

In the year 293 Diocletian reorganized the government by appointing Maximian as co emperor and elevating Constantius and Galerius as junior rulers. This arrangement, often called the Tetrarchy, strengthened the structure of the state but also renewed attention to the religious rituals that were believed to protect the empire.

Christians continued to live and worship freely during the early years of the Tetrarchy. Communities gathered, inscriptions were carved, writers taught, and synods addressed questions of faith. Yet the presence of Christians within imperial service, combined with their refusal to participate in certain traditional sacrifices, meant that their relationship to public ritual stood in sharper contrast against the renewed emphasis on ancestral observance and the favor of the gods.

Christian writers of the period were aware of the contrast between Christian faith and pagan practice and urged perseverance and holiness. Victorinus, in his commentary on Revelation, speaks of Christian endurance:

He who perseveres in faith, even in the face of trial, receives the crown of life promised by the Lord.

(Victorinus, Commentary on Revelation 2.10, written around AD 260 to 303)

Arnobius, writing in North Africa near the close of this period, emphasizes the moral distinctiveness of Christian communities:

The Church grows not by the sword but by persuasion and by the example of a holy community.

(Arnobius, Against the Nations 2.1, written around AD 295 to 303)

These voices show how Christians understood their place in the empire. They did not seek power by force but by persuasion and by the witness of a distinct way of life.

In these same decades the philosopher Porphyry of Tyre wrote an extended critique of Christian belief and biblical interpretation. Although his work survives only in fragments, its existence within this period demonstrates that Christian teaching had become significant enough to draw detailed examination and opposition from the philosophical world. Christianity was no longer only a social and moral presence. It had become part of the intellectual discourse of the empire.

Conclusion: The Mature Christian Life of the Little Peace

The years between 260 and 303 represent the first sustained era in which Christians lived, worshiped, taught, and organized themselves openly under Roman authority. The evidence from Christian writings, synodical decisions, inscriptions, martyr acts, and imperial rulings shows that Christian communities were confident and active. They built designated worship spaces, gathered each Lord’s Day, instructed converts, cared for widows and the poor, debated doctrine in public, and produced theological writings and commentaries.

Some Christians served in the army and wore the uniform of Rome. Some were executed for refusing to perform rites they believed violated their faith. Others taught, wrote poetry, engaged in philosophical argument, or preserved the memory of the martyrs. All of these activities unfolded within a world of relative stability, shaped by the legal protection first granted by Gallienus.

The Little Peace was therefore a formative period for Christian identity. It revealed how the Church lived when not under threat, showed the kind of structures and teachings that emerged when Christians were able to gather freely, and demonstrated that their faith could flourish not only in times of persecution but also in seasons of peace.

Plague, Persecution, and the Strength of the Early Church: From Decius to Valerian

November 23, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

In AD 249, the Roman emperor Decius looked across an empire in decline and believed he saw the cause clearly. Rome had forgotten the gods. Old discipline had collapsed. Armies rebelled, frontiers failed, provinces grew restless, and a strange new disease was beginning to appear in major cities. His solution was drastic: force every inhabitant of the empire to offer sacrifice to the ancestral gods, renewing the divine favor that had once made Rome strong.

Aurelius Victor, a pagan Roman historian writing around AD 360, explains Decius’s reasoning:

“Decius wished to restore the old discipline, for he thought the state had been corrupted by the neglect of ancestral customs.”
(De Caesaribus 29)

Zosimus, a pagan historian hostile to Christianity writing around AD 500, reports the same motive:

“Decius strove to restore the ancient religion.”
(New History 1.23)

Cyprian of Carthage, a Christian bishop writing in the AD 250s, saw the truth directly:

“Decius wished to compel every man to sacrifice.”
(Letter 55)

Decius believed enforced religious unity would stabilize Rome. Instead, the empire fell into one of the worst crises in its history.

Rome’s Crisis Deepened and the Plague Swept the Empire

Within two years of Decius’s edict:

he died in battle against the Goths (AD 251),
military rebellions multiplied,
pretenders seized the throne,
frontier defenses collapsed,
and the plague exploded.

Eutropius, a pagan Roman imperial official writing around AD 369, summarizes these years in a single devastating sentence:

“The state was wasted by pestilence, devastated by enemies, and its strength exhausted.”
(Breviarium 9.5)

Aurelius Victor, writing as a secular historian around AD 360, echoes it:

“The State was collapsing under its misfortunes.”
(De Caesaribus 30)

The most severe blow was not military—it was biological.

The Plague of Cyprian (AD 249–262): One of the Deadliest Pandemics of Antiquity

The epidemic we now call the Plague of Cyprian lasted roughly thirteen years (AD 249–262). Evidence suggests it reached nearly every major region of the Roman Empire:

North Africa (Cyprian’s home)
Egypt (Dionysius’s letters)
Rome and Italy
Asia Minor (Firmilian of Caesarea)
Syria, Judea, and Palestine
Greece
Gaul
The Danube provinces
Possibly Britain

Firmilian of Cappadocia, a Christian bishop writing around AD 256, states plainly:

“The pestilence is raging everywhere, and the whole world is devastated.”
(Epistle 74 to Cyprian)

Historians estimate:

Urban mortality: 20–30%
Some cities: up to 50%
Total empire-wide deaths: 5–10 million

No Roman epidemic produced more detailed Christian eyewitness testimony.

Cyprian’s Full Plague Description (On Mortality 14)

Cyprian of Carthage, a Christian bishop writing in the mid-250s, recorded the most vivid medical description of the plague. Here is the complete account:

“This trial, that is now common to all, puts us on equal terms. Whatever is the character of the plague which now ravages the human race, it attacks all without distinction. It lays waste the people equally as it perpetually rages among them; and though it may injure many, still it should improve the discipline of all.

This death, in its devastations, as it attacks the righteous and the unrighteous, does not spare the brave or the peaceful; the man of learning and the unlearned; the strong and the weak.

This trial, that now the bowels loosen into a constant flux; that a fire originated in the marrow boils up in the throat; that the intestines are shaken with continual vomiting; that the eyes are on fire with the injected blood; that in some cases the feet or some parts of the limbs are taken off by the contagion of diseased and corrupted putrefaction; and that from the weakness caused by the failing and loss of the body, either the gait is enfeebled, or the hearing obstructed, or the sight darkened—this devastates countless bodies, and destroys whole families and households…

But nevertheless it profits, in that it searches out the righteousness of each one and examines the minds of the human race: whether one who is in health cares for the sick; whether a relation affectionately loves his kindred; whether masters have compassion on their languishing servants; whether physicians do not desert the afflicted; whether the fierce restrain their violence; whether the rapacious can quench the ever insatiable fire of their furious desires; whether the haughty bend their necks; whether the wicked soften their daring; whether, when their dear ones perish, the rich, even then, give anything.”
(On Mortality 14)

Christian Bravery During the Plague

Dionysius of Alexandria, a Christian bishop writing c. AD 260, preserved by Eusebius:

“Most of our brethren, in their exceeding love and affection for the brotherhood, did not spare themselves. They visited the sick fearlessly, ministered to them continually, tended to them in Christ, and died with them most joyfully.”
(Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 7.22.7–8)

He adds:

“The heathen thrust aside those who began to be sick and fled from their dearest. They cast the dying into the roads before they were dead.”
(Eusebius, HE 7.22.10)

Christians stayed.
They carried the sick.
They buried the dead.
And they died doing it.

Cyprian’s Theology of Charity During Crisis

Cyprian’s On Works and Alms (c. AD 252–254) shows how Christians understood charity in plague and persecution.

“What a great and honorable thing it is, beloved brethren, to wash away the stains of sin by the works of mercy! What a glorious thing to convert earthly possessions into heavenly treasures!”
(On Works and Alms 2)

“Christ taught that He was hungry in His poor… Whatever is given to these is given to Christ.”
(On Works and Alms 6–7)

“Let no one be hindered from doing good by the fear of death. He cannot fear to die who is already dying to the world.”
(On Works and Alms 20–21)

“Even the widow’s two mites were accepted… He who gives to the poor makes God his debtor.”
(On Works and Alms 18)

“Almsgiving prepares us for the crown. He who shows mercy learns to suffer.”
(On Works and Alms 34)

This ethic shaped Christian identity more deeply than any imperial decree.

Gallus and Aemilian: Crisis Without Coherence

Trebonianus Gallus (AD 251–253) inherited an empire collapsing under plague and war.

Aurelius Victor, a pagan historian around AD 360, writes:

“Gallus possessed neither the authority nor the industry necessary for ruling a state collapsing under its misfortunes.”
(De Caesaribus 30)

Eutropius, a pagan imperial official writing c. AD 369, says:

“Pestilence and war wasted every part of the state.”
(Breviarium 9.5)

Cyprian of Carthage, a Christian bishop writing in the mid-250s, provides direct testimony:

“Gallus, at once hostile and timid, succeeded the empire. He drove Cornelius, the bishop, into exile, and pursued the pastors of the Church with wicked fury.”
(Epistle 55.9)

Aemilian (AD 253) ruled only months.
Zosimus, the pagan historian hostile to Christianity, says:

“Aemilian ruled so briefly that nothing worth remembering could be accomplished.”
(New History 1.24)

Valerian: A Brief Peace and Then a Sharp Persecution

Valerian (AD 253–260) began with unusual favor toward Christians.

Dionysius of Alexandria, writing c. AD 260, recalls:

“In the early days of Valerian, there was not even a whisper of hatred against us. Men of God were in his household.”
(Eusebius, HE 7.10.3–4)

But everything changed dramatically under the influence of Macrianus, his powerful financial officer.

Macrianus: The Architect of Valerian’s Shift

Macrianus was a pagan imperial financial officer—the Rationalis, responsible for taxation, troop pay, and imperial expenditures. With Rome’s finances collapsing under plague, invasion, and mutiny, he wielded enormous bureaucratic power and shaped the emperor’s thinking. Christian writers remembered him as deeply hostile toward Christians, viewing them as destabilizing because they refused state sacrifices.

Lactantius, a Christian historian writing c. AD 310–320, explains Valerian’s reversal:

“He was corrupted by Macrianus, who was long hostile to the Christian name.”
(De Mortibus Persecutorum 5)

Valerian’s First Edict (AD 257)

Lactantius, a Christian historian writing c. AD 310–320, preserves the full legal summary:

“He sent a rescript that bishops, presbyters, and deacons should be punished immediately.

Senators and men of importance who practiced Christianity were to lose their dignities, and if they persisted, be deprived of their property.

Matrons were to be deprived of their goods and banished.

And all members of the imperial household who confessed Christ were to be sent in chains.”
(De Mortibus Persecutorum 5)

Dionysius of Alexandria, Christian bishop writing c. AD 260, adds a key detail:

“It was not permitted for us to assemble, not even in the cemeteries.”
(Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 7.11.10)

Banning Christian burial gatherings was a direct attack on the most basic expression of the Christian community.

Valerian’s Second Edict (AD 258)

Valerian’s second edict escalated sharply.

Lactantius:

“He ordered that bishops, presbyters, and deacons be executed immediately.

Senators and men of rank who persisted in Christianity were to lose their property and, if they continued, be beheaded.

Matrons were to be deprived of their property and exiled.

And members of the imperial household who confessed Christ were to be sent in chains and assigned to work on the imperial estates.”
(De Mortibus 6)

This was the most targeted persecution since Nero, and the most systematically organized until Diocletian.

It ruthlessly attacked:

The clergy (execution)
The upper classes (confiscation, then execution)
Wealthy Christian women (exile)
Christian imperial slaves and staff (forced labor)

By striking at bishops and deacons first, Valerian tried to dismantle Christian leadership.
By attacking Christian senators and matrons, he tried to destroy Christian influence.
By enslaving Christian palace staff, he tried to cleanse the imperial household of the faith.

The Execution of Sixtus II and the Roman Deacons

Eusebius, Christian historian c. AD 310–325, writes:

“Sixtus was seized in the cemetery and put to death with four deacons.”
(Ecclesiastical History 7.14)

The Liber Pontificalis (drawing on much earlier Roman records) gives the names of the deacons:

Januarius
Magnus
Vincent
Stephen

Fourth-century bishop Ambrose of Milan, using earlier Roman tradition, expands this event:

“The prefect found Sixtus seated, preaching to the brethren, and said, ‘Are you the bishop?’
Sixtus replied, ‘I am.’
And he was led away to suffer with his deacons.”
(De Officiis 2.28)

Rome remembered that Sixtus and his deacons died during worship, defying Valerian’s ban on assembly in cemeteries, choosing obedience to God over obedience to Rome.

The Full Interrogation of Cyprian of Carthage

This is one of the best-documented martyrdom interrogations from the ancient world.

Eusebius, quoting the official Roman court transcript:

“When Cyprian had been brought before the tribunal, the proconsul said to him:

‘Are you Thascius Cyprian?’

Cyprian replied: ‘I am.’

The proconsul Galerius Maximus said: ‘The most sacred emperors have commanded you to sacrifice.’

Cyprian said: ‘I will not sacrifice.’

Galerius Maximus said: ‘Consider your position.’

Cyprian replied: ‘Do what you are commanded. In so just a cause there is no need of deliberation.’

After conferring with his council, Galerius Maximus reluctantly pronounced the sentence:

‘You have long lived sacrilegiously and have attracted many by your wickedness.
You have shown yourself an enemy to the gods and the laws of Rome.

The sacred emperors have commanded that those who do not sacrifice shall be executed with the sword.

Therefore Thascius Cyprian, you are to be executed with the sword.’

Cyprian responded: ‘Thanks be to God.’”
(Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 7.11*)

This transcript is extraordinary:
It shows a bishop speaking directly, calmly, and fearlessly to the Roman state.

Eyewitness Account of Cyprian’s Final Moments (Pontius the Deacon)

Pontius of Carthage, Cyprian’s deacon and an eyewitness writing in the AD 260s, describes what happened next:

“When he came to the place appointed for execution, Cyprian prayed on his knees.

He took off his cloak and folded it carefully before kneeling upon it.

He removed his dalmatic and handed it to the deacons, remaining in his linen tunic.

Then he bound his own eyes with his handkerchief.

The faithful spread cloths and napkins before him to catch his blood.

Cyprian himself commanded the executioner to do his duty, and the executioner struck the blow.”
(Pontius, Life of Cyprian 19–20)

Pontius adds one more vivid detail:

“There was a great cry from the brethren, many saying: ‘Let us be slain with him!’
But Cyprian had already received the crown.”
(Life of Cyprian 20)

Additional 3rd-Century Witnesses to Cyprian’s Martyrdom

Early Carthaginian martyr traditions remember:

“He knelt upon the earth and clasped his hands in prayer.
The soldiers marveled at his calmness.”
(Acts of Cyprian, fragment)

And:

“He offered himself willingly, and the people wept as for a father.”
(Acts of Cyprian, fragment)

These traditions formed part of the earliest Christian liturgical memory in North Africa.

Valerian’s Catastrophic End

In AD 260, Valerian marched east to confront the rising Persian king Shapur I.
He was defeated, captured alive, and humiliated—an unprecedented disaster.

Shapur I, Zoroastrian Persian king writing c. AD 260, proudly carved:

“We captured Valerian, the emperor of the Romans, with our own hands.”
(Res Gestae Divi Saporis)

Roman historians—pagan and Christian—agreed that nothing like this had ever happened in Rome’s history.

For Christians, it confirmed the justice of God.
For pagans, it proved the empire was in unprecedented crisis.

Valerian’s son, Gallienus, now ruled alone.

The First Pro-Christian Law in Roman History

Gallienus immediately reversed his father’s policies.
He issued a rescript restoring Christian property and protecting their right to assemble.

Eusebius, Christian historian c. AD 310–325, preserves the text:

“The places which were seized are to be restored to you,
and the governors shall desist from molesting you.”
(Ecclesiastical History 7.13)

This was the first legal recognition of Christianity by a Roman emperor.

It inaugurated what historians call the Little Peace of the Church (AD 260–303)—a 40-year span of relative safety before the Great Persecution under Diocletian.

Why Gallienus Did This

Gallienus reversed the persecution because the empire needed stability, not conflict.
After Valerian’s capture, the Roman world was breaking apart:

provinces were rebelling,
armies were mutinying,
and the plague still ravaged cities.

Christians were:

organized,
peaceful,
widespread,
and exceptionally charitable.

Restoring their property strengthened urban life at zero cost to the state.

Another major reason was the downfall of Macrianus, the architect of the persecution.
Macrianus was the empire’s powerful financial officer. After Valerian’s capture, he betrayed the imperial family by attempting to put his own sons on the throne. His rebellion failed, discrediting both his faction and his policies.

Continuing a persecution designed by a traitor would have undermined Gallienus’s legitimacy.
Ending it unified support behind his rule.

Gallienus’s toleration was not theological. It was practical statecraft in the middle of collapse.

Why Christianity Grew Stronger While Rome Collapsed

From Decius to Valerian, Rome tried to save itself through:

fear,
coercion,
forced sacrifice,
and violence.

Christians grew through:

sacrificial charity,
unity across classes,
courage in martyrdom,
doctrinal clarity,
care for the sick,
and unshakable resurrection hope.

Where Rome fled the plague, Christians carried the dying.
Where Rome cast out its sick, Christians welcomed them.
Where Rome fractured, Christians unified.
Where Rome enforced loyalty through fear, Christians won loyalty through love.

This is why Christianity endured Rome’s darkest decades—not through power, but through faithful love in the face of death, a way of life no emperor could crush.

Suffering, Fairness, and the Humility of Faith

November 16, 2025November 16, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

The question of suffering and fairness is the single greatest obstacle to belief in God for millions of people. It is the question that keeps many away from faith and pushes many more into unbelief, agnosticism, or the “unaffiliated.” It is the very question that led New Testament scholar Bart Ehrman away from Christianity.

People look at the pain of the world—war, injustice, disease, inequality, tragedy—and ask:

How can God be good and all-powerful when the world is so unfair?

The Bible does not give a philosophical explanation.
Instead, it redirects us toward humility, trust, and responsibility.

Humility, in the Christian sense, means accepting our place in the grand scheme of God’s creation.
It is not weakness. It is not self-hate.
It is acknowledging God’s greatness and our smallness, God’s wisdom and our ignorance, God’s sovereignty and our finiteness.

Humility is what allows us to accept the Bible’s answer:
We are not at the center of the universe — God is.
And His purposes are bigger than our comfort, our expectations, or our demands for fairness.

And yet, this humility does not lead to passivity.
The same God who rules all things calls His people to enter the suffering of others, lift burdens, relieve pain, and show compassion with sacrificial love.

1. Jesus’ Examples from the Gospels

Jesus addresses suffering repeatedly — and every time, He responds not with explanations but with calls to humility, faith, readiness, and compassion.

1.1 The Syro-Phoenician Woman (Matthew 15:21–28)

“And Jesus went away from there and withdrew to the district of Tyre and Sidon.
And behold, a Canaanite woman from that region came out and was crying,
‘Have mercy on me, O Lord, Son of David; my daughter is severely oppressed by a demon.’
But he did not answer her a word.

And his disciples came and begged him, saying, ‘Send her away, for she is crying out after us.’

He answered, ‘I was sent only to the lost sheep of the house of Israel.’

But she came and knelt before him, saying, ‘Lord, help me.’

And he answered, ‘It is not right to take the children’s bread and throw it to the dogs.’

She said, ‘Yes, Lord, yet even the dogs eat the crumbs that fall from their masters’ table.’

Then Jesus answered her, ‘O woman, great is your faith! Be it done for you as you desire.’
And her daughter was healed instantly.”

This is one of the most powerful pictures of humility in Scripture.

She receives no explanation for her daughter’s suffering, for Israel’s priority, or for her placement in the “dog” category in the Jewish worldview. She does not resist, argue, or demand fairness. She accepts her place in God’s unfolding story as it was understood in her day — not because she demeans herself, but because she trusts Jesus despite what she cannot understand.

Her humility becomes the channel of her exaltation.

1.2 The Man Born Blind (John 9:1–7)

“As he passed by, he saw a man blind from birth.

And his disciples asked him,
‘Rabbi, who sinned, this man or his parents, that he was born blind?’

Jesus answered,
‘It was not that this man sinned, or his parents,
but that the works of God might be displayed in him.’

The disciples assume a Deuteronomic worldview: obedience brings blessing; disobedience brings curse.
So to them, blindness must be punishment for sin.

Jesus rejects that entirely.

He does not explain why this man suffered for decades.
He assigns no cause and no blame.
He simply says God will use this suffering for His purpose.

Not all suffering corresponds to guilt.
Some suffering exists only to reveal God’s works.

1.3 Pilate’s Massacre and the Tower of Siloam (Luke 13:1–5)

“There were some present at that very time who told Him about the Galileans whose blood Pilate had mingled with their sacrifices.

And He answered them,
‘Do you think that these Galileans were worse sinners than all the other Galileans, because they suffered in this way?
No, I tell you; but unless you repent, you will all likewise perish.

Or those eighteen on whom the tower in Siloam fell and killed them:
do you think that they were worse offenders than all the others who lived in Jerusalem?
No, I tell you; but unless you repent, you will all likewise perish.’”

Two tragedies:

Pilate massacres Jewish worshipers
A tower collapses and kills eighteen

The people want an explanation: Why these? Why now? Why them?

Jesus refuses the “why.”

He denies their suffering was punishment and gives no reason for why they died.

Instead, He teaches the purpose of tragedy: to awaken us, humble us, and make us ready.

Life is fragile.
Death is sudden.
Be ready.

2. Old Testament Examples and Direct Passages

The Old Testament speaks with raw clarity about God’s sovereignty over calamity, suffering, disaster, and tragedy. Its clearest witness is the Book of Job.

2.1 Job: God Reveals His Wisdom, Not His Reasons

Job is Scripture’s most comprehensive reflection on undeserved suffering.

Job Is Innocent

“Have you considered my servant Job,
that there is none like him on the earth,
a blameless and upright man…?” (Job 1:8)

Then the LORD says to Satan:

“You incited me against him
to destroy him without reason.” (Job 2:3)

Job’s suffering happens “…without reason.”

Not because he sinned.
Not because he failed.
Not because he deserved it.

His suffering comes through God’s sovereign decision for reasons He does not reveal to humans.

And at the end of the book, Scripture confirms again who brought Job’s suffering:

“…all the evil that the LORD had brought upon him.”
—Job 42:11

This final narrator’s summary leaves no doubt:

The LORD Himself brought the suffering on Job.
Not Satan alone.
Not human enemies.
Not random chance.
The LORD.

The Friends Are Wrong

Job’s friends insist that suffering must be punishment.

Eliphaz (Job 4:7–8)

“Who that was innocent ever perished?
Or where were the upright cut off?
As I have seen, those who plow iniquity
and sow trouble reap the same.”

Bildad (Job 8:4, 6, 20)

“If your children have sinned against Him,
He has delivered them into the hand of their transgression.”

“If you are pure and upright,
surely then He will rouse Himself for you
and restore your rightful habitation.”

“Behold, God will not reject a blameless man.”

Zophar (Job 11:13–15)

“If iniquity is in your hand, put it far away…
Surely then you will lift up your face without blemish…”

Their theology is neat, tidy — and wrong.

God’s Judgment on the Friends (Job 42:7)

“My anger burns against you and against your two friends,
for you have not spoken of Me what is right, as My servant Job has.”

Their theology of suffering is condemned by God Himself.

Job’s Mistake

Job is innocent, but in agony he misjudges God.

Job 9:17

“He crushes me with a tempest
and multiplies my wounds without cause.”

Job 10:2–3

“Tell me what charge You have against me.
Does it please You to oppress me…?”

Job 19:6–7

“God has put me in the wrong
and closed His net about me.
I call for help, but there is no justice.”

Job 27:2

“…who has taken away my right
and made my soul bitter…”

Job crosses into accusation — yet God understands that this comes from grief, not rebellion.

Elihu’s Correction

Elihu rebukes both Job and the friends.

Job 32:2–3

“He burned with anger at Job because he justified himself rather than God…
and at his friends because they had found no answer.”

Job 34:10–12

“Far be it from God that He should do wickedness,
and from the Almighty that He should do wrong…
the Almighty will not pervert justice.”

Job 36:5–7

“He is mighty in strength of understanding…
He gives the afflicted their right.”

Job 36:15

“He delivers the afflicted by their affliction
and opens their ear by adversity.”

Elihu teaches that suffering may:

warn
teach
shape
restrain
refine
protect
humble

It is God’s tool for spiritual transformation.

God Speaks

When God speaks, He does not explain suffering.
He reveals His own wisdom.

Job 38:2–4

“Who is this that darkens counsel by words without knowledge?

Where were you when I laid the foundation of the earth?”

Job 38:12

“Have you commanded the morning since your days began?”

Job 38:16

“Have you entered the springs of the sea?”

Job 38:31–33

“Can you bind the chains of the Pleiades or loose the cords of Orion?

Do you know the ordinances of the heavens?”

Job 40:2, 8

“Shall a faultfinder contend with the Almighty?

Will you even put Me in the wrong?
Will you condemn Me that you may be in the right?”

Job 41:11

“Whatever is under the whole heaven is Mine.”

God confronts Job with the vastness of His rule over creation.

The point is clear:

To understand why one man suffers you would need to understand the entire universe — and you cannot.

Job’s Response

Job 42:3

“I have uttered what I did not understand,
things too wonderful for me…”

Job 40:4

“Behold, I am of small account;
I lay my hand on my mouth.”

Job receives God’s grandeur — not reasons.

2.2 The Old Testament’s Bluntest Sovereignty Passages

These passages speak with absolute clarity:

“I kill and I make alive;
I wound and I heal.” —Deuteronomy 32:39

“The Lord kills and brings to life;
He brings down and raises up.” —1 Samuel 2:6–7

“I form light and create darkness;
I make well-being and create calamity.” —Isaiah 45:7

“Does disaster come to a city
unless the Lord has done it?” —Amos 3:6

“Is it not from the mouth of the Most High
that good and bad come?” —Lamentations 3:38

“Shall we receive good from God,
and shall we not receive evil?” —Job 2:10

God does not merely “allow” calamities.
He governs them.

3. Romans 9–11: God Makes Some Reject Christ and Makes Others Believe

Romans 9–11 is Paul’s master-class in God’s absolute sovereignty.

He is explaining why:

Many Jews rejected Christ,
Many Gentiles accepted Christ,
And how all of this was orchestrated by God.

Paul’s answer:

God hardens whom He wills
and has mercy on whom He wills —
and He does this for purposes we cannot see.

3.1 Chosen Before Birth: Jacob and Esau (Romans 9:10–13)

“When Rebekah had conceived children by one man, our forefather Isaac,
though they were not yet born
and had done nothing either good or bad—
in order that God’s purpose of election might continue,
not because of works but because of Him who calls—
she was told, ‘The older will serve the younger.’
As it is written, ‘Jacob I loved, but Esau I hated.’”

This removes all possibility that:

God foresaw Jacob would choose Him
God foresaw Jacob would be more righteous
Or that Esau would sin more

God’s choice is:

before birth
before action
before faith
based solely on His purpose

3.2 Salvation Does Not Depend on Human Will or Effort (Romans 9:14–16)

“What shall we say then? Is there injustice on God’s part?
By no means!

For He says to Moses,
‘I will have mercy on whom I have mercy,
and I will have compassion on whom I have compassion.’

So then it depends not on human will or exertion, but on God, who shows mercy.”

This eliminates:

human decision
human effort
human striving
human deserving

Mercy belongs to God alone.

3.3 God Raised Up Pharaoh to Display His Power (Romans 9:17–18)

“For the Scripture says to Pharaoh,
‘For this very purpose I have raised you up,
that I might show My power in you,
and that My name might be proclaimed in all the earth.’

So then He has mercy on whomever He wills,
and He hardens whomever He wills.”

Paul uses Pharaoh as the pattern for how God exercises sovereignty over human decisions.

God Hardened Pharaoh Before Pharaoh Ever Acted

“I will harden his heart, so that he will not let the people go.” (Exodus 4:21)

This is before Moses ever confronts him.

Pharaoh’s Hardening Caused Massive Suffering

Because God hardened Pharaoh:

Egypt endured plague after plague
livestock died
crops were destroyed
families wept
darkness covered the land
and every firstborn child died

Millions suffered because of a decision God Himself caused.

Then God judged Pharaoh for the hardening God produced.

Paul brings this story into Romans intentionally so the reader understands:

God’s sovereignty extends beyond salvation into the rise and fall of nations and the suffering of entire peoples.

3.4 The Potter and the Clay (Romans 9:19–21)

“You will say to me then,
‘Why does He still find fault? For who can resist His will?’

But who are you, O man, to answer back to God?

Will what is molded say to its molder,
‘Why have You made me like this?’

Has the potter no right over the clay,
to make out of the same lump
one vessel for honorable use
and another for dishonorable use?”

Paul does NOT defend God.
He defends God’s right.

Humility accepts this; pride rejects it.

3.5 Vessels of Wrath and Vessels of Mercy (Romans 9:22–24)

“What if God, desiring to show His wrath
and to make known His power,
has endured with much patience
vessels of wrath prepared for destruction,
in order to make known the riches of His glory
for vessels of mercy,
which He has prepared beforehand for glory—
even us whom He has called…”

Paul is stating plainly:

some people exist as vessels of wrath
some as vessels of mercy
both exist for God’s glory
the distinction is caused by God, not humans

3.6 God Himself Hardened Israel (Romans 11:7–8)

“What then?
Israel failed to obtain what it was seeking.

The elect obtained it, but the rest were hardened,

as it is written,
‘God gave them a spirit of stupor, eyes that would not see and ears that would not hear…’”

Observe:

“The elect obtained it” → God’s mercy
“the rest were hardened” → God’s judgment

Paul quotes Deuteronomy and Isaiah — God hardened Israel, just like He hardened Pharaoh.

3.7 The Hardening Was Temporary and Purposeful (Romans 11:25)

“A partial hardening has come upon Israel,
until the fullness of the Gentiles has come in.”

This verse shows:

the hardening is from God
the hardening is partial
the hardening is temporary
the hardening is strategic
the hardening is for the sake of Gentiles

Israel rejected Christ because God hardened them to crucify him, and this opened the door for Gentile salvation.

3.8 Jesus Himself Hid Truth Using Parables

Jesus affirms the same pattern.

Matthew 13:10–15

“To you it has been given to know the secrets of the kingdom…
but to them it has not been given.”

“This is why I speak to them in parables,
because seeing they do not see, and hearing they do not hear…”

“Lest they should see with their eyes and hear with their ears
and understand with their heart and turn, and I would heal them.”

Mark 4:11–12

“To you has been given the secret…
but for those outside everything is in parables,
so that seeing they may see and not perceive…”

Luke 8:10

“To you it has been given…
but for others in parables,
so that seeing they may not see…”

Jesus hid truth intentionally — a fulfillment of Isaiah 6 and a parallel to Romans 11:8.

Understanding is given; blindness is given.

3.9 The Purpose of Hardening: Mercy (Romans 11:32)

“For God has consigned all to disobedience, that He may have mercy on all.”

God shuts Jews and Gentiles alike under disobedience so that salvation can never be claimed as human achievement.

Only mercy.

3.10 Paul Ends in Worship, Not Explanation

“Oh, the depth of the riches
and wisdom and knowledge of God!
How unsearchable are His judgments
and how inscrutable His ways!”
—Romans 11:33

He does not give answers.
He bows.

4. Ancient Church Perspectives on Suffering

The earliest Christians lived in a world marked by persecution, poverty, disease, and public hostility. Their writings are startlingly honest about suffering — and equally confident in God’s purposes within it.

They believed suffering was not a sign of God’s absence, but a sign of Christian identity and God’s refining work.

Below are primary voices from the first three centuries of the Church.

4.1 Ignatius of Antioch (c. AD 107)

Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, was arrested, chained, and taken to Rome to be executed by wild beasts. On the journey, he wrote seven letters.

“I am God’s wheat, and I am ground by the teeth of wild beasts, that I may be found pure bread for Christ.”
—Letter to the Romans 4–6

Ignatius believed that suffering would purify him, not destroy him.

4.2 Polycarp of Smyrna (c. AD 155)

Polycarp was a disciple of the Apostle John and the longtime bishop of Smyrna. When he was executed by fire, he prayed:

“I bless You because You have counted me worthy of this day and hour.”
—Martyrdom of Polycarp 14.1

He understood suffering as participation in the sufferings of Christ.

4.3 Tertullian (c. AD 197)

Tertullian, a North African theologian, wrote during severe Roman persecution.

“The blood of Christians is seed.”
—Apology 50

Persecution did not destroy the Church — it made it grow.

4.4 Cyprian of Carthage (c. AD 250)

Cyprian lived during a plague and persecution. He wrote:

“What we suffer is the training and testing of our faith.”
—Letter 80.2

Suffering is not failure — it is formation.

4.5 Lactantius (c. AD 310)

Lactantius lived through the Diocletian persecution — one of the most brutal in history.

“Adversity is the discipline of God.”
—Divine Institutes 5.23

Adversity teaches righteousness and strengthens virtue.

4.6 The Epistle to Diognetus (c. AD 150–190)

This anonymous masterwork describes Christians as the “soul of the world.”

“What the soul is in the body, Christians are in the world.

The soul is hated by the body… and Christians are hated by the world…

God has assigned Christians this place, and it is unlawful for them to forsake it.”
—Diognetus 6.1–10

Just as the body opposes the soul, the world opposes the Christian.

And this place of suffering, the text says, is assigned by God.

4.7 Origen of Alexandria (c. AD 184–253)

Origen was one of the most brilliant Christian thinkers of the first three centuries.
A scholar, preacher, and theologian from Alexandria and later Caesarea, he wrote extensive commentaries and the earliest attempt at a systematic Christian theology (On First Principles).

Origen wrestled intensely with the fairness of suffering and the inequality of human circumstances.
He asked:

Why are some born into wealth and others into poverty?
Why do some suffer from birth and others live in ease?
Why does one person believe the gospel while another rejects it?
How can God be just if human lives begin in such unequal conditions?

In an attempt to defend God’s justice, Origen proposed a remarkable — but ultimately incorrect — solution: the preexistence of souls.

He taught that all souls existed before birth, and their earthly circumstances reflected earlier choices made in that preexistent state.

“Each one has a place in this world according to what they deserve.”
—Origen, On First Principles 2.9.7 (AD 220–230)

And regarding why some believe and others do not:

“Different conditions of life arise from merits acquired before birth.”
—Origen, Commentary on Romans 1.5.5 (c. AD 240s)

In Origen’s view, inequality in this life was not God’s doing but the soul’s doing, before entering the body.

The later Church rejected this teaching:

Scripture nowhere teaches preexistent souls
It undermines God’s unconditional election
It contradicts Paul’s argument that God chooses before birth, not before a previous life
It makes suffering the result of hidden merit, not divine purpose
It shifts the center of theology from God’s sovereignty to human performance

Yet Origen’s theory reveals something essential: the earliest Christians took the problem of suffering and divine justice very seriously. Origen was trying to defend God’s righteousness, even though his attempt missed the mark.

His work shows how difficult the question is — and how much more beautiful the biblical answer becomes by comparison.

Summary of Section 4

The voices of the first three centuries reveal a consistent pattern:

Ignatius embraced suffering as purification.
Polycarp saw martyrdom as a gift from God.
Tertullian proclaimed that persecution grows the Church.
Cyprian viewed adversity as God’s training for His people.
Lactantius taught that hardship is God’s discipline.
The Epistle to Diognetus described suffering as the very place God assigns His people in the world.
And Origen, wrestling intensely with the fairness of suffering, attempted a philosophical solution to protect God’s justice — a solution the Church ultimately rejected, but which shows how seriously early Christians engaged the problem.

Taken together, these witnesses demonstrate:

Suffering was not surprising to early Christians
Suffering was not interpreted as abandonment
Suffering was part of Christian identity
Suffering was understood as formation, discipline, witness, and calling
And even when brilliant thinkers like Origen struggled to explain it, the Church consistently returned to Scripture’s own message:
God is sovereign.
Suffering has purpose.
And the Christian endures suffering with humility, courage, and hope.

5. Calvin and Edwards on God’s Sovereignty Over Suffering, Evil, and Salvation

Two of the clearest, boldest theological voices on God’s sovereignty — including His sovereignty over suffering, evil rulers, calamity, unbelief, and salvation — are John Calvin and Jonathan Edwards.

Both lived during upheaval.
Both shaped global Christianity.
Both refused to soften Scripture’s hardest truths.
Both insisted that everything — even evil — unfolds under the decree, wisdom, and purpose of God.

5.1 John Calvin (1509–1564)

John Calvin was a French theologian and pastor who ministered in Geneva, Switzerland, transforming it into a center of Reformation theology.
His Institutes of the Christian Religion (final edition 1559) is one of the most influential theological works in history. He also authored major commentaries on Scripture, preached thousands of sermons, and trained generations of pastors.

Calvin taught that every event comes through the deliberate will and decree of God.

“Nothing happens except what is knowingly and willingly decreed by Him.”
—Calvin, Institutes (1559), 1.17.3

Calvin insists human decisions themselves unfold under God’s sovereign rule:

“Men do nothing save at the secret instigation of God…
and do not deliberate and act without His guidance.”
—Calvin, Institutes (1559), 1.17.8

Even wicked choices occur under God’s governance:

“God uses the wicked as instruments, but does not cease to govern their efforts.”
—Calvin, Institutes (1559), 1.18.1

And Satan is no independent rival:

“Satan himself and all the wicked are so under the hand of God that they are compelled to do His will.”
—Calvin, Institutes (1559), 1.14.17

Commenting on Job, Calvin wrote:

“We must not imagine that God simply allows Satan or wicked men to do what they do.
God uses them as His instruments to fulfill His righteous purposes.”
—Calvin, Commentary on Job (1554–1555), on Job 1:21

Calvin’s theology mirrors the biblical witness:
God directs all things for His purposes — including suffering, evil decisions, and even Satan’s actions.

5.2 Jonathan Edwards (1703–1758)

Jonathan Edwards ministered in colonial New England, pastoring in Northampton, later serving Native Americans in Stockbridge, and becoming president of what is now Princeton University.
He led the First Great Awakening and wrote some of the most important works in American Christian theology: Freedom of the Will (1754), Religious Affections (1746), and History of Redemption.

Edwards’ doctrine of sovereignty is as sweeping as Calvin’s:

“God decrees all things, even the existence of evil, for His wise and holy ends.”
—Edwards, Freedom of the Will (1754), Part IV

Edwards taught that even sin has a divinely ordained role in history:

“God’s permitting, or rather determining, that sin should come to pass is on the whole best.”
—Edwards, Miscellanies No. 527 (1740s)

Affliction itself is wisely designed:

“Afflictions are ordered in infinite wisdom;
they are in every case suited to our needs and calculated to promote our highest good.”
—Edwards, Sermon: The Sovereignty of God in Salvation (1741)

And nothing lies outside God’s governance:

“All things, even the most minute and contingent, are ordered by God.”
—Edwards, Sermon: God’s Sovereignty in the Salvation of Men (1735–1736)

Even human decisions unfold under God’s decree:

“God’s will is the supreme rule that governs all events.
He orders every circumstance of the universe, including the moral actions of men.”
—Edwards, Freedom of the Will (1754)

Edwards believed that sin, suffering, calamity, judgment, mercy, and even unbelief all work together to reveal the manifold glory of God.

Summary of Section 5

Calvin and Edwards speak with one voice:

God decrees all events
God governs human decisions
God directs suffering
God rules over evil rulers
God uses sin without being its moral author
God ordains affliction for righteous ends
God is sovereign over Satan
God hardens whom He wills
God has mercy on whom He wills
Everything exists for God’s ultimate glory

Their teaching is simply the theological echo of the Bible’s own message — from Job to Isaiah to Jesus to Romans 9–11.

God governs all things, and the only faithful response is humility, trust, and love.

6. Jesus Christ: God’s Final Answer to Suffering, Unfairness, and Redemption

After Scripture shows us the sovereignty of God over suffering through Job, Isaiah, the Gospels, Romans 9–11, the early church, and the great theologians, it becomes clear that God does not ultimately give us an explanation for suffering.

He gives us a Person.

Jesus Christ is God’s final answer to the problem of suffering.
He does not merely speak about suffering —
He enters it, bears it, redeems it, and overcomes it.

All the threads of the biblical story converge in His suffering, death, and resurrection.

6.1 Jesus as the Innocent Sufferer

Jesus endured the greatest injustice in history.

Isaiah prophesied:

“He had done no violence, nor was any deceit in His mouth.”
—Isaiah 53:9

“He was pierced for our transgressions; He was crushed for our iniquities.”
—Isaiah 53:5

He deserved no suffering, no betrayal, no death.
Yet He willingly took on suffering that was not His own.

6.2 The Cross: Human Evil and Divine Sovereign Purpose

The cross is the clearest place in Scripture where:

human evil,
divine sovereignty,
undeserved suffering, and
God’s saving purpose

all collide.

Peter declares:

“This Jesus, delivered up according to the definite plan and foreknowledge of God, you crucified and killed by the hands of lawless men.”
—Acts 2:23

One event, two agents:

God delivered Him up
Human beings crucified Him

The cross is the most vivid demonstration that:

Suffering can be God’s will
Evil can serve God’s design
Injustice can accomplish salvation
Pain can achieve glory
The worst moment in history can produce the greatest good

This is the same pattern seen in Job’s suffering, Pharaoh’s hardening, and Israel’s unbelief.

6.3 Jesus’ Resurrection as God’s Vindication

God did not explain Jesus’ suffering with words.
He explained it with resurrection.

“He has given assurance to all by raising Him from the dead.”
—Acts 17:31

The resurrection declares:

Jesus’ suffering was not meaningless
Jesus’ sacrifice was accepted
Jesus’ death accomplished salvation
Jesus is Lord over every enemy, including death

The resurrection is God’s promise that He will one day make all injustices right.

6.4 Our Suffering United to Christ’s Suffering

Christians do not suffer alone.
They suffer with Christ, like Christ, and for Christ.

“We suffer with Him that we may also be glorified with Him.”
—Romans 8:17

“I fill up in my flesh what is lacking in Christ’s afflictions for the sake of His body.”
—Colossians 1:24

“To this you have been called, because Christ also suffered for you, leaving you an example.”
—1 Peter 2:21–23

Our suffering:

identifies us with Christ
shapes us into Christlikeness
fits us for glory
increases our reliance on God
deepens our love
gives us fellowship with Jesus at the deepest level

6.5 Jesus Is God’s Final Answer

When we ask “Why suffering?”, God does not give us:

an equation,
a formula,
a philosophical system,
or a list of reasons.

He gives us the suffering, crucified, risen Jesus.

The cross shows suffering can be at the center of God’s will.
The resurrection shows suffering will one day be undone.

Jesus proves:

God has not abandoned the world — He has entered it
God does not ignore suffering — He bears it
God does not waste suffering — He redeems it
God will not allow suffering to win — He overcomes it

Jesus is the reason suffering has meaning.
Jesus is the reason suffering will end.
Jesus is the reason we can trust God’s character even when we cannot see His plan.

He is God’s final answer to suffering.

7. What Christians Are Called to Do With Suffering

If Scripture teaches that God causes, governs, directs, and purposes suffering, then the question becomes:

How should Christians respond?

The Bible gives three clear commands:

Endure suffering with trust
Grow through suffering in holiness
Enter into the suffering of others to relieve it

These are not optional. They are defining marks of Christian maturity.

7.1 Christians Are Called to Endure Suffering With Trust

Suffering is not a sign that God has abandoned us.
It is often the place where God does His deepest work.

“We suffer with Him that we may also be glorified with Him.”
—Romans 8:17

“Do not be surprised at the fiery trial… but rejoice insofar as you share Christ’s sufferings.”
—1 Peter 4:12–13

“In this you rejoice, though now for a little while, if necessary, you have been grieved by various trials.”
—1 Peter 1:6

Suffering is not a detour in the Christian life. It is part of the Christian path.

7.2 Christians Are Called to Grow Through Suffering

Suffering does not merely test us — it transforms us.

It produces:

endurance
character
hope
humility
compassion
spiritual depth
holiness of motive
dependence on God

Paul teaches this clearly:

“We rejoice in our sufferings, knowing that suffering produces endurance, and endurance produces character, and character produces hope.”
—Romans 5:3–4

James echoes:

“Count it all joy… when you meet trials… for the testing of your faith produces steadfastness.”
—James 1:2–3

Hebrews adds:

“All discipline seems painful rather than pleasant, but later it yields the peaceful fruit of righteousness
to those who have been trained by it.”
—Hebrews 12:11

Suffering is training that yields righteousness.

7.3 Christians Are Called to Enter the Suffering of Others

Christianity is not passive.
It does not watch suffering from a distance.

Believers are commanded to enter into the suffering of others and relieve what we can.

“Bear one another’s burdens, and so fulfill the law of Christ.”
—Galatians 6:2

“Comfort those in any affliction with the comfort with which we ourselves are comforted by God.”
—2 Corinthians 1:4

Jesus’ parable of the Good Samaritan provides the clearest picture of this:

“He had compassion,
went to him,
bound up his wounds,
set him on his own animal,
brought him to an inn,
and took care of him.”
—Luke 10:33–35

Christians move toward suffering, not away from it.

7.4 Concrete Examples: The Call to Sacrificial Compassion

Christian faith is not merely correct beliefs — it is sacrificial love.

Being pro-life but refusing to support struggling mothers or children in need

Christians are called to:

support adoption
assist single mothers
fund crisis pregnancy care
provide rides, food, childcare, and counsel
open homes when God calls

The unborn and their mothers deserve more than convictions — they deserve compassion.

Condemning addiction but refusing to support recovery

Addiction is suffering. Christians must:

walk with addicts
serve in recovery ministries
provide accountability
offer transportation
pray, support, comfort, and stay the course

Criticizing homelessness but refusing to feed, shelter, or clothe those in need

Jesus’ parable of the Good Samaritan speaks directly to this.

The religious leaders walked past the wounded man
The Samaritan moved toward him

Homeless men and women are the people modern society “walks past.”
The Christian is the one who stops, binds wounds, offers shelter, gives food, and shows compassion.

Complaining about broken families but refusing to mentor, support, or care for children and parents who struggle

Christian love is practical:

tutoring
coaching
meals
transportation
presence
listening
generosity

Saying “God is in control” but refusing to be God’s hands and feet

Divine sovereignty is not an excuse for inaction.
It is the reason we can act with courage, without fear, and with compassion.

Christians do not observe suffering. They shoulder it.

7.5 Love Is the Christian Response to a Sovereign God

Christians do not know why God appoints suffering.
But we do know what God appoints for us:

Love.
Service.
Compassion.
Sacrifice.
Burden-bearing.
Faithfulness.

God’s sovereignty does not make us passive.
It makes us bold.

We trust God with our suffering
We enter into the suffering of others
We live out the love of Christ in a suffering world

This is what it means to live under the sovereignty of God.

Conclusion: The Center of the Christian Answer

After walking through Job, the prophets, Jesus’ teaching, Romans 9–11, the witness of the early church, and the testimony of Calvin and Edwards, one truth rises above all the others:

We are not the most important beings in creation.
God is.

The definition of “good” is not what benefits us or preserves our comfort.
The definition of “good” is whatever reveals God’s glory, wisdom, justice, mercy, and power.

Suffering is not random.
Suffering is not meaningless.
Suffering is not outside God’s plan.
Suffering is not evidence that God is absent.

Suffering exists within a story far larger than our individual lives — a story God is writing for the display of His character.

Human beings cannot understand the full tapestry of history any more than Job could understand the counsel of the Almighty in the whirlwind. Our perspective is too small. Our understanding is too limited. Our vision is too narrow.

But God has given us something infinitely better than explanations:

He has given us Himself in the suffering and resurrected Christ.

Jesus is the ultimate proof that:

God enters suffering
God bears suffering
God transforms suffering
God redeems suffering
God triumphs over suffering

The cross shows that suffering can be at the very center of God’s will. The resurrection shows that suffering will not have the final word.

And until God makes all things new, Christians live with two clear commitments:

1. Humble trust in God’s sovereignty
2. Sacrificial love toward those who suffer

We trust God with our own suffering, and we enter the suffering of others to bear their burdens.

We endure with courage.
We grow through affliction.
We show compassion to the broken.
We refuse to walk past the wounded person on the road.
We bind wounds, open our homes, share our resources,
and love in ways that cost us something.

This is what it means to be God’s people in a world of pain:

Humble before God’s sovereignty.
Bold in Christ’s example.
Compassionate in the Spirit’s power.
Faithful until resurrection.

This is the Christian answer to suffering, fairness, and the mystery of God’s ways.

From Eyewitnesses to Greek Masterpieces: The Real Story of Gospel Origins

November 13, 2025November 14, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

This script traces how the Gospels and Acts moved from eyewitness proclamation to the Greek literary works we have today. We look at modern views of Scripture, the rise of inerrancy, the early church’s rule of faith, Origen’s view of the Bible, the anonymity of the earliest manuscripts, and how ancient books were written through dictation and scribal collaboration. We then show why the Gospels fit perfectly into that world and why their central message — the death and resurrection of Jesus, witnessed by many — remains consistent from Paul’s earliest letters all the way through the second century. Finally, we address the claim that Jesus is just another myth and explain why the earliest Christian testimony belongs in a completely different category.

SECTION 1 — How Christians View Scripture Today

Overview

Major survey organizations such as Gallup, Barna/ABS, and Pew consistently report that the strict “word-for-word literal” or “error-free in every detail” view of Scripture represents a minority position among Christians today.

I. Gallup Poll (2022)

Gallup’s most recent national data show:

Only 20 percent of American adults say “the Bible is the actual word of God and is to be taken literally, word for word.”
— Gallup, 2022

Among Christians, that rises only to 25 percent.

A majority—58 percent—say the Bible is inspired by God but

“…not everything in it should be taken literally.”

II. American Bible Society / Barna Group — State of the Bible (2021)

Barna/ABS data further show:

26 percent believe the Bible is “the actual word of God and should be taken literally.”
29 percent believe the Bible is the word of God and without error, though parts may be symbolic.
55 percent of U.S. adults hold what the survey calls a “high view of Scripture,” a broad category that does not require strict inerrancy.

Source: State of the Bible 2021.

III. Pew Research Center (2017)

Among Christians in the United States:

39 percent say the Bible is the word of God and should be taken literally, word for word.
36 percent say the Bible is the word of God but should not be taken literally.

Source: Pew Research Center, 2017.

IV. Combined Analysis and Key Conclusions

Across all three major data sets:

The strict literalist or strict inerrant view appears consistently in the 20–30 percent range among Christians.
A larger group, typically 40–60 percent, views Scripture as inspired and authoritative but not strictly literal and not perfect in every technical detail.
The remaining share hold alternative views (e.g., inspired but not unique, ancient wisdom, not inspired).

Key Insight for Historical Study

Strict inerrancy is not the global or majority Christian position.
The majority of Christians today read Scripture as inspired without assuming complete literal precision.

SECTION 2 — When and Why the Doctrine of Inerrancy Developed

I. Overview

The modern doctrine of biblical inerrancy—the belief that Scripture is absolutely without error in every detail, including matters of history, science, chronology, and geography—is not an ancient Christian doctrine.

It does not appear:

in the early Church,
in the writings of the Church Fathers,
in medieval theology,
or even in the Protestant Reformation.

It arose late in Christian history, in response to developments in the Enlightenment and the rise of historical-critical scholarship during the 1700s–1800s.

This section describes that development factually and systematically.

II. The Rise of Historical-Critical Scholarship (18th–19th Centuries)

Beginning in the late 1700s, European scholars began studying the Bible the way they studied all other ancient literature.

This involved:

comparing manuscripts,
examining internal contradictions,
studying literary sources and editorial layers,
questioning traditional views on authorship,
analyzing historical claims.

Major figures in this intellectual shift include:

Johann Salomo Semler (1725–1791) — developed early concepts of canon criticism
Gotthold Ephraim Lessing (1729–1781) — raised questions about the “ugly ditch” between history and faith
Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768–1834) — encouraged historical methods in theology
F. C. Baur (1792–1860) and the Tübingen School — interpreted the New Testament through Hegelian historical development

Baur’s work was especially influential.
He argued that:

the early church contained competing theological factions (“Petrine” vs. “Pauline”),
some New Testament books were pseudonymous,
Acts was a harmonizing narrative,
and the Gospels reflected theological interpretation rather than raw historical memory.

This was the most sustained academic challenge to traditional Christian assumptions in 1,700 years.

III. The “Seven Undisputed Letters of Paul” — A Major Scholarly Gain

While the rise of historical criticism challenged traditional views, it also produced one of the most important positive contributions to modern Christian historical study:
the identification of Paul’s seven undisputed letters.

Across the entire scholarly spectrum—conservative, moderate, liberal, Jewish, atheist—there is near-unanimous agreement that the following letters are authentic, first-person writings of Paul, composed in the 50s AD:

Romans
1 Corinthians
2 Corinthians
Galatians
Philippians
1 Thessalonians
Philemon

Their significance:

They are the earliest Christian documents we possess.
They were written within 20–25 years of Jesus’ death.
They reflect the beliefs of the first generation of Christians.
They give direct access to how the earliest churches functioned.
They anchor Christian history in verifiable first-person testimony.

This is one of the strongest historical foundations Christianity possesses.
It comes directly out of the same academic movement that challenged traditional assumptions.

IV. The Princeton Response — Birth of Modern Inerrancy (Late 1800s)

In the late 19th century, conservative Protestant theologians in America formulated a new doctrine designed to defend Scripture against the challenges of historical criticism.

This movement centered at Princeton Theological Seminary with:

Charles Hodge (1797–1878)
B. B. Warfield (1851–1921)

They argued:

Scripture is inspired by God.
God cannot err.
Therefore Scripture must be without error in everything it affirms.

This produced—for the first time in Christian history—a formal doctrine of verbal plenary inerrancy.

This formulation differs from earlier Christian attitudes in several ways:

Early Christians accepted non-literal readings and apparent contradictions (e.g., Origen).
Medieval theologians focused on spiritual senses, not literal precision.
Reformers emphasized authority and clarity, not inerrancy in scientific or historical detail.

The Princeton formulation represented a new doctrinal development, driven by the desire to provide a clear defense of Scripture in an age of modern criticism.

V. Spread and Codification of Inerrancy (1900s)

The Fundamentals (1910–1915)

A series of booklets published between 1910 and 1915 that defined “fundamental doctrines.”
One of the central doctrines was:

Biblical inerrancy.

This launched the American fundamentalist movement.

Chicago Statement on Biblical Inerrancy (1978)

Written by over 200 evangelical leaders, defining inerrancy as:

“Scripture is without error or fault in all its teaching.”

This document became the standard articulation of inerrancy in evangelical seminaries and churches.

VI. Combined Historical Analysis

The ancient Church did not define Scripture as inerrant in the modern, technical sense.
Medieval and Reformation theology did not articulate verbal plenary inerrancy.
Modern inerrancy developed in the late 1800s as a response to the intellectual challenges of the Enlightenment and historical criticism.
Meanwhile, critical scholarship also produced the seven undisputed letters of Paul, which remain some of the earliest and most historically secure Christian documents.

This historical framing allows for honest examination of the composition of the Gospels and Acts without assuming modern categories that did not exist in the early Church.

SECTION 3 — The Ancient Rule of Faith, Origen’s View of Scripture, and Internal Evidence from the Gospels and Acts

I. The Ancient Rule of Faith

Early Christians summarized their core beliefs in a short confession known as the rule of faith (regula fidei).
While only some writers explicitly use the phrase, the content of the rule of faith appears consistently across all major early Christian sources of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd centuries — including the New Testament, the Apostolic Fathers, early apologists, and even in anti-christian works.

Core elements of the ancient rule of faith:

Belief in one God, the Father, the Creator and Sovereign
Belief in Jesus Christ, the Son of God, who became flesh, was crucified, died, was buried, rose, and ascended
Belief in the Holy Spirit, who indwells believers and produces righteous living
Belief in final judgment, in which Christ judges the living and the dead

The rule of faith does not include:

inerrancy
doctrines of textual perfection
literalism
attempts to harmonize every Gospel detail
modern demands of historical precision

Early Christian faith celebrated inspiration, but inspiration was not equated with technical inerrancy or literal exactitude.

II. Origen (c. AD 185–253): Background and Significance

Origen of Alexandria (later Caesarea):

produced the first systematic Christian theology (De Principiis),
created the Hexapla, an enormous comparative edition of the Old Testament,
and wrote extensive commentaries, including the earliest surviving major commentary on a Gospel (the Commentary on John).

Origen provides the earliest comprehensive Christian doctrine of Scripture, showing how early Christians understood Scripture’s complexity, its non-literal elements, and its theological depth. The important takeaway from Origen is that he readily recognized contradictions and historical inaccuracies in the biblical documents. We don’t need to necessarily take on his solution to them but to understand that a Christian can readily admit them.

**III. Origen’s View of Scripture — De Principiis, Book IV**

1. Scripture contains literal history AND non-literal elements

“The Scriptures were written by the Spirit of God, and because they are divine they contain within them a meaning which escapes the casual reader.
Many things that are literally true are inserted for the edification of those unable to see beyond the letter.
But others — indeed very many — are written so that they cannot possibly have happened as they are described, nor be literally true, yet they contain deep mysteries.”
— De Principiis IV.1.6

2. The Spirit intentionally inserted “stumbling-blocks”

“The Word of God has purposely inserted certain things which appear impossible, absurd, or contradictory, that we may be driven to search for a meaning worthy of God.
For the simple are edified by what is written, but those who have advanced may be exercised by the stumbling-blocks in the text.”
— De Principiis IV.2.9

“If everything in Scripture were plain history, we should not believe it to be inspired by God;
but now, by means of these apparent inconsistencies, the Spirit calls us to the hidden sense.”
— De Principiis IV.2.9

3. Apparent Gospel discrepancies are theologically purposeful

“If, when we read the Gospels, we find things which cannot both be true in the letter — if the same event is said to have happened differently or in a different order —
let us not charge the writers with error, but seek the deeper intention of the Spirit.
For these very differences lead us from the bodily sense to the soul of Scripture.”
— De Principiis IV.3.5

“He who insists that all the details must literally agree is like one who insists that Christ’s words are only human and not divine.”
— De Principiis IV.3.5

4. The threefold sense of Scripture

“The bodily sense is the outward narrative.
The psychic sense teaches moral conduct.
The spiritual sense reveals Christ the Logos and the heavenly realities.
Wherever in Scripture the narrative appears impossible or irrational, the Holy Spirit warns us not to remain at the letter but to seek the truth hidden beneath.”
— De Principiis IV.2.4–5

5. Scripture as spiritual training

“The divine Word has adapted Himself to our weakness as a wise physician, mixing truth with difficulty so that we may be both nourished and tested.
The simple find milk; the mature are compelled to search for solid food.
Thus Scripture is a training ground for the soul, not merely a record of history.”
— De Principiis IV.2.8

6. Apparent contradictions are deliberate divine design

“If one observes with care, he will find many things in Scripture which appear to be at variance.
But this very difficulty shows that the divine wisdom has so arranged them to prevent the unworthy from understanding, and to urge the worthy to seek the hidden harmony.”
— De Principiis IV.2.9

IV. Origen’s Commentary on John (Book X)

Origen applies his interpretive method directly to the Gospel narratives while recognizing their historical inaccuracies and contradictions.

1. Non-literal events with spiritual truth

“In the Scriptures many things are written which did not actually happen, and yet spiritually they happened.
The deeper truth is discerned only by one who has the mind of Christ.”
— Commentary on John X.4

2. Purposeful “interruptions of history”

“The Word of God arranged the Scriptures with wisdom, placing certain stumbling-blocks and interruptions of history,
that we might not be drawn to the letter but be summoned to the Spirit.”
— Commentary on John X.18

3. Literalism yields absurdity

“If we dwell upon the letter and follow the narrative as mere history, absurdities will necessarily result —
impossible statements will be present.
But if we seek the spiritual meaning, these things will be found to be beautiful and divine.”
— Commentary on John X.20

4. Inconsistency is not error

“Where the narrative appears inconsistent, we must not suppose the Spirit of God to be at fault;
rather we must ask what deeper meaning the Spirit intends us to seek.”
— Commentary on John X.21

SECTION 4 — The Gospels and Acts: From Anonymity to Authorship

I. Early Gospel and Acts Manuscripts Are Anonymous

The earliest surviving manuscripts of the Gospels and Acts are anonymous.
No author names appear in the original text of any early papyrus.

Key early papyri:

P52 — fragment of John 18, dated c. AD 125–150
P45 — fragments of all four Gospels + Acts, dated c. AD 200–250
P66 — large portion of John, dated c. AD 175–200

These manuscripts contain only the narrative text.
They do not include titles such as:

“The Gospel according to Matthew”
“The Gospel according to Mark”
“The Gospel according to Luke”
“The Gospel according to John”

The familiar title headings (Κατὰ Ματθαῖον, Κατὰ Μᾶρκον, Κατὰ Λουκᾶν, Κατὰ Ἰωάννην) were added later by scribes during the process of copying and circulating the texts.

Thus, the earliest physical evidence confirms that the Gospels and Acts were originally anonymous documents.

II. Internal Evidence from the Gospels and Acts

1. Matthew (Matthew 9:9)

Matthew’s calling:

“As Jesus passed on from there, he saw a man called Matthew sitting at the tax booth; and he said to him, ‘Follow me.’ And he rose and followed him.”

Third-person narration
No autobiographical detail
Based on Mark 2:13–17 (where the name is Levi)
→ Indicates literary dependence, not personal recollection.

2. John (John 21:24)

Final editorial voice:

“This is the disciple who is bearing witness to these things, and we know that his testimony is true.”

→ Indicates multiple hands involved — a community affirming the witness, not a lone author.

3. Luke–Acts (Luke 1:1–4; Acts 1:1–2)

Luke’s prologue:

“Many have undertaken to compile a narrative…
just as those who from the beginning were eyewitnesses…
it seemed good to me also… to write an orderly account…
for you, most excellent Theophilus…”

Luke is a compiler, not an eyewitness
Used written sources
Employed investigation
Wrote under patronage

Acts 1:1–2 confirms Luke wrote both volumes.

4. Mark

Mark contains no internal claim of authorship.
It begins abruptly and presents no first-person markers.

5. Summary of Internal Literary Evidence

Across all four Gospels and Acts:

All are anonymous in their original text.
None claims to be written by an apostle.
Luke explicitly describes a research-based, source-dependent, patron-funded project.
John reflects community authorship.
Matthew depends on earlier written sources.
Mark presents no authorial claim.

This internal evidence aligns with the historical realities of ancient literary production and the external evidence described in later sections.

III. Early Christian Writers Treat the Gospels as Anonymous (AD 95–180)

For approximately eighty-five years after the composition of the Gospels, Christian authors quote or use Gospel material without naming Matthew, Mark, Luke, or John.

Early Christian Writers (AD 95–180) Who Use the Gospels Anonymously

Writer	Approx. Date	How They Use Gospel Material	Do They Name Matthew, Mark, Luke, John?
1 Clement (Rome)	c. AD 95	Quotes Jesus’ teachings	No
Ignatius of Antioch	c. AD 110	Echoes Matthew and Luke	No
The Didache	c. AD 100–120	Parallels Sermon on the Mount	No
Polycarp of Smyrna	c. AD 110–135	Quotes Matthew, Luke, Acts	No
Quadratus (Apologist)	c. AD 125	Mentions living eyewitnesses	No
Aristides of Athens	c. AD 125–138	Summarizes Jesus’ life and teaching	No
Marcion of Pontus	c. AD 140–150	Uses shortened form of Luke’s Gospel	No — never calls it “Luke”
Justin Martyr	c. AD 150	Calls them “Memoirs of the Apostles”	No
Tatian of Assyria	c. AD 170	Produces Diatessaron (four-Gospel harmony)	No
Athenagoras of Athens	c. AD 177	Uses Gospel traditions	No
Theophilus of Antioch	c. AD 180	Quotes John 1:1	No

Summary of this pattern

Across Rome, Syria, Asia Minor, and Athens — and across genres (letters, apologies, summaries, harmonies) — Christian writers:

quote the Gospels,
depend on them,
appeal to them,
arrange them,
and harmonize them,

…but never attach the names Matthew, Mark, Luke, or John.

In the first 85 years of Christian writing, the Gospels functioned as anonymous authoritative narratives.

IV. The First Surviving Attributions: Papias of Hierapolis (AD 110–130)

Papias is the earliest figure to associate specific authors with Gospel material.
His work survives only in quotations preserved by Eusebius (4th century), and his information is not firsthand.

Papias explicitly attributes his knowledge to someone he calls “the Elder”, whose identity is unknown.

“The Elder said this:
Mark, having become Peter’s interpreter, wrote down accurately whatever he remembered—though not in order—for he had not heard the Lord nor followed Him,
but afterwards followed Peter, who used to give teaching as necessity demanded,
not making an ordered arrangement of the Lord’s sayings.

Therefore Mark did nothing wrong in writing down some things as he remembered them,
for he took care not to omit anything he had heard or to falsify anything in them.”

And on Matthew:

“Matthew compiled the logia in the Hebrew language,
and each interpreted them as he could.” (Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 3.39.15–16)

Key historical observations:

Papias’ statements rely entirely on “the Elder”, an unidentified figure.
Papias does not claim personal acquaintance with any apostle.
He discusses only Mark and Matthew, not Luke or John.
He acknowledges Mark’s account is not in chronological order.
He says Matthew wrote logia (“sayings”) in Hebrew, requiring later translation.

Papias provides partial, indirect, and secondhand authorial attributions.

V. The Muratorian Fragment (c. AD 170, Probably Rome)

The Muratorian Fragment, the earliest surviving list of New Testament books, dates to c. AD 170 and was likely composed in Rome.

“The third book of the Gospel is that according to Luke.
Luke, the well-known physician… composed it in his own name according to Paul’s thinking.

The fourth of the Gospels is that of John, one of the disciples…” Excerpt (Metzger translation)

The beginning is damaged but almost certainly mentioned Matthew and Mark.

This is the first surviving document to name Luke and John explicitly as Gospel authors.

VI. Irenaeus of Lyons (c. AD 180)

In Against Heresies 3.1.1, Irenaeus gives the earliest complete fourfold authorship tradition:

“Matthew among the Hebrews issued a written Gospel…
Mark, the interpreter of Peter, handed down in writing what Peter preached.
Luke, the companion of Paul, recorded the Gospel preached by him.
John, the disciple of the Lord, published his Gospel while living in Ephesus.”

From Irenaeus onward, the fourfold authorship tradition becomes standard in the Christian movement.

VII. Why These Names Arise in the Late Second Century

The second century saw the emergence of numerous writings claiming apostolic authority:

Gospel of Peter,
Gospel of Thomas,
Gospel of Mary,
Gospel of the Egyptians,
Acts of Paul and Thecla,
multiple apocalypses.

To establish which texts preserved authentic apostolic teaching, church leaders anchored the four trusted Gospels to four authoritative figures.

The chosen pattern: two apostles + two apostolic companions

Gospel	Connection Claimed	Reason
Matthew	One of the Twelve	Eyewitness authority
John	One of the Twelve	Eyewitness authority
Mark	Linked to Peter	Peter’s interpreter
Luke	Linked to Paul	Paul’s companion

This pairing reflects the early Church’s two central missionary pillars: Peter and Paul.

VIII. Historical Reconstruction

A historian synthesizing manuscript and literary evidence would conclude:

The Gospels and Acts were originally anonymous.
Early Christians used them anonymously for nearly a century.
The first authorial attributions arise between AD 110–180.
Papias provides partial, indirect information from an unknown Elder.
The Muratorian Fragment names Luke and John.
Irenaeus supplies the first full fourfold tradition.
The chosen authors (two apostles, two companions) represented a balanced response to competing apocryphal and pseudonymous texts.

This remains the most historically probable explanation for the development of Gospel authorship traditions.

SECTION 5 — Literacy, Education, and How the Gospels Could Be Written in Greek

I. Historical Problem Statement

The Gospels are written in coherent, well-structured Greek prose—capable of quoting the Septuagint, arranging material thematically, shaping narratives, and using established literary techniques.

This raises a central historical question:

How could Aramaic-speaking Galilean laborers produce Greek literary works of this quality?

To answer this, we must examine:

literacy in the Greco-Roman world
literacy in Judea and Galilee
the ancient system of dictation and secretaries
scribal labor
the earliest Christian written material
and Luke’s own description of Gospel writing

II. Literacy in the Greco-Roman World

The standard reference is William V. Harris, Ancient Literacy (Harvard University Press, 1989).

Harris’s findings:

Only 10–15% of the Roman Empire could read at all.
Only 1–2% could write sustained prose.
Literary composition required elite education in grammar and rhetoric.
Writing was normally performed by professional scribes, not by authors.
Producing a literary Greek work required:
- advanced schooling
- rhetorical training
- scribal assistance
- materials and time

III. How Educated Romans Actually Produced Literature

Even highly educated Romans rarely wrote with their own hands.
They composed through dictation to trained secretaries (amanuenses) who expanded, corrected, and produced written texts.

Pliny the Younger (AD 61–113)

“When I dictate while walking, my secretary writes beside me, and I note down in my tablets whatever comes to me. Later I revise and correct what he has taken down.”
— Epistles 3.5.10

“Often I dictate even in my carriage; the jolting of the road only sharpens my invention.”
— Epistles 9.36

Cicero (106–43 BC)

“I am sending you the copy just as my secretary took it down from my dictation.”
— Ad Fam. 16.21

“Tiro has written this for me; my eyes are tired, and I cannot write myself.”
— Ad Att. 13.25

Seneca (4 BC – AD 65)

“I dictate even while walking; my voice serves for my hand.”
— Epistle 83.2

Dictation was the standard method of literary composition.

IV. Literacy in Judea and Galilee

The standard reference is Catherine Hezser, Jewish Literacy in Roman Palestine (Mohr Siebeck, 2001)

Hezser’s findings:

Literacy in 1st-century Judea occurred in four levels:

1. Basic Reading Literacy

Recognizing letters or simple words.
Typically limited to trained synagogue readers.

2. Functional Writing Literacy

Writing one’s name or simple marks.
Does not imply the ability to write sentences or documents.

3. Document Literacy

Ability to produce legal or commercial documents.
In Roman Palestine these were produced by professional scribes, not by ordinary people.

4. Literary Writing Literacy

Ability to compose extended Greek/Hebrew prose:
narratives, histories, letters, theological works.
Required years of elite education in grammar, rhetoric, and composition.
Restricted to a very small elite:
- priests
- wealthy urban families
- administrators
- trained scribes

Hezser’s conclusions:

Rural reading literacy: under 5%
Rural writing literacy: even lower
Literary writing ability: virtually nonexistent among Galilean laborers
Writing was a professional trade, not a household skill

Acts 4:13 confirms Hezser’s findings

“Now when they saw the boldness of Peter and John, and perceived that they were unlettered and ordinary men, they were astonished.”
— Acts 4:13

Agrammatoi = lacking formal literary education.

V. Only Two Palestinian Jews in the First Century Are Known to Have Written Greek Books

Only two Palestinian Jews from the 1st century produced Greek literary works:

1. Flavius Josephus (AD 37 – c.100)

Priestly aristocrat; author of Jewish War, Antiquities, Life, Against Apion.

2. Justus of Tiberias (late 1st century)

Galilean administrator; author of a Chronicle of the Jewish Kings.

Sources: Eusebius, HE 3.10; Photius, Bibliotheca 33.

This underscores how rare Greek literary writing was among Palestinian Jews.

VI. How Ancient Romans Wrote Books and Letters

The New Testament was produced inside the same literary ecosystem described by six major secular scholars, none of whom write from a religious or apologetic standpoint.

1. William A. Johnson — Duke University

Field: Classics, papyrology
Key Work: Readers and Reading Culture in the High Roman Empire (Oxford, 2010)

Johnson’s findings:

Authors dictated.
Secretaries expanded speech into polished prose.
Scribes prepared fair copies.
Literary slaves corrected grammar.
Archives managed manuscripts.
Authorship = authority over content, not handwriting.

2. A. N. Sherwin-White — Oxford University

Field: Roman imperial history
Key Work: The Letters of Pliny (Oxford, 1966)

Sherwin-White’s findings:

Pliny dictated nearly everything.
Used multiple secretaries.
Wrote only brief signatures “in my own hand.”
Approved drafts produced by scribes.

3. Stanley K. Stowers — Brown University

Field: Greco-Roman religion and ancient letter-writing
Key Work: Letter Writing in Greco-Roman Antiquity (1986)

Stowers’ findings:

Letters followed standard rhetorical forms.
Secretaries shaped style and texture.
Stylistic variation is expected with different scribes.
Stylistic differences do not imply different authors.

4. Roger S. Bagnall — Columbia University / NYU ISAW

Field: Papyrology
Key Works: Reading Papyri, Writing Ancient History (1995); Everyday Writing (2011)

Bagnall’s findings:

Literacy was very low.
Writing was a professional trade.
Even private letters were often dictated.
Scribes controlled written production.

5. Harry Y. Gamble — University of Virginia

Field: Early Christian book culture
Key Work: Books and Readers in the Early Church (Yale, 1995)

Gamble’s findings:

Early Christians used Roman scribal systems.
NT writings followed the workflow:
dictation → draft → revision → fair copy → circulation
Manuscripts show multiple scribal layers.

6. E. G. Turner — University College London

Field: Greek papyrology
Key Work: Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World (1987)

Turner’s findings:

Manuscripts show correction and collaboration.
Literary works involved teams:
- dictating author
- shorthand secretary
- literary scribe
- corrector

VII. The New Testament’s Own Evidence for Secretaries

Romans 16:22

“I, Tertius, who wrote this letter, greet you in the Lord.”

Galatians 6:11

“See what large letters I am writing to you with my own hand.”

1 Corinthians 16:21

“I, Paul, write this greeting with my own hand.”

Colossians 4:18

“I, Paul, write this greeting with my own hand. Remember my chains. Grace be with you.”

2 Thessalonians 3:17

“I, Paul, write this greeting with my own hand. This is the sign of genuineness in every letter of mine; this is the way I write.”

1 Peter 5:12

“Through Silvanus, a faithful brother as I regard him, I have written briefly to you, exhorting and declaring that this is the true grace of God.”

John 21:24

“This is the disciple who is bearing witness to these things, and we know that his testimony is true.”

These passages reveal:

dictation,
secretaries,
final signatures,
and collaborative authorship.

VIII. Most Probable Historical Model for Gospel Composition

1. Eyewitness proclamation

Apostolic preaching in Aramaic.

2. Translation and early written forms

As Christianity spread, its teachings were rendered into Greek in short written forms:

sayings collections
narrative summaries
early creeds and hymns (1 Cor 15:3–5; Phil 2:6–11; Rom 1:3–4)

3. Literary composition by educated Greek-speaking Christians

Skilled writers shaped these into the four Gospels.

4. Secretarial and scribal collaboration

Secretaries shaped language; scribes produced copies; correctors refined grammar.

5. Patronage

Producing a Gospel required time, resources, and scribal labor.
Luke names his patron: “most excellent Theophilus.”

6. Final Gospels as collaborative literary products

The Gospels represent apostolic testimony, not apostolic penmanship.

IX. Internal Confirmation from Luke’s Prologue

Luke 1:1–4 confirms the entire model above:

“Many have undertaken to compile a narrative…
just as those who were eyewitnesses delivered them to us.
It seemed good to me also, having traced everything carefully,
to write an orderly account for you, most excellent Theophilus.”

Luke confirms:

earlier written accounts
eyewitness memory
investigation
orderly literary arrangement
patronage

Luke 1:1–4 is the clearest ancient statement of how Gospel-writing actually worked.

SECTION 6 — “True Myth,” Pagan Parallels, and the Uniqueness of the Gospels

I. The Conversation That Changed C. S. Lewis’s Life

Before examining ancient claims about dying-and-rising gods, it is helpful to begin with one of the most important intellectual conversions of the 20th century — the conversion of C. S. Lewis, a long-time atheist, literary scholar, and expert in ancient myth.

Lewis was not persuaded by sermons or emotional appeals.
He was convinced by history, reason, and the nature of myth — especially through the influence of his close friend:

John Ronald Reuel Tolkien

Devout Roman Catholic
Philologist at Oxford
Scholar of ancient languages, Norse and Germanic myth, and medieval literature
Later author of The Lord of the Rings

On the night of September 19–20, 1931, Lewis, Tolkien, and Hugo Dyson walked and talked for hours along Addison’s Walk at Magdalen College.

Lewis argued that Christianity carried the shape of myth and therefore could not be historically true.

Tolkien answered by explaining the nature of myth from a Catholic and philological perspective.
The key idea, expressed later in Tolkien’s own writings, is:

“We have come from God, and inevitably the myths woven by us, though they contain error,
will also reflect a splintered fragment of the true light, the eternal truth that is with God.”
— J. R. R. Tolkien, Letter 131 (to Milton Waldman)

All human myths — the dying gods, the heroic sacrifices, the returning kings — contain glimpses or refractions of divine truth, because human imagination itself reflects the image of God.

Lewis later reflected that Tolkien told him:

“The story of Christ is simply a true myth… the myth that really happened.”
— C. S. Lewis, Letter to Arthur Greeves, Oct. 18, 1931

This became the hinge of Lewis’s conversion.

II. Lewis’s Own Testimony About That Night

Two weeks after that conversation, Lewis wrote to his closest friend, Arthur Greeves:

“I have just passed on from believing in God to definitely believing in Christ — in Christianity.
My long night talk with Dyson and Tolkien had a great deal to do with it.
I have just discovered that the story of Christ is simply a true myth:
a myth working on us in the same way as the others,
but with this tremendous difference —
that it really happened.”
— C. S. Lewis, Letter to Arthur Greeves, October 18, 1931

This is Lewis — an Oxford scholar of myth — saying that Christianity is:

myth-like in emotional and imaginative resonance,
but historical in a way no pagan story ever claimed to be.

III. Lewis’s Mature Statement: “Myth Became Fact”

More than a decade later, Lewis articulated the same insight in its most famous form:

“The heart of Christianity is a myth which is also a fact.
By becoming fact it does not cease to be myth: that is the miracle.
Myth became fact.
It is the marriage of heaven and earth: Perfect Myth and Perfect Fact.”
— C. S. Lewis, “Myth Became Fact,” in God in the Dock (1944)

Lewis held that Christianity combines two realities:

Mythic form — the universal human story-pattern of sacrifice, descent, rising, triumph
Historical fact — real events in a real province under a real governor witnessed by real people

This led him to the conclusion that Christianity is unique, not one myth among many.

IV. Lewis on Myth and History Together

From Surprised by Joy:

“A myth is a story which conveys, in the world of imagination, a truth about the universe.
I did not know how to distinguish truth from myth
until I discovered that they could fit together,
that the true myth of Christianity gave meaning to all the others.”
— C. S. Lewis, Surprised by Joy

This quote bridges the gap between imagination and history:

Pagan myths communicate something profound but symbolic.
Christianity, Lewis realized, is the real event that the myths dimly echo.

V. Carrier’s Claim: Jesus as One More Dying and Rising God

Modern critics — especially Richard Carrier — argue that Jesus belongs among the ancient “dying and rising gods.”
They point to figures such as:

Osiris
Tammuz / Dumuzi
Adonis
Attis
Dionysus
Baal / Hadad
Zalmoxis
Inanna / Ishtar
Romulus
Asclepius
Apollonius of Tyana

To evaluate the claim properly, we must examine:

the earliest textual sources,
the nature of each death,
the nature of each “return,”
the presence or absence of witnesses,
the historical setting,
and the genre of the stories.

This is what the comparison chart shows clearly.

VI. Comparison Chart — Carrier’s List vs. Jesus

Figure	Earliest Source (Author & Date)	Eyewitness Claims?
Tammuz / Dumuzi	Sumerian laments & hymns (anonymous; c. 1800–1200 BC)	No
Adonis	Greek poetry — Hesiod fragments (7th c. BC); Ovid, Metamorphoses (1st c. BC–AD 1)	No
Attis	Catullus 63 (1st c. BC); Pausanias (2nd c. AD)	No
Osiris	Egyptian Pyramid Texts (c. 2400 BC); Plutarch, Isis and Osiris (1st c. AD)	No
Dionysus	Euripides, Bacchae (5th c. BC); later Orphic texts	No
Asclepius	Homeric Hymn (7th–6th c. BC); Pausanias (2nd c. AD)	No
Zalmoxis	Herodotus, Histories 4.94–96 (5th c. BC)	No
Inanna / Ishtar	Sumerian/Akkadian descent myths (2nd millennium BC)	No
Romulus	Livy, History of Rome 1.16 (late 1st c. BC); Plutarch, Romulus (early 2nd c. AD)	One visionary claim (Proculus) with multiple conflicting death stories
Apollonius of Tyana	Philostratus, Life of Apollonius (early 3rd c. AD)	One visionary claim with multiple conflicting death stories
Jesus of Nazareth	Paul’s letters (AD 50s); Synoptic Gospels (AD 65–90); John (AD 90–100)	Yes — multiple named witnesses, including groups

VII. Why Lewis’s “True Myth” Insight Matters Here

Lewis provides the interpretive key modern readers lack:

The shape of the Christian story looks mythic — but its content is historical.

Pagan myths share the shape of death/descent/return:
but they lack:

a date,
a place,
a known ruler,
a legal trial,
a specific execution method,
a burial,
named eyewitnesses,
multiple early written accounts.

Lewis’s conclusion applies directly to the comparisons:

Christianity is not less than myth — it is myth that actually happened.

VIII. Summary of Section 6

Carrier’s list involves mythic cycles, symbolic cult rites, and legendary stories without historical grounding.
None feature bodily resurrection in real history witnessed by named individuals.
The Gospels stand in a different category:
a historical claim inside a specific world with real rulers, places, dates, and witnesses.
C. S. Lewis — a scholar of myth — recognized Christianity’s uniqueness as Perfect Myth and Perfect Fact: mythic in resonance, historical in substance.

Conclusion

It is not a problem that the Gospels were originally anonymous. That was normal for ancient biography, and their names were attached later for practical and pastoral reasons. It is also not a problem that the Gospels sometimes differ from one another or contain historical tensions. Ancient writers did not write with modern precision, and early Christians like Origen openly acknowledged this. None of that undermines the central message the Gospels consistently proclaim.

Across all four Gospels and across Acts, the emphasis is clear and unified: Jesus died and was raised, and this was witnessed by real people.
Sometimes the witnesses were alone. Sometimes they were in small groups. Sometimes in large groups. Sometimes indoors. Sometimes outdoors. Sometimes expecting something; at other times not expecting anything at all.

Two of the most significant witnesses — James, the brother of Jesus, and Paul, the persecutor of the church — were not looking for Jesus. They did not imagine these appearances. They did not desire them. They were not in emotional states that could easily produce hallucinations or visions. And yet both independently became convinced that Jesus appeared to them. Both became leaders of the two great branches of early Christianity — James in the Jerusalem church and Paul in the Gentile mission. Both suffered greatly for their testimony, and both ultimately died for the faith they once opposed or misunderstood.

What we gain from the Gospels and Acts is not modern-style biography or precision journalism. What we gain is something far more important and historically stable:
a consistent, early, multi-witness claim that Jesus was crucified, buried, raised, and seen.

This proclamation appears:

in the earliest creeds (1 Cor 15:3–5; Phil 2:6–11; Rom 1:3–4),
in the seven undisputed letters of Paul,
in all four Gospels,
in Acts,
in the Apostolic Fathers (1 Clement, Ignatius, Polycarp),
and in the second-century apologists,
and it continues as the heartbeat of Christian faith into the third century and beyond.

And we can trust the Gospels and Acts because they were written the exact same way other ancient writings were produced: through dictation, investigation, scribal collaboration, access to earlier accounts, and the patronage system of the Roman world. Far from making them unreliable, this situates them firmly inside the standard literary practices of their time.

The earliest Christians did not preserve every historical detail with modern precision. They preserved something far more essential — the central truth that the crucified Jesus appeared to people after his death, changed them, sent them, and launched a movement that transformed the world.

That unified testimony — appearing everywhere across the earliest Christian writings — is what the Gospels give us. And that is enough.

From Illusion to History: Why the Resurrection Stands Apart from Every Vision

November 8, 2025November 9, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

1. How Historians Work

Every historian begins with a simple task: to determine what most probably happened.
We cannot replay the past; we weigh evidence, compare sources, and choose the explanation that best fits the facts.
When we study Christianity’s beginnings, we apply the same discipline.
We ask: Given what we know from documents, archaeology, and human behavior, what is the most probable explanation for the events those first witnesses described?
And that leads to the hardest question of all—can the most probable explanation ever be a miracle?

2. Can a Miracle Ever Be the Most Probable Explanation?

Historians examine what is ordinary and repeatable; miracles and visions claim what is extraordinary and unique.
If we rule them out before hearing the evidence, our conclusions are fixed in advance.
If we leave the door open, we must ask what kind of testimony could ever justify believing that the impossible happened.

Christianity rests entirely on one such claim: that Jesus of Nazareth, executed under Pontius Pilate, was seen alive again.
Whether those appearances were real or imagined decides the truth of the entire faith.

3. Why Philosophical Arguments Are Not Enough

1. Atheists often win the philosophical debate.

Classical proofs for God—design, fine-tuning, first cause—sound persuasive until we look closely at the data.
The fine-tuning argument claims that the constants of nature are so precise that life could not exist unless a Creator adjusted them perfectly.
But the same evidence can be read the opposite way: in a universe that may contain two hundred billion galaxies and perhaps countless more beyond, chance had nearly infinite opportunities to assemble one planet with the right conditions.
Earth could simply be the lucky combination—the one world where chemistry and time happened to produce life.
The rest of the cosmos is vast and lifeless; we have found no sign of life anywhere else.
What we actually observe is not elegant or symmetrical design but a messy, wasteful, and violent process: stars explode, galaxies collide, and most of space is deadly to life.
The universe looks more random than purposeful—beautiful in places, but mostly silent and cold.

2. Human experience looks unfair.

Even here on the one world that sustains life, chance seems to rule.
The wicked often prosper; the good and innocent suffer.
If a good and all-powerful God directs everything, why does He allow that?
This question—the problem of suffering—is what turned Bart Ehrman from faith to atheism.

3. Christianity begins somewhere else—an event, not an idea.

The first Christians did not try to prove God by philosophy or science.
They proclaimed a moment in history: the resurrection of a crucified man.
No one would have invented that story.
- We would have placed it earlier in history so more people could see it.
- We would not have made a tortured, executed criminal the center of faith.
Yet that is exactly what happened.

4. Without that event, Christianity does not exist.

The resurrection, if real, explains why the movement began at all.
If false, the philosophical arguments for God would have faded long ago.
The faith of billions rests on something that should never have been imagined—unless it was true.

5. Paul himself recognized how implausible it sounds.

“We preach Christ crucified, a stumbling block to Jews and foolishness to Gentiles, but to those who are called, Christ the power of God and the wisdom of God.” — 1 Corinthians 1:23–24

The earliest missionary of the faith admitted that the message defied both Jewish expectation and Greek philosophy.
Christianity began not because it made sense, but because the impossible appeared to have happened.

4. David Hume and the Historian’s Dilemma

In 1748 the Scottish philosopher David Hume gave the modern world its rule of doubt.
In An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding, Section X, he wrote:

“A wise man … proportions his belief to the evidence. A miracle … is a violation of the laws of nature; and as a firm and unalterable experience has established these laws, the proof against a miracle … is as strong as any argument from experience can be.”

When Hume spoke of the laws of nature, he meant what human experience tells us always happens.
We call something a law because it never seems to fail—but what counts as ordinary depends entirely on experience.

If we paused to think about it, gravity itself would feel miraculous.
Right now the planet beneath our feet is spinning at about 1,000 miles per hour at the equator and racing around the Sun at roughly 67,000 miles per hour—while our entire Solar System hurtles around the super-massive black hole at the center of the Milky Way at nearly 490,000 miles per hour.
Yet none of us is flung into space. The air moves with the Earth, the oceans stay bound to it, and we walk steadily across a surface moving faster than a bullet.
We do not call this a miracle only because it happens to everyone all the time.
If a single person in the ancient world had experienced that invisible pull while the rest of humanity floated away, it would have been recorded as a divine wonder.
Regularity turns the wondrous into the expected.

That is what Hume meant by a law of nature—uniform experience.
But defining miracles as violations of uniform experience assumes that no new kind of experience could ever occur.
The question Christianity raises is whether an event could happen once in history—seen by real witnesses—and still be true even though it never happened again.

Hume continued:

“When anyone tells me, that he saw a dead man restored to life, I immediately consider with myself, whether it be more probable that this person should either deceive or be deceived, or that the fact, which he relates, should really have happened. … I always reject the greater miracle. If the falsehood of his testimony would be more miraculous, than the event which he relates; then, and not till then, can he pretend to command my belief.”

And finally he added the clause most readers forget:

“No testimony is sufficient to establish a miracle, unless the testimony be of such a kind, that its falsehood would be more miraculous than the fact which it endeavors to establish.”

Together these three statements summarize Hume’s logic:

Miracles are violations of nature and therefore highly improbable.
Deception or error will almost always be more likely than miracle.
Yet if the witnesses are so credible that their deceit would itself be a greater miracle, reason should believe them.

That final concession is the opening Hume left.

5. Bart Ehrman and the Modern Wall

Modern historians often repeat Hume’s first two points and omit the third.
Bart D. Ehrman writes in How Jesus Became God (2014):

“Historians, by the very nature of their craft, cannot show whether miracles happened. History can only establish what probably happened in the past. And miracles, by definition, are the least probable events.” (p. 229)

This is Hume’s argument restated—but without the door left ajar.
By defining “probable” as “natural,” the possibility of miracle is closed before the evidence is heard.
For Hume, belief might still be rational if testimony made the falsehood the greater miracle; for Ehrman, that option no longer exists.

Ehrman himself does not argue that the disciples fabricated the story.
He accepts that Peter, James (the brother of Jesus), and Paul were all convinced that they had seen Jesus alive again.
In his view, their experiences were psychologically real but mistaken—the result of sincere self-deception, not deliberate fraud.
He explains:

“There is no doubt in my mind that some of the disciples claimed to have seen Jesus alive after his death. This is what they believed. I don’t think they were lying. They truly believed it. But just because they believed it doesn’t mean that it really happened. People have visions of loved ones all the time after they have died.” — Bart D. Ehrman, How Jesus Became God (2014), pp. 182–183

Ehrman therefore grants the sincerity of the witnesses but denies the event itself, choosing the “deception through misperception” explanation over fabrication.

6. Bayesian Probability and the Weight of Evidence

Only fifteen years after Hume, the English minister-mathematician Thomas Bayes (1702–1761) published posthumously the paper that gave the mathematics of evidence.
His formula, Bayes’s Theorem, shows how probability should be updated when new evidence appears:

The crucial term is the prior probability P(H)—our estimate before considering the evidence.
If that number is near zero, no amount of evidence will matter; if it is small but real, convincing testimony can dramatically change the outcome.

7. Atheist and Agnostic Philosophers Who Keep a Non-Zero Prior

Across the modern era, several non-theistic philosophers have recognized that a miracle may be improbable but not impossible.
They begin with a small yet real prior probability—roughly one to ten percent—that such an event could occur if the evidence were strong enough.

Philosopher (date)	Viewpoint	Key Idea
Michael Scriven (1966)	Atheist philosopher of science	“It is a mistake to say that miracles cannot happen; the right claim is that no miracle has yet been shown to have happened.”
J. L. Mackie (1982)	Agnostic (Oxford)	“If we had a really impressive testimony from many sensible and independent witnesses, the balance of probability might tilt even for a miracle.”
Kai Nielsen (1989)	Atheist (Canada)	“The fact that something is unprecedented is not itself a decisive reason to reject it; unprecedented things sometimes happen.”
Antony Flew (1966 → 2007)	Atheist → Deist	Early: “Probability is always against miracles.” Later: “The laws of nature cannot rule out a God who can act within them.”
Michael Shermer (1997)	Atheist historian of science	“The more extraordinary the claim, the more extraordinary the evidence must be.”
Peter Millican (2003)	Agnostic (Hume scholar)	“Hume does not show that belief in miracles is irrational; only that it would require evidence of an order rarely, but not impossibly, met.”
Paul Draper (1989 → present)	Agnostic Bayesian philosopher	“A low prior probability can be overcome by very strong evidence.”
John Earman (2000)	Atheist philosopher of science	“Hume’s argument is an abject failure… sufficiently strong testimony can raise even a very improbable event to high probability.”
Julian Baggini (2003)	Atheist popular philosopher	“Atheists need not claim that miracles are impossible—only that no evidence yet meets the burden of proof.”

Despite their differences, all admit what Hume’s disciples often deny: a miracle could be credible if the testimony were overwhelming.

8. The Outlier: Richard Carrier and the Closed Universe

The modern mythicist Richard Carrier uses Bayes’s Theorem but begins with what he calls an “extraordinarily low” prior for any miracle claim:

“I will assume the prior probability that any miracle claim is true is extraordinarily low, because we have an enormous background knowledge of the frequency of such claims being false.”
— Proving History (2012), p. 231

He concludes:

“When all relevant background knowledge and evidence are taken into account, I find it about one in three that Jesus existed as a historical person.”
— On the Historicity of Jesus (2014), p. 600

and openly admits, “These estimates depend on my priors.” (p. 601 n. 23)

Carrier’s near-zero starting point guarantees his result.
The mathematics merely reflects the assumption that divine action never happens.

9. How the Starting Assumption Changes the Outcome

Approach	Starting Assumption (Prior for a Miracle)	Effect on Final Probability of Resurrection	Meaning
Richard Carrier (strict naturalism)	0.01 % — miracles virtually impossible	< 1 %	Evidence cannot move a closed universe; resurrection remains “impossible.”
Moderate Prior (1 %) — Mackie / Draper style	1 % — miracles rare but possible	≈ 50 %	Balanced starting point lets credible testimony make belief reasonable.
Open Prior (10 %)	10 % — God may act in history	≈ 90 %	Same data now makes the resurrection the most probable explanation.

The math is neutral; the priors are not.
Carrier begins so close to zero that no evidence could ever change the result.
Starting even modestly higher—1 % or 10 %—lets the evidence from Paul and the early witnesses actually speak.

10. Paul, the Gospels, and the Earliest Evidence

Even the most skeptical scholars—atheist or agnostic—agree on one remarkable fact: Paul of Tarsus is a genuine historical witness whose letters are the earliest Christian writings we possess.
Ehrman himself calls Paul’s testimony “the only firsthand account from someone who claimed to have seen Jesus alive after his death.” (How Jesus Became God, p. 183.)
That admission alone is striking: a first-century Pharisee, hostile to the movement, became convinced he had seen the risen Jesus and changed history.

Skeptical scholars often contrast Paul’s authentic letters with other New Testament writings such as 1 & 2 Peter, Jude, and James, which they consider forgeries.
Their primary reason is the highly polished Greek of these letters—language and rhetoric they believe unlikely for Galilean fishermen or village Jews who spoke Aramaic as a first language.
Other arguments are secondary: the letters’ developed theology, later church structures, and literary dependence on earlier texts.

Yet the use of amanuenses—professional secretaries or scribes—offers a historically plausible explanation.
The New Testament itself names Tertius as the scribe for Paul’s Letter to the Romans (Rom. 16:22) and mentions Silvanus as the intermediary or co-writer in 1 Peter 5:12.
Luke’s own prologue likewise reflects the work of a trained writer composing on behalf of others.
Such evidence makes it entirely credible that leaders like Peter, Jude, or James could have dictated or supervised letters written in sophisticated Greek by trusted collaborators—consistent with first-century literary practice rather than contrary to it.

But Paul was not the first source of the resurrection claim.

In fact, Paul appears to quote or paraphrase written Gospel narratives at least three times in 1 Corinthians: Jesus’ teaching on divorce (1 Cor 7:10–11), His instruction that “those who proclaim the gospel should live by the gospel” (1 Cor 9:14), and the words spoken at the Last Supper (1 Cor 11:23–25).
These references correspond closely to passages preserved in the Synoptic Gospels—Matthew, Mark, and Luke—though Paul wrote around AD 54, well before critics think those Gospels were formally composed.
Whether he is paraphrasing from memory or citing a written source known to the churches, his allusions confirm that written accounts of Jesus’ teachings and final meal were already circulating within twenty years of the crucifixion.
This strongly supports Luke’s statement that “many have undertaken to compile a narrative” and pushes the origin of the Synoptic tradition—or versions of it—earlier than the mid-first century.

The Gospels as Multiple Independent Sources

The four Gospels preserve at least five independent streams of early information:

Mark, our earliest narrative.
Matthew’s unique material (M).
Luke’s unique material (L).
The sayings source (Q) shared by Matthew and Luke.
The independent Johannine tradition more than 90% different than the synoptics.

Luke himself opens his Gospel acknowledging many earlier accounts and explaining his historical method in detail:

Luke 1:1–4 (ESV)
“Inasmuch as many have undertaken to compile a narrative of the things that have been accomplished among us,
just as those who from the beginning were eyewitnesses and ministers of the word have delivered them to us,
it seemed good to me also, having followed all things closely for some time past,
to write an orderly account for you, most excellent Theophilus,
that you may have certainty concerning the things you have been taught.”

Luke’s Introduction: What It Implies

“Many have undertaken …” – Luke’s Gospel is part of an already-active literary effort.
- Several written accounts existed before his, showing that Jesus’ life was being recorded early and from multiple angles.
“Eyewitnesses and ministers …” – Luke affirms that his material derives from people present “from the beginning.”
- He places himself in the second generation: a historian gathering and arranging what eyewitnesses had handed down.
“It seemed good to me also … to write an orderly account …” – Luke’s Greek indicates education and deliberate composition.
- Such writing often employed an amanuensis—a professional scribe—just as other New Testament authors mention Tertius (Rom 16:22) and Silvanus (1 Pet 5:12).
- Early Christians and their patrons worked together to preserve testimony in polished literary form.
“For you, most excellent Theophilus …” – The dedication implies sponsorship by a wealthy or influential Roman believer.
- This hints at a pattern likely both before and after Luke: educated Christians with means supported the research, writing, and copying of the Gospel story.
- Such partnerships between patrons and writers help explain how high-level Greek compositions could emerge from a movement that began among Galilean laborers.
“That you may have certainty …” – Luke writes to confirm, not invent, the message his audience already knows.
- Christianity spread through confidence that its message rested on verifiable history, not legend.
From Aramaic fishermen to Greek historians.
- This collaboration between eyewitnesses, patrons, and literate scribes shows how the message of Jesus moved from illiterate Aramaic-speaking Jews in Judea to high-level Greek writings circulating across the Roman world within one generation.
- The very existence of Luke’s prologue demonstrates the extraordinary effort the earliest believers made to preserve what they had seen and heard.

The Two Early Creeds and the Christ Hymn

Within Paul’s letters we find ancient formulas he inherited, not invented—texts that even atheist historians date to within a few years of the crucifixion.

The Resurrection Creed (1 Cor 15:3-5):

“For I delivered to you as of first importance what I also received: that Christ died for our sins according to the Scriptures, that He was buried, that He was raised on the third day according to the Scriptures, and that He appeared to Cephas, then to the Twelve, and to all the apostles.”

Every major critical scholar—Ehrman, Lüdemann, Dunn—dates this to A.D. 30–35, perhaps within months of the crucifixion.

The Gospel Summary (Rom 1:3-4):

“Concerning His Son, who was descended from David according to the flesh and was declared to be the Son of God in power by His resurrection from the dead — Jesus Christ our Lord.”

The Christ Hymn (Phil 2:6-11):

“Who, though He was in the form of God, did not count equality with God a thing to be grasped … Therefore God has highly exalted Him …”

All three focus on Jesus’ death, resurrection, and exaltation.
Because Paul received them, their origin lies earlier than Paul—in the faith and worship of those who knew Jesus personally.

Paul’s Contact with the Earliest Witnesses

Three years after his conversion Paul went to Jerusalem “to visit Cephas and stay with him fifteen days; I saw none of the other apostles except James the Lord’s brother” (Gal 1:18-19).
Later he names James, Cephas, and John as pillars of the Jerusalem church (Gal 2:9).
Within a few years of the crucifixion, Paul had direct access to those who claimed to have seen Jesus alive.

Even if one accepts Ehrman’s skepticism about the Gospels, belief in the resurrection did not originate with Paul; he inherited it from a living network of witnesses already proclaiming it as the core of their faith.

11. Earliest Witnesses to the Resurrection

The Christian proclamation is rooted in testimony—people who said they personally saw Jesus alive after His death.
Those witnesses come from at least six independent sources—
Paul’s letters, Mark, Matthew’s material (M), Luke’s gospel material (L) along with Acts, the sayings source shared by Matthew and Luke (Q), and the independent Johannine tradition—
and, as Luke himself says, “many have undertaken to compile a narrative” (Luke 1:1).
That means still more written or oral accounts were circulating even before our four canonical Gospels.

Witness / Group	Source(s)	Setting or Description
Mary Magdalene	Mark 16 : 1-8 (abr.), Matt 28 : 1-10, Luke 24 : 1-11, John 20 : 1-18	Arrives first at the tomb; sees the stone removed; in John, meets the risen Jesus and hears her name.
Mary the mother of James, Salome, Joanna, and “other women”	Mark 16 : 1-8; Luke 24 : 10; Matt 28 : 1	Accompany Mary Magdalene; encounter angels announcing the resurrection.
Peter (Cephas)	1 Cor 15 : 5; Luke 24 : 34	Private appearance soon after the tomb discovery.
The Eleven (“the Twelve”)	1 Cor 15 : 5; Luke 24 : 36-49; John 20 : 19-23; Matt 28 : 16-20	Group appearance in Jerusalem; Jesus shows wounds, eats with them, and commissions them.
Cleopas and his companion (on the road to Emmaus)	Luke 24 : 13-35	Two disciples recognize Jesus in the breaking of bread.
Thomas (with the others a week later)	John 20 : 24-29	Invited to touch Jesus’ wounds; confesses, “My Lord and my God.”
Seven disciples at the Sea of Galilee (Peter, Thomas, Nathaniel, James, John, and two others)	John 21 : 1-14	Breakfast by the sea; Jesus restores Peter.
“More than five hundred brothers and sisters at once”	1 Cor 15 : 6	Collective appearance—unique in ancient literature; Paul notes that most were still alive.
James (the Lord’s brother)	1 Cor 15 : 7; Gal 1 : 19	Once skeptical (John 7 : 5); later leader of the Jerusalem church.
“All the apostles” (broader missionary circle)	1 Cor 15 : 7	Broader group beyond the Twelve.
Paul of Tarsus	1 Cor 15 : 8; Acts 9 : 1-19	Later appearance—“last of all… as to one untimely born.”

Key Observations

The witnesses span both genders, multiple social levels, and private and group experiences.
The tradition lists named people, many of whom were still alive when the letters circulated—an open invitation to verify.
The creeds and hymn Paul “received” are dated by even skeptical scholars (Ehrman, Lüdemann, Dunn) to within five years of the crucifixion.
No other ancient religion begins with such a network of living witnesses claiming to have seen the same person alive again.

12. The Pagan Parallel: Apollonius of Tyana

Some critics have suggested that stories of Jesus’ miracles and resurrection merely echo pagan legends such as Apollonius of Tyana—a first-century philosopher and wonder-worker who lived around AD 15 to 100.
At first glance the comparison sounds plausible: both figures are described as miracle workers.
But when we examine the sources historically, the parallels collapse.
The differences in number of witnesses, consistency of narrative, time gap between event and record, and the moral and social impact of the movements are enormous.

Category	Jesus of Nazareth (d. AD 30)	Apollonius of Tyana (c. AD 15–100)
Primary Sources	Four Gospels (Mark, Matthew, Luke, John) + Acts + independent early material (M, L, Q) + Paul’s letters (esp. 1 Cor 15)	Life of Apollonius by Philostratus, written c. AD 220–230 — about 120 years after Apollonius’ death
Time Between Events and Accounts	Within one generation (20–40 yrs); Paul’s creeds within ≈ 5 yrs of the crucifixion	Roughly 120 yrs after events; no contemporary documentation
Number of Named Witnesses	Dozens of named individuals (Mary Magdalene, Peter, James, John, Thomas, etc.) plus groups up to ≈ 500 people (1 Cor 15)	None contemporary; Philostratus claims to use a lost memoir by “Damis,” a follower never verified
Consistency of Death / Resurrection Stories	Unified pattern: crucifixion under Pilate → burial → empty tomb → multiple appearances proving resurrection	Philostratus admits “many stories” about Apollonius’ death and disappearance (8.30–31); no single version agreed upon
Nature of “Resurrection” or Departure	Bodily resurrection attested by multiple witnesses who claimed physical contact and verbal interaction	A single-person vision not verified even by those with the person; one death story has him vanishing in a temple but no witnesses.
Community and Continuity	Immediate movement spreading through eyewitness preaching about his resurrection and willingness to die for it. Key enemies of the faith converted due to resurrection encounters (Paul and James, Jesus’ brother)	No lasting cult or ethical movement; admiration remained literary and elite
Writers’ Admission of Sources	Luke explicitly cites “many accounts” based on eyewitnesses and ministers of the word (Luke 1:1–4)	Philostratus offers hearsay and conflicting legends, openly admitting uncertainty with one unverified source
Overall Character	Early, multi-sourced, historically anchored, morally transformative	Late, single-sourced, contradictory, purely literary

Conflicting Endings in the Life of Apollonius

“…as for the manner of his death—if he really died—there are many stories, though Damis repeats none of them…

Some say he died in Ephesus, cared for by two maidservants…

Others say he died in Lindus, where he entered the temple of Athena and disappeared. Others again claim that he died on Crete in a far more remarkable way. One night he went to the temple of Dictynna. The fierce watchdogs guarding it fawned on him instead of barking. The guards, thinking him a sorcerer, bound him. About midnight he freed himself, called his captors to watch, ran to the temple doors, which opened by themselves; he entered, the doors shut, and from within came a chorus of maidens singing, ‘Hasten from earth, hasten to heaven, hasten…’

Later, in Tyana, a young skeptic denied the immortality of the soul, saying, ‘I have prayed to Apollonius for nine months to show me the truth, but he is so utterly dead that he will not appear.’ Five days later, while discussing the same topic, the youth leapt up, drenched in sweat, crying, ‘I believe you, Apollonius!’ He said that Apollonius was present, unseen to others, reciting verses about the soul:

‘The soul is immortal; it is not yours but Providence’s.
When the body wastes away, it leaps forward like a freed horse,
Mingling with the light air and escaping the painful slavery it endured.
But for you—why worry? When you are gone, you will know.’

Here we find a clear statement from Apollonius, standing firm like a prophetic guide, meant to help us understand the mysteries of the soul—so that, with confidence and a true awareness of who we are, we can move forward toward the destiny set for us. I have travelled the whole earth, and I know of no tomb of him anywhere, though his shrine at Tyana is honored with imperial guardianship.”
— Philostratus, Life of Apollonius of Tyana 8.30–33 (Loeb Classical Library II, pp. 399–407)

What These Passages Show

Multiple death stories: at least three contradictory versions—Ephesus, Lindus, and Crete—with Philostratus openly acknowledging “many stories.”
No eyewitness testimony: his supposed companion Damis “repeats none.” All are anonymous hearsay recorded more than a century later.
A single private vision: one young man alone claims to see Apollonius reciting verses; no one else perceives anything.
Unremarkable teaching: the message is a generic claim that the soul is immortal and a dismissal of inquiry—“you’ll find out when you die.”
No enduring movement: the story ends with a civic shrine, not a community transformed by moral conviction.

In summary:
Apollonius’ ending is late, contradictory, and philosophically shallow—a literary imitation of divine ascent rather than a historical claim verified by witnesses.
The resurrection of Jesus, by contrast, was proclaimed within years by many named witnesses and launched a movement that reshaped the moral and spiritual history of the world.

13. Visions and New Religious Movements Across History

The resurrection of Jesus stands within a broader human pattern of visions and revelations that have launched new faiths or sects.
But in every other case the experiences are isolated, private, and far removed from public verification.
Christianity began with numerous named witnesses claiming to have seen the same person alive again—an unparalleled claim in religious history.

Figure / Movement (approx. date of founding vision)	Core Vision Claim (Who / When)	How Many Claimed to See?	Net-New Movement or Sect Formed?
Jesus of Nazareth (c. AD 30)	Resurrection appearances – Cephas, the Twelve, ≈ 500 at once, James, all apostles, Paul (1 Cor 15); plus women (Mary Magdalene, Mary mother of James, Salome, Joanna etc.), Cleopas and companion (Emmaus), the Eleven (Jerusalem), and seven disciples (Galilee).	Many – groups and crowds	Yes → Christianity
Romulus (8th cent. BCE)	Post-mortem appearance to Proculus Julius after disappearance.	1	No (state cult only)
Zoroaster (c. 1200–600 BCE)	Foundational vision of Ahura Mazda via Vohu Manah.	1	Yes → Zoroastrianism
Asclepius cult (5th–4th cent. BCE)	Healing dream-visions in temples (Epidaurus etc.).	Many (private)	Expansion of existing cult
Apollonius of Tyana (c. AD 15–100)	Contradictory death accounts; later one young man claims vision of him reciting verses about the soul.	1	No (enduring cult absent)**
Simon Magus (mid-1st cent. AD)	Magical signs and visions recorded by followers.	1 (+ followers)	Yes → early sect
Mani (AD 228 & 240)	Revelatory visions; claims prophetic commission.	1	Yes → Manichaeism
Muhammad (AD 610)	Revelation through Gabriel beginning at Ḥirāʾ.	1	Yes → Islam
Montanus with Priscilla & Maximilla (c. AD 156–172)	Trance-prophecies and visions of Spirit’s coming (New Prophecy).	3	Sect within Christianity
Guru Nanak (c. 1500)	Vision after three-day disappearance in River Bein.	1	Yes → Sikhism
Sabbatai Zevi (AD 1648–1666)	Ecstatic visions; declares himself Messiah; later apostasy.	1 (+ followers)	Yes → Sabbatean sects
Israel ben Eliezer, “Baal Shem Tov” (c. 1700–1760)	Jewish mystic whose visions and ecstatic prayer experiences inspired the rise of Hasidic Judaism. Claimed encounters with angels and a vision of the Messiah saying redemption would come when his teachings spread.	1 (primary seer)	Yes → Hasidic movement within Judaism
Emanuel Swedenborg (AD 1744–1745)	Visions of heaven and hell.	1	Yes → Church of the New Jerusalem
Ann Lee (c. AD 1770)	Visions of Christ’s “second appearing.”	1	Yes → Shaker movement
Handsome Lake (1799)	Series of visions inspiring Iroquoian reform.	1	Yes → Longhouse Code
Native American Vision Ceremonies (ancient → present)	Vision-seeking through fasting, isolation, or sacramental plants (e.g., Plains vision quest, peyote rites of the Native American Church). Experiences interpreted as encounters with spirit beings or the Great Spirit.	Individuals or small groups in ritual context	No – practice within Indigenous traditions (Native American Church formalized 19th–20th cent.)
Joseph Smith (1820–1829)	“First Vision” (1820: God the Father & Jesus Christ); angel Moroni visitations (1823–29); later Three Witnesses & Eight Witnesses see gold plates but no divine figures.	1 (primary seer) + 11 plate witnesses	Yes → Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints
Ellen G. White (1844 – 1915)	Extensive visions and dreams guiding doctrine and practice throughout her ministry.	1	Yes → Seventh-day Adventist Church
The Báb (AD 1844)	Night-long revelation and public declaration.	1	Yes → Bábism
Bahá’u’lláh (AD 1852–1863)	Prison theophany and Ridván declaration.	1	Yes → Bahá’í Faith
Black Elk (1872)	“Great Vision” at age 9.	1	Cultural renewal movement
Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (1882–1889)	Divine revelations and visions.	1	Yes → Ahmadiyya Islam
Deguchi Nao (1892)	Possession / revelations of “Ushitora no Konjin.”	1	Yes → Ōmoto
Hong Xiuquan (1837–1843)	Visions claiming to be Jesus’ younger brother.	1	Yes → Taiping movement
Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson (1902–1994)	Revered leader of the Chabad-Lubavitch movement; after his death, a minority of followers within this already small Hasidic branch claimed to see him in visions and expected his messianic return. He remains buried in a verifiable tomb (the Ohel, Queens, New York).	Small number of individual claimants	No – renewal and expectation within Judaism (not a new religion)
Sun Myung Moon (1936)	Vision of Jesus at age 16; church founded 1954.	1	Yes → Unification Church
Catholic Marian Apparitions (1531 → present)	Reported appearances of Mary (e.g., Guadalupe 1531; Lourdes 1858; Fátima 1917; Zeitoun 1968–71). The Church has officially recognized ≈ 16 of more than 1,500 reported apparitions worldwide after rigorous investigation. Most involve one or a few seers, occasionally crowds of tens of thousands.	Variable – usually 1 to few; occasionally crowds	No – devotional renewal within Catholic faith

Ancient accounts of the Asclepius healing temples—especially at Epidaurus, Pergamum, and Kos—show that visions and even miraculous healings were part of Greco-Roman religious life.
The process was deliberate and carefully prepared:

Purification and preparation: visitors bathed in sacred springs, fasted, and wore clean garments before entering the abaton, the inner sanctuary where they would sleep.
Offerings and prayer: worshippers made small sacrifices and prayed for a dream or appearance of Asclepius to reveal the cure.
Incubation: during the night they expected the god—often depicted as a physician or serpent—to appear and prescribe or perform healing.
Interpretation and testimony: priests interpreted the dreams the next morning, and those who claimed to be healed offered public inscriptions describing what had happened.

Sources such as Pausanias, Aelius Aristides, and the Epidaurian inscriptions record numerous cases of healing and divine encounters.
There is no reason to doubt that people in these temples had powerful visionary or even miraculous experiences.

But these accounts are not comparable to the resurrection appearances of Jesus.
Every Asclepian vision was sought through ritual expectation—participants came prepared, purified, and hoping to see the god.
The resurrection appearances, by contrast, occurred among people who were not expecting anything: they were frightened, defeated, and convinced that Jesus was dead.
Whatever one concludes about either set of experiences, the context and character of the events are entirely different—ritual healing visions in a temple versus unexpected encounters with a crucified man alive again.

Key Contrasts

Apart from Jesus’ resurrection, every founding vision in history begins with one person or a very small circle claiming a private experience.
None involve hundreds of simultaneous eyewitnesses or early written creeds within years of the claimed event.
Most other revelations appear centuries after the traditions they reference, whereas the resurrection was proclaimed immediately within its own culture.
Devotional phenomena such as Marian apparitions, Native American vision ceremonies, and post-Rebbe expectations renew existing faiths but do not create new religions.

14. Visions: Real, Mistaken, or Manufactured?

History has to allow three possibilities whenever someone claims a vision:

They truly perceived something real (veridical).
They misperceived—a dream, illusion, or grief-induced image (non-veridical).
They fabricated the claim (deception).

The New Testament openly acknowledges this range and calls for discernment:

“Test the spirits to see whether they are from God, for many false prophets have gone out into the world.” — 1 John 4:1–3
“Even if we or an angel from heaven should preach a different gospel, let him be accursed.” — Galatians 1:8–9
“Satan disguises himself as an angel of light.” — 2 Corinthians 11:14–15
Jesus warned that false christs and false prophets would perform “great signs and wonders” to mislead, “even the elect if possible.” — Matthew 24:23–26
The Colossian letter also acknowledges teachers who practiced the worship of angels and boasted about visions they had seen: “Do not let anyone who delights in false humility and the worship of angels disqualify you. Such a person goes into great detail about what they have seen; they are puffed up with idle notions by their unspiritual mind. They have lost connection with the Head, from whom the whole body grows.” — Colossians 2:18–19

The early apologist Origen made the same point when replying to pagan critics: some wonders are tricks or demonic imitations, but Jesus’ works differ in moral effect:

“We know of many who have deceived multitudes by magical illusions, but Jesus’ works were not such, for they reformed those who beheld them.” — Contra Celsum 2.48

Why the Earliest Christian Claims Stand Apart

Breadth and convergence: not one seer but a network of named witnesses—women at the tomb, Peter, the Eleven, the Emmaus pair, the Galilee seven, about 500 at once, James, all the apostles, and finally Paul.
Public, embodied encounters: appearances in groups, with touch, conversation, and shared meals—claims open to verification, not private impressions.
Earliest focus on a single historical event: pre-Pauline creeds and hymn (1 Cor 15:3–5; Rom 1:3–4; Phil 2:6–11) already center on death → burial → resurrection → exaltation.
Costly conviction: those witnesses proclaimed what they saw at great personal risk; they gained no wealth or power, only hardship and martyrdom.

Christianity therefore recognizes that visions can be true, mistaken, or manufactured, yet the resurrection testimony remains unique on every historical test—number, independence, embodiment, and enduring moral consequence.

15. The Greater Miracle

David Hume challenged the world to ask which is more probable:
that witnesses of a miracle are deceived, or that the miracle actually occurred.
Across history, countless founders and visionaries have claimed revelations—usually alone, often private, and rarely verifiable.
But the resurrection of Jesus stands apart:

Multiple named witnesses—men and women, groups and crowds—claimed to see the same person alive again.
Independent, early sources—Paul’s letters, the Gospels, and Acts—record the claim within a generation.
A unified message—death, burial, resurrection, exaltation—runs across all streams of tradition.
A moral and social transformation followed: those who once fled in fear became proclaimers willing to suffer and die.

If all this were false, we must believe that hundreds across diverse settings shared the same deception and that a movement built on that deception outlasted the empires that tried to crush it.
If it is true, then history has been opened to its Author.

So Hume’s question remains the right one:
Which is the greater miracle—
that so many credible witnesses were deceived,
or that the resurrection they proclaimed really happened?

Multiplying by Mission: Session 9 at Mission Lake

November 1, 2025November 2, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

40% Growth Then, 5% Growth Now — What We Must Learn Anew

Our goal in this session is to present the essence of the Christian faith as seen through the earliest and most significant pieces of literature from the ancient church and from the Roman world in which it emerged. We are seeking to understand what is essential for Christianity—those truths that form the common foundation of belief and moral life—as distinguished from what is diverse in local application or interpretation. From the earliest creeds of the 30s AD to the writings of Eusebius in the early 300s, the evidence will show that the rule of faith remained consistent in its core confession of God, Christ, the Spirit, resurrection, judgment, and ethical life, while at the same time the Church celebrated and respected diversity in practice and interpretation among its many communities.

Earliest Christian Creeds and Hymns

Passage	Approx. Date (Content)	Theme / Focus	Broad Scholarly Consensus
1 Cor 15:3-7	Early 30s AD	Death, burial, and resurrection of Christ	Universal — accepted by atheist and believing scholars as the earliest Christian tradition
Phil 2:6-11	Early 30s AD	Pre-existence, incarnation, and exaltation	Universal — recognized as a pre-Pauline hymn used in earliest worship
Rom 1:3-4	Early 30s AD	Son of God declared in power by resurrection	Strong — widely regarded as an early Palestinian creed
1 Thess 4:14	40s AD	Resurrection hope and life to come	Strong — early confessional formula of faith and hope
Gal 3:28	40s AD	Equality and unity of believers in Christ	Strong — baptismal or ethical confession of oneness
Rom 12:9-13	40s AD	Love and moral conduct among believers	Moderate–Strong — early ethical summary shaped by creed
Col 1:15-20	40s AD (Pauline authorship disputed)	Cosmic Christ reconciling all things	Strong — pre-Pauline hymn emphasizing Christ’s lordship

Romans 1:3-4

Cited by Paul in Romans (AD 57-58); creed from the early 30s AD.

Concerning his Son, who was descended from David according to the flesh,
and was declared to be the Son of God in power according to the Spirit of holiness
by his resurrection from the dead, Jesus Christ our Lord.
(Rom 1:3-4 ESV)

1 Corinthians 15:3-11

Cited by Paul in 1 Corinthians (AD 54-55); creed from the early 30s AD.

For I delivered to you as of first importance what I also received:
that Christ died for our sins in accordance with the Scriptures,
that he was buried,
that he was raised on the third day in accordance with the Scriptures,
and that he appeared to Cephas, then to the twelve.
Then he appeared to more than five hundred brothers at one time, most of whom are still alive, though some have fallen asleep.
Then he appeared to James, then to all the apostles.
Last of all, as to one untimely born, he appeared also to me.
For I am the least of the apostles, unworthy to be called an apostle, because I persecuted the church of God.
But by the grace of God I am what I am, and his grace toward me was not in vain. On the contrary, I worked harder than any of them — though it was not I, but the grace of God that is with me.
Whether then it was I or they, so we preach and so you believed.
(1 Cor 15:3-11 ESV)

Philippians 2:6-11

Cited by Paul in Philippians (AD 55-60); chiastic hymn from the early 30s AD.

Christ Jesus, who, though he was in the form of God,
did not count equality with God a thing to be grasped,
but emptied himself, by taking the form of a servant,
being born in the likeness of men.
And being found in human form, he humbled himself
by becoming obedient to the point of death, even death on a cross.
Therefore God has highly exalted him
and bestowed on him the name that is above every name,
so that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow,
in heaven and on earth and under the earth,
and every tongue confess that Jesus Christ is Lord,
to the glory of God the Father.
(Phil 2:6-11 ESV)

1 Thessalonians 4:14

Cited by Paul in 1 Thessalonians (AD 49-50); confessional line from the 40s AD.

For since we believe that Jesus died and rose again, even so, through Jesus, God will bring with him those who have fallen asleep.
(1 Thess 4:14 ESV)

Galatians 3:28

Cited by Paul in Galatians (AD 48-49); baptismal or ethical formula from the 40s AD.

There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither slave nor free, there is no male and female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus.
(Gal 3:28 ESV)

Romans 12:9-13

Cited by Paul in Romans (AD 57-58); early ethical summary reflecting creedal life of the 40s AD.

Let love be genuine. Abhor what is evil; hold fast to what is good.
Love one another with brotherly affection. Outdo one another in showing honor.
Do not be slothful in zeal, be fervent in spirit, serve the Lord.
Rejoice in hope, be patient in tribulation, be constant in prayer.
Contribute to the needs of the saints and seek to show hospitality.
(Rom 12:9-13 ESV)

Colossians 1:15-20

Quoted in the (disputed) Letter to the Colossians (AD 55-60); chiastic hymn originating in the 40s AD.

He is the image of the invisible God, the firstborn of all creation.
For by him all things were created, in heaven and on earth, visible and invisible, whether thrones or dominions or rulers or authorities — all things were created through him and for him.
And he is before all things, and in him all things hold together.
And he is the head of the body, the church. He is the beginning, the firstborn from the dead, that in everything he might be preeminent.
For in him all the fullness of God was pleased to dwell,
and through him to reconcile to himself all things, whether on earth or in heaven, making peace by the blood of his cross.
(Col 1:15-20 ESV)

Ignatius of Antioch

Letter to the Philadelphians 3–4
Written about AD 107 while en route to martyrdom.

Be careful to share in only one Eucharist, for there is one flesh of our Lord Jesus Christ and one cup that brings us together in His blood, one altar just as there is one bishop with the presbyters and deacons who serve with him.
Whatever you do, then, do it as those who serve God.

Do not be misled by strange teachings or by old tales that are useless.
If we still live according to the standards of Judaism, we admit that we have not received grace.
The most divine prophets lived according to Christ Jesus, and for this reason they were persecuted; they were inspired by His grace to convince the unbelieving that there is one God who has revealed Himself through Jesus Christ His Son—His Word, who came forth from silence, and who in every way pleased the One who sent Him.

Therefore, my brothers and sisters, make every effort to share in the one Eucharist; for there is one flesh of our Lord Jesus Christ, and one cup that brings us together in His blood, one altar, as there is one bishop with the presbytery and deacons, my fellow servants.
Whatever you do, do it in harmony with God. Where there is diversity, if there is unity of faith and love, there God is glorified.

Those who repent and come together in the unity of the Church will belong to God, so that they may live according to Jesus Christ.
Do not let anything be done without the bishop; keep your bodies as the temple of God; love unity; avoid divisions; be imitators of Jesus Christ as He is of His Father.
The Lord forgives all who repent, if they turn back to the unity of God and to the council of the bishop.
I trust in the grace of Jesus Christ that He will free you from every chain.

I warn you, then, to stay away from the evil plants that Jesus Christ does not cultivate, because they are not the planting of the Father.
I have not found division among you, but rather a kind of purification.
For all who belong to God and Jesus Christ are with the bishop; and those who repent and return to the unity of the Church will also belong to God, that they may live according to Jesus Christ.

Historical Note

Ignatius is addressing a mixed congregation of Jewish and Gentile believers still learning how to relate the Mosaic law to the grace of Christ. His warning not to “live according to Judaism” meant that Gentile Christians must not treat the law as binding for salvation, yet his comment about diversity within unity shows that he respected those Jewish believers who continued their ancestral customs. Like James and Paul at the Jerusalem Council in Acts 15, Ignatius maintains that grace and unity in Christ are essential, while cultural practices may differ as long as they do not divide the Church.

Pliny the Younger to Emperor Trajan

Letters 10.96–97
Written about AD 112 describing the Christians of Bithynia.

It is my practice, my lord, to refer to you all matters concerning which I am in doubt.
For who can better give guidance to my hesitation or inform my ignorance?
I have never participated in trials of Christians; therefore I do not know what offenses are to be punished or investigated, or to what extent.

Meanwhile, in the case of those who were denounced to me as Christians, I have observed the following procedure.
I interrogated them as to whether they were Christians; those who confessed I interrogated a second and a third time, threatening them with punishment; those who persisted I ordered executed.
For I had no doubt that, whatever the nature of their creed, stubbornness and inflexible obstinacy surely deserve to be punished.

Those who denied that they were or had been Christians, when they invoked the gods in words dictated by me, offered prayer with incense and wine to your image, which I had ordered to be brought for this purpose together with statues of the gods, and moreover cursed Christ—none of which, it is said, those who are really Christians can be forced to do—these I thought should be discharged.
Others named by the informer declared that they were Christians, but then denied it; they said that they had ceased to be so, some three years before, others many years, some as much as twenty years.
They all worshiped your image and the statues of the gods, and cursed Christ.

They asserted, however, that the sum and substance of their fault or error had been that they were accustomed to meet on a fixed day before dawn and sing responsively a hymn to Christ as to a god, and to bind themselves by an oath—not to some crime, but not to commit fraud, theft, or adultery, not to falsify their trust, nor to refuse to return a deposit when called upon to do so.
When this was over, it was their custom to depart and to assemble again to partake of food—but ordinary and innocent food.
Even this, they affirmed, they had ceased to do after my edict, by which, in accordance with your instructions, I had forbidden political associations.

Accordingly, I judged it all the more necessary to find out what the truth was by torturing two female slaves who were called deaconesses.
But I discovered nothing else but depraved, excessive superstition.
I therefore postponed the investigation and hastened to consult you.
For many persons of every age, every rank, and also of both sexes are and will be endangered.
For the contagion of this superstition has spread not only to the cities but also to the villages and farms.
But it seems possible to check and cure it.

Trajan’s Reply

You have followed the right course, my dear Secundus, in investigating the cases of those who were denounced to you as Christians, for it is not possible to lay down any general rule that would apply as a fixed standard.
They are not to be sought out; if they are brought before you and the charge against them is proved, they are to be punished, with this reservation, however, that if anyone denies that he is a Christian and really proves it—that is, by worshiping our gods—he shall be pardoned on the ground of repentance.
Anonymous accusations have no place in any prosecution, for this is both a bad precedent and out of keeping with the spirit of our age.

Aristides of Athens

Apology XV–XVI
Written about AD 125–140 to Emperor Hadrian.

But the Christians, O King, reckon the beginning of their religion from Jesus Christ, who is named the Son of God Most High; and it is said that God came down from heaven, and from a Hebrew virgin took and clothed Himself with flesh, and that the Son of God lived in a daughter of man.
This is taught in the gospel, as it is called, which a short time ago was preached among them; and you also, if you will read therein, may perceive the power which belongs to it.

This Jesus, then, was born of the race of the Hebrews; and He had twelve disciples, in order that a certain dispensation of His might be fulfilled.
He was pierced by the Jews, and He died and was buried; and they say that after three days He rose and ascended to heaven.

Thereupon these twelve disciples went forth into the known parts of the world and taught concerning His greatness with all humility and soberness.
And those then who still observe the righteousness which was enjoined by their preaching are called Christians.

And these are they who more than all the nations of the earth have found the truth.
For they acknowledge God, the Creator and Maker of all things, in the only-begotten Son and in the Holy Spirit; and besides Him they worship no other God.

They have the commandments of the Lord Jesus Christ Himself graven upon their hearts; and they keep them, looking for the resurrection of the dead and the life of the world to come.

They do not commit adultery or fornication; they do not bear false witness; they do not covet the things of others; they honor father and mother; they do good to those who are their neighbors; and they judge uprightly.

They do not worship idols made in the likeness of man.
Whatever they would not wish others to do to them, they do not practice themselves.

They do not eat of the food offered to idols, for they are pure.
They comfort their oppressors and make them their friends; they do good to their enemies.

Their women are pure as virgins, and their daughters are modest.
Their men abstain from all unlawful union and from all uncleanness, in the hope of a recompense to come in another world.

They love one another.
They do not turn away a widow, and they rescue the orphan.
He who has gives ungrudgingly to him who has not.

If they see a stranger, they take him under their roof, and they rejoice over him as over a real brother.
If anyone among them is poor and needy, and they have no spare food, they fast two or three days in order to supply the needy with their necessary food.

They observe scrupulously the commandments of their Messiah.
They live honestly and soberly, as the Lord their God ordered them.
They give thanks to Him every hour, for all meat and drink and other blessings.

If any righteous man among them passes away from the world, they rejoice and thank God, and escort his body with songs and thanksgiving as if he were setting out from one place to another.

When a child has been born to one of them, they give thanks to God; and if it chance to die in childhood, they praise God mightily, as for one who has passed through the world without sins.

If anyone of them be a man of wealth, and he sees that one of their number is in want, he provides for the needy without boasting.

And if they see a stranger, they take him under their roof and rejoice over him as over a brother; for they do not call them brethren after the flesh, but brethren after the Spirit and in God.

Whenever one of their poor passes away from the world, each of them, according to his ability, gives heed to him and carefully sees to his burial.

Such is the law of the Christians, O King, and such is their manner of life.
And verily, this is a new people, and there is something divine in them.

Epistle to Diognetus

Written about AD 150–180 by an unknown Christian author probably from Asia Minor. He refers to himself as a “disciple of the Apostles” and a “teacher of the Gentiles.”

1 – Purpose of Writing

Most excellent Diognetus: I can see that you deeply desire to learn how Christians worship their God. You have so carefully and earnestly asked your questions about them: What is it about the God they believe in, and the form of religion they observe, that lets them look down upon the world and despise death? Why do they reject the Greek gods and the Jewish superstitions alike? What about the affection they all have for each other? And why has this new group and their practices come to life only now, and not long ago? …

5 – The Manners of Christians

For the Christians are distinguished from other men neither by country, nor language, nor the customs which they observe. For they neither inhabit cities of their own, nor employ a peculiar form of speech, nor lead a life which is marked out by any singularity. The course of conduct which they follow has not been devised by any speculation or deliberation of inquisitive men; nor do they, like some, proclaim themselves the advocates of any merely human doctrines.

But, inhabiting Greek as well as barbarian cities, according as the lot of each of them has determined, and following the customs of the natives in respect to clothing, food, and the rest of their ordinary conduct, they display to us their wonderful and confessedly striking method of life. They dwell in their own countries, but simply as sojourners. As citizens, they share in all things with others, and yet endure all things as if foreigners. Every foreign land is to them as their native country, and every land of their birth as a land of strangers. They marry, as do all [others]; they beget children; but they do not destroy their offspring. They have a common table, but not a common bed. They are in the flesh, but they do not live after the flesh. They pass their days on earth, but they are citizens of heaven.

They obey the prescribed laws, and at the same time surpass the laws by their lives. They love all men and are persecuted by all. They are unknown and condemned; they are put to death, and restored to life. They are poor, yet make many rich; they are in lack of all things, and yet abound in all; they are dishonored, and yet in their very dishonor are glorified. They are evil spoken of, and yet are justified; they are reviled, and bless; they are insulted, and repay the insult with honor; they do good, yet are punished as evil-doers. When punished, they rejoice as if quickened into life; they are assailed by the Jews as foreigners, and are persecuted by the Greeks; yet those who hate them are unable to assign any reason for their hatred.

6 – The Relation of Christians to the World

To sum up all in one word — what the soul is in the body, Christians are in the world. The soul is dispersed through all the members of the body, and Christians are scattered through all the cities of the world. The soul dwells in the body, yet is not of the body; and Christians dwell in the world, yet are not of the world. The invisible soul is guarded by the visible body, and Christians are known indeed to be in the world, but their godliness remains invisible.

The flesh hates the soul, and wars against it, though itself suffering no injury, because it is prevented from enjoying pleasures; the world also hates the Christians, though in nowise injured, because they renounce pleasures. The soul loves the flesh that hates it, and [loves also] the members; Christians likewise love those that hate them. The soul is imprisoned in the body, yet keeps together that very body; and Christians are confined in the world as in a prison, and yet they keep together the world. The immortal soul dwells in a mortal tabernacle; and Christians dwell as sojourners in corruptible [bodies], looking for an incorruptible dwelling in the heavens. The soul, when but ill-provided with food and drink, becomes better; in like manner, the Christians, though subjected day by day to punishment, increase the more in number. God has assigned them this illustrious position, which it were unlawful for them to forsake.

7 – The Manifestation of Christ

For, as I said, this was no mere earthly invention which was delivered to them, nor is it a mere human system of opinion, which they judge it right to preserve so carefully, nor has a dispensation of mere human mysteries been committed to them, but truly God Himself, who is almighty, the Creator of all things, and invisible, has sent from heaven, and placed among men, [Him who is] the truth, and the holy and incomprehensible Word, and has firmly established Him in their hearts. He did not, as one might have imagined, send to men any servant, or angel, or ruler, or any one of those who bear sway over earthly things, or one of those to whom the government of things in the heavens has been entrusted, but the very Creator and Fashioner of all things — by whom He made the heavens — by whom he enclosed the sea within its proper bounds — whose ordinances all the stars faithfully observe — from whom the sun has received the measure of his daily course to be observed — whom the moon obeys, being commanded to shine in the night, and whom the stars also obey, following the moon in her course; by whom all things have been arranged, and placed within their proper limits, and to whom all are subject — the heavens and the things that are therein, the earth and the things that are therein, the sea and the things that are therein — fire, air, and the abyss — the things which are in the heights, the things which are in the depths, and the things which lie between. This [messenger] He sent to them. Was it then, as one might conceive, for the purpose of exercising tyranny, or of inspiring fear and terror? By no means, but under the influence of clemency and meekness. As a king sends his son, who is also a king, so sent He Him; as God He sent Him; as to men He sent Him; as a Savior He sent Him, and as seeking to persuade, not to compel us; for violence has no place in the character of God. As calling us He sent Him, not as vengefully pursuing us; as loving us He sent Him, not as judging us. For He will yet send Him to judge us, and who shall endure His appearing?

– There is a gap in the manuscript evidence that resumes with this below –

Do you not see them exposed to wild beasts, that they may be persuaded to deny the Lord, and yet not overcome? Do you not see that the more of them are punished, the greater becomes the number of the rest? This does not seem to be the work of man: this is the power of God; these are the evidences of His manifestation.

10 – Imitating God

… And if you love Him, you will be an imitator of His kindness. And do not wonder that a man may become an imitator of God. He can, if he is willing. For it is not by ruling over his neighbors, or by seeking to hold the supremacy over those that are weaker, or by being rich, and showing violence towards those that are inferior, that happiness is found; nor can any one by these things become an imitator of God. But these things do not at all constitute His majesty.

On the contrary he who takes upon himself the burden of his neighbor; he who, in whatsoever respect he may be superior, is ready to benefit another who is deficient; he who, whatsoever things he has received from God, by distributing these to the needy, becomes a god to those who receive it: he is an imitator of God. Then you shall see, while still on earth, that God in the heavens rules over all; then you shall begin to speak the mysteries of God; then shall you both love and admire those that suffer punishment because they will not deny God; then shall you condemn the deceit and error of the world when you shall know what it is to live truly in heaven, when you shall despise that which is here esteemed to be death, when you shall fear what is truly death, which is reserved for those who shall be condemned to the eternal fire, which shall afflict those even to the end that are committed to it. Then shall you admire those who for righteousness’ sake endure the fire that is but for a moment, and shall count them happy when you understand the nature of that fire.

Justin Martyr

First Apology 13, 14, 67
Written about AD 155–160 from Rome to Emperor Antoninus Pius.

13 – Confession of Faith

We worship the Creator of this universe, declaring that He has no need of sacrifices and libations. We have learned that He desires those who imitate the excellences which reside in Him—temperance, justice, philanthropy, and all other virtues.

We reasonably worship Jesus Christ, having learned that He is the Son of the true God Himself, and holding Him in the second place, and the prophetic Spirit in the third.
We proclaim Him who was crucified under Pontius Pilate, who died, rose again, ascended into heaven, and will come again to judge the world.
He is the Logos who existed before all things and through whom the Father created and orders the universe.

14 – The Moral Transformation of Christians

We who once delighted in fornication now embrace chastity alone.
We who once used magical arts now dedicate ourselves to the good and unbegotten God.
We who once loved the acquisition of wealth and possessions above all things now bring what we have into a common stock and share with everyone in need.
We who hated and destroyed one another, and would not live with men of another tribe because of different customs, now, since the coming of Christ, live together and pray for our enemies, striving to persuade those who hate us unjustly to live according to the good precepts of Christ, so that they too may share in the same joyful hope of reward from God, the ruler of all.

67 – The Gathering of the Church on Sunday

And on the day called Sunday all who live in cities or in the countryside gather together in one place.
The memoirs of the apostles or the writings of the prophets are read as long as time permits.
When the reader has finished, the president gives an address, urging the imitation of these good things.

Then we all rise together and offer prayers. When our prayers are finished, bread and wine and water are brought, and the president likewise offers prayers and thanksgivings, according to his ability, and the people respond, “Amen.”
There is then distributed to each a portion of the consecrated elements, and those who are absent have it carried to them by the deacons.

Those who are well-to-do, and willing, give what each thinks fit; what is collected is deposited with the president, who aids orphans and widows, those who through sickness or any other cause are in need, those who are in bonds, and strangers who sojourn among us. In a word, he is the protector of all who are in need.

Sunday is the day on which we all hold our common assembly because it is the first day on which God, transforming darkness and matter, made the world, and because Jesus Christ our Saviour rose from the dead on the same day.

Athenagoras of Athens

A Plea for the Christians 4–5, 10, 31
Written about AD 176–180 to Emperors Marcus Aurelius and Commodus.

4 – One God, the Creator and Sustainer of All

We are not atheists, for we acknowledge one God, uncreated, eternal, invisible, impassible, incomprehensible, who comprehends all things and is Himself comprehended by none. He is without beginning and without end, eternal and unchangeable, being the source of all existence and Himself the cause and maker of the universe. We know that He is not contained in space but contains all things; that He is not subject to time but is the author of time; that He is not made but is the maker. We recognize His power and majesty by the order and harmony of the things He has made and by the governance of the universe.

5 – The Son of God and the Holy Spirit

We also acknowledge a Son of God. Let no one think it strange that God should have a Son. The Son is the Word of the Father, in idea and in energy; for by Him and through Him all things were made, the Father and the Son being one. The Son is in the Father and the Father in the Son, in unity and power of the Spirit. The Son is the Father’s mind and Word. If you give close attention to the emanation of the Word, you will perceive that He is the first offspring of the Father, not as created, for God being eternal mind Himself had within Himself His Word, being eternally rational, but as coming forth to give form and order to creation.

We say also that there is a Holy Spirit, who is an effluence of God, flowing from Him and returning to Him like a ray of the sun. Who, then, would not be astonished to hear men who speak of God the Father, and of God the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, who show both their power in unity and their distinction in order, accused of atheism? The Father is the source of all, the Son is the Word through whom all things were made, and the Holy Spirit is the power that brings them into order and sustains them.

10 – The Life and Conduct of Christians

We are persuaded that there will be a life to come. Therefore we restrain ourselves from all wrongdoing, and we keep ourselves from evil deeds, words, and thoughts. We have learned to love even our enemies and to pray for those who persecute us, that all people may be counted worthy of the grace of God.

Among us you will find men and women and children of every age, who, though they may not be trained in letters, demonstrate by their actions the excellence of their lives. We do not commit murder or adultery; we do not practice sorcery; we do not worship idols of gold or silver or stone. We live chastely, we speak truthfully, and we serve one another in love, knowing that we shall give an account to God of both our thoughts and our words. We have renounced everything which is contrary to reason and have embraced everything which accords with reason. Our speech and our lives are ruled by the same law of truth.

31 – The Unity of Faith in the Triune God

Who among you, O emperors, would not be grieved if he were accused of atheism while he worships one God—the Father—and His Son, the Word, and the Holy Spirit, who are one in power: the Father in His being, the Son in His working, and the Spirit in His operation? We confess God and His Son and the Holy Spirit, showing both their unity of power and their distinction in order. We know that the life which follows this one is eternal, and therefore we seek to live purely and justly, so that we may obtain it from the God who is judge of all.

Irenaeus of Lyons

Against Heresies 1.10.1–2
Written about AD 180.

The Church, though dispersed throughout the whole world, even to the ends of the earth, has received from the apostles and their disciples this faith:
One God, the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth and the sea and all things that are in them;
and in one Christ Jesus, the Son of God, who became incarnate for our salvation;
and in the Holy Spirit, who proclaimed through the prophets the dispensations of God and the coming of the birth from a virgin and the passion and the resurrection from the dead, and the ascension into heaven in the flesh of the beloved Christ Jesus our Lord, and His manifestation from heaven in the glory of the Father to gather all things in one, and to raise up anew all flesh of the whole human race, in order that to Christ Jesus, our Lord, and God, and Savior, and King, according to the will of the invisible Father, every knee should bow of things in heaven and things in earth and things under the earth, and that every tongue should confess to Him, and that He should execute just judgment toward all; that He may send spiritual wickedness and the angels who transgressed and became apostates, together with the ungodly and unrighteous and wicked and profane among men, into everlasting fire; but may, in the exercise of His grace, confer immortality on the righteous and holy and those who have kept His commandments and have persevered in His love, some from the beginning and others from the time of their repentance, and may surround them with everlasting glory.

As I have already said, the Church, having received this preaching and this faith, although scattered throughout the whole world, yet, as if occupying but one house, carefully preserves it.
She also believes these points of doctrine just as if she had but one soul and one heart, and she proclaims them and teaches them and hands them down with perfect harmony, as if she possessed only one mouth.
For, although the languages of the world are different, yet the meaning of the tradition is one and the same.
For the churches which have been planted in Germany do not believe or hand down anything different, nor do those in Spain, nor those in Gaul, nor those in the East, nor those in Egypt, nor those in Libya, nor those which have been established in the middle regions of the world.
But as the sun, that creature of God, is one and the same throughout the whole world, so also the preaching of the truth shines everywhere and enlightens all who are willing to come to the knowledge of the truth.
Nor will any one of the rulers in the churches, however eloquent he may be, teach doctrines different from these (for no one is above the Master); nor, on the other hand, will one who is weak in speech diminish the tradition.
For the faith being one and the same, neither does one who can speak at length add to it, nor does one who can say little take away from it.

Irenaeus of Lyons

Letter to Victor of Rome on Easter
(Preserved in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 5.24.13–17)

For the controversy is not only about the day, but also about the very manner of fasting.
For some think that they should fast one day, others two, others still more; some count their day as forty hours of day and night together.
And yet all these live in peace with one another, and their disagreement in the fast confirms the agreement in the faith.

The presbyters before Soter, who presided over the Church which you now rule—I mean Anicetus and Pius and Hyginus and Telesphorus and Xystus—did not observe it themselves; and yet they were at peace with those who came to them from the parishes in which it was observed.
For the difference in the observance of the fast had not originated in our time, but long before, in the days of our forefathers; and yet they lived in peace with one another, and the difference in practice confirmed their unity in faith.

Tertullian of Carthage

Prescription Against Heretics 13
Written about AD 200.

Now, with regard to this rule of faith—that we may from this point acknowledge what it is we defend—it is that by which we believe that there is only one God, and no other besides the Creator of the world, who produced all things out of nothing through His own Word, sent forth before all things; that this Word, called His Son, was seen of the patriarchs under various forms, was ever heard in the prophets, and at last was sent by the Father through the Spirit and Power of God the Father into the Virgin Mary, was made flesh in her womb, and, being born of her, went forth as Jesus Christ; thenceforth He preached the new law and the new promise of the kingdom of heaven, worked miracles; having been crucified, He rose again the third day; was received into heaven, and sat at the right hand of the Father.
He sent in His place the Power of the Holy Spirit to lead such as believe.
He will come again in glory to take the saints into the enjoyment of everlasting life and of the heavenly promises, and to condemn the wicked to everlasting fire, after the resurrection of both the good and the evil, together with the restoration of their flesh.
This rule, as it will be proved, was taught by Christ, and admits of no question among us, except as it be raised by those who teach heresy.

Tertullian of Carthage

On Baptism 17
Written about AD 198–200.

There is no difference in the substance of the faith, whether a person be washed in the sea or in a pool, in a river or in a fountain, in a lake or in a trough; nor is there any distinction between those whom John baptized in the Jordan and those whom Peter baptized in the Tiber.
The same God is everywhere, and the same completeness of faith is everywhere the same.
What matters is not the place but the faith; not the element but the name.
In all things the same faith is one.
In matters of discipline and ceremony there is liberty; in the substance of the faith there is unity.

Origen of Alexandria

On First Principles, Preface 3–5
Written about AD 230–240.

All who believe and are assured that grace and truth came by Jesus Christ, and who know Christ to be the truth, agree that there are certain doctrines which are clearly delivered in the teaching of the apostles.
This is that doctrine which preserves the unity of the Church throughout the whole world, as the whole body of believers maintains one and the same faith.
But since there are many who think they believe what the Church teaches and yet differ among themselves in matters not plainly delivered, it seems necessary to set forth what are the main points which are clearly handed down by the apostolic preaching.

First, that there is one God, who created and arranged all things, who, when nothing existed, made the universe to be; this God from whom are all things, and through whom are all things, and in whom are all things.

Secondly, that Jesus Christ Himself, who came into the world, was born of the Father before all creation, being God, and afterwards took flesh and became man, and, having assumed human nature, was both God and man at the same time; that He truly suffered and was crucified, and truly died, and truly rose again, and, having conversed with His disciples, was taken up into heaven, and sits at the right hand of the Father, and shall come again with glory to judge the living and the dead.

Thirdly, that the Holy Spirit was associated in honor and dignity with the Father and the Son; that He inspired the saints, the prophets, and the apostles, and that through Him the gifts of the Spirit are distributed to each believer as God wills.

Next, that the soul, having a substance and life of its own, shall, after departing from this world, be rewarded according to what it deserves, being destined either to obtain an inheritance of eternal life and blessedness, if its deeds have been good, or to be delivered over to eternal fire and punishment, if its crimes have been great and unrepented.

We also hold that the world was created and is governed by divine providence, and that, at its consummation, there will be a resurrection of the dead, when the body, which is now sown in corruption, shall be raised in incorruption, and every soul shall receive, according to what it deserves, either the reward of good deeds or the punishment of evil deeds.

These are the principal points which are clearly taught in the apostolic preaching. It is necessary for everyone who wishes to belong to the Church to know and believe them.
But concerning other matters, which are subjects of inquiry, the holy Scriptures have not spoken clearly; and it is left to those who are skilled in the word of wisdom to exercise their understanding and by investigation to discover the meaning of Scripture.
In such matters, if anyone, after diligent search, thinks differently from another who is also seeking truth, the peace and unity of the Church are not thereby broken.
For the apostles left such questions open for the exercise of those who would come after, that they might show their diligence and their love of wisdom.

Cyprian of Carthage

Letter 72 to Stephen, Bishop of Rome. Written about AD 255 concerning whether Christians need to be rebaptized if they were first baptized by heretical leaders.

Cyprian and his fellow bishops to their brother Stephen, greetings in the Lord.

We have read your letter which you wrote to our colleague Pompeius, concerning those who come to us from heresy, that you do not think it necessary that they should be baptized, but that only by the laying on of hands they should receive the Holy Spirit.
We, however, as far as our humble capacity allows, have judged otherwise, holding fast to the truth of the gospel and the tradition of the apostles.

For when heretics are baptized outside the Church, they have no part in the baptism of the Church, since there is but one baptism, which is in the Catholic Church alone.
Therefore we think that those who come to us must be baptized, so that they may receive within the Church the remission of their sins.
This we have decided in several councils and will continue to maintain; and we leave to each bishop the liberty of his own judgment, knowing that we are all to be judged by our Lord Jesus Christ for our actions.

No one among us sets himself up as a bishop of bishops, or by tyrannical terror compels his colleagues to obedience.
For every bishop, according to the liberty of his own will and power, has his own right of judgment, and can no more be judged by another than he himself can judge another.
But let us all await the judgment of our Lord Jesus Christ, who alone has the power both to appoint us in the government of His Church and to judge our acts.

We therefore pray that you, dear brother, would not think ill of us for maintaining this opinion, which has been established among us by long-standing custom and by many councils of bishops.
We preserve unity with you and with all our brothers in faith and charity, even though in this matter our practice differs.
For diversity of custom does not destroy the bond of peace and concord in the Church.

Eusebius of Caesarea

Ecclesiastical History 6.44.2–3
Written about AD 310, describing the churches after the Decian persecution.

Each of the churches took its own course in the matter: some were more lenient toward the fallen, thinking that they should be received after a reasonable time of repentance; others treated them more strictly.
In this diversity of procedure, unity of faith was preserved throughout, and the Lord was glorified in all.

For the treatment of those who had fallen did not originate with the present bishops, but had been handed down from their predecessors long ago.
So that, even though they differed in judgment about the healing of those who had lapsed, they were all of one mind in the same faith toward our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ.

Eusebius of Caesarea

Ecclesiastical History 10.1–2, 10.4, 10.8
Written about AD 313–314, immediately after the end of the Diocletian persecution.

When the dreadful storm had ceased, then, as after a long and dark night, a bright day shone on the churches.
Their rulers in every place repaired what was destroyed, rebuilding the houses of prayer, enlarging them, and restoring unity by mutual peace.
Each shepherd of the churches acted as seemed best for his own flock, yet the faith was one, and thanksgiving rose from all together to the one God through Jesus Christ.

Thus from city to city and from region to region men assembled with one accord, and great multitudes thronged the restored churches, singing hymns of praise to the God of all, the Author of their deliverance.

There was a perfect fulfillment of the divine word: “Out of the darkness light has shone.”
And the Lord granted to His people peace and joy and the privilege of rebuilding the temples that had been destroyed, raising them larger and more magnificent than before.
They dedicated them to the Lord with one heart and one faith, though the forms of their services varied according to the customs of each place.

Lactantius

On the Deaths of the Persecutors 48–52
Written about AD 315 from Gaul.

When liberty was restored, every man began to worship God according to his own conscience, and the altars of the Lord were rebuilt in every place.
There was one religion again in the world, but many kinds of service, all directed to the same God who had overthrown the impious.

Then the worshipers of false gods were confounded; for when they saw the churches rebuilt and the people gathering together, they knew that the religion they had sought to extinguish was living again and flourishing.
And so they fled, ashamed of their own folly.
Peace was restored, and concord among all who called upon the name of Christ.

At last the Church, which for so long a time had been cast down, arose and spread itself over the whole world.
The altars of the true God were restored, and sacrifices of praise were offered not by a few but by many nations.
The people of God rejoiced, and all differences of manner and custom were reconciled in the unity of the faith.
Thus the worship of the one true God was renewed in purity, and the world, long divided, was brought again into harmony under the name of Christ.

Constantine’s Letter to the Bishops at Arles

Recorded in Eusebius, Life of Constantine 2.64
Written about AD 314.

Since through the favor of Almighty God peace has been granted to the Church, it is fitting that all differences should be resolved, that faith may remain one, while customs may vary according to place and usage.
For the holy doctrine of the faith is everywhere the same, though its outward forms may differ according to time and circumstance.
Therefore let there be no envy or contention among the ministers of God, but let each hold to what he has received, so long as he confesses the one truth of the gospel.

Eusebius of Caesarea

Life of Constantine 2.28–30
Written about AD 325–337.

The emperor permitted each bishop to arrange the affairs of his own community, yet he himself labored unceasingly that all should hold one faith in God.
For he knew that unity of faith, even among diverse customs, brings peace to the whole world.

He sought to heal every division by persuasion rather than by compulsion, reasoning that the worship of God should be voluntary and not forced.
He rejoiced to see the churches filled and the people assembling for prayer; he honored those who differed in practice yet agreed in faith, knowing that the grace of God is not confined to one form of observance.

The Decian Persecution: When Rome Tested Every Soul

October 27, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

When Emperor Gaius Messius Quintus Decius came to power in AD 249, the Roman Empire was unraveling.
The northern frontiers were collapsing under Gothic pressure.
Civil wars and mutinies had stripped away the sense of divine favor that had long sustained Roman identity.
The economy, ravaged by inflation and plague, staggered beneath decades of crisis.
Decius—an old-fashioned senator from Pannonia—believed that the solution was not merely political or military but spiritual.

He declared that Rome’s troubles stemmed from the neglect of its ancestral gods.
To save the empire, he would restore the ancient religion, the sacrificia publica that had once bound the provinces to the gods of Rome.
He dreamed of a unified empire where all citizens once again poured libations to Jupiter, Juno, and Mars—just as Augustus had revived the temples three centuries earlier.

To Decius, it was not persecution but piety.
To Christians, it was the empire’s first universal test of faith.

1. Rome’s Imperial Revival of Piety

Later Roman historians remembered Decius as a reformer, not a persecutor.
Aurelius Victor recorded:

“Decius wished to restore the ancient discipline and the ceremonies of the Romans, which for a long time had fallen into neglect.”
(De Caesaribus 29.1, c. AD 360)

The Chronographer of 354, a Roman calendar and imperial chronicle compiled under Constantius II from earlier state records, likewise notes:

“Under Decius, sacrifices were ordered throughout the provinces, that all might offer to the gods.”
(Chronographus Anni CCCLIIII, Part XII ‘Liber Generationis’, AD 354)

Decian coinage confirms this campaign of religious restoration. Thousands of coins survive showing the emperor pouring a libation at an altar, with legends such as PIETAS AVGG (“The Piety of the Emperors”) and GENIVS SENATVS.

The latter inscription—GENIVS SENATVS—invoked the “Genius of the Senate,” the divine spirit believed to guard and embody the Roman Senate itself.
Every household, legion, and civic body in Rome was thought to possess its own genius, a protective deity who received offerings of wine and incense.
By reviving the Genius Senatus cult, Decius was sacralizing the institutions of Rome themselves—binding political loyalty and divine worship into one act.
These coins, struck in Rome, Antioch, and Viminacium, visually proclaimed that the restoration of the gods meant the restoration of the state.

Side	Inscription (Latin)	Expanded Form	Translation (English)	Description / Symbolism
Obverse (Front)	`IMP C M Q TRA DECIVS AVG`	Imperator Caesar Marcus Quintus Traianus Decius Augustus	“Emperor Caesar Marcus Quintus Trajan Decius Augustus”	Laureate, draped, and cuirassed bust of Decius facing right. The adoption of the name Trajan links him with Rome’s most admired emperor, emphasizing his mission to restore Roman discipline and piety.
Reverse (Back)	`VICTORIA AVG`	Victoria Augusti	“Victory of the Emperor”	Depicts Victory (Nike) standing left, presenting a wreath to the Emperor Decius, who stands facing her, holding a spear. The wreath symbolizes triumph and divine approval. The scene celebrates Decius’s military success and divine sanction for his rule.

Every coin and inscription declared that the gods were returning—and every Christian knew what that would soon mean.

2. The Edict and the Libelli Certificates

In January AD 250, Decius issued an edict commanding all inhabitants of the empire to perform public sacrifice before local officials and obtain written proof of obedience.
Those who refused faced imprisonment or death.

Dozens of papyri discovered in Egypt record the edict’s enforcement. The best-known, now in the Oxford Bodleian Library, reads:

“To the commissioners of sacrifices of the village of Alexander’s Island, from Aurelia Ammonous, daughter of Mystus, aged forty years, scar on right eyebrow. I have always sacrificed to the gods, and now in your presence, in accordance with the edict, I have sacrificed and poured a libation and tasted the offerings. I request you to certify this below. Farewell.”
(Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 2601, AD 250)

Other libelli from Fayum and Theadelphia bear identical phrasing—kata to prostagma (“according to the edict”)—and carry the red-ink seals of village commissioners.
These fragile papyri, recovered by archaeologists in the 1890s, are the only surviving documents produced in direct obedience to Decius’s decree.

They prove that the policy was systematic and bureaucratic—Rome’s paper war against conscience.

“To those who have been selected to oversee the sacrifices, from Aurelius Sarapammon, servant of Appianus, former exegetes of the most-illustrious city of the Alexandrians, and however he is styled, residing in the village of Theadelphia. Always sacrificing to the gods, now too, in your presence, in accordance with the orders, I sacrificed and poured the libations and tasted the offerings, and I ask that you sign below. Farewell. (2nd hand) We, the Aurelii Serenus and Hermas, saw you sacrificing (?) …”

“To the commissioners of sacrifices of the village of Theadelphia:
From Aurelius Syrus, the son of Theodorus, of the village of Theadelphia. I have always sacrificed to the gods, and now, in your presence, I have poured libations, sacrificed, and tasted the sacred offerings, according to the edict. I ask you to certify this for me. Farewell.

We, Aurelius Serenus and Aurelius Hermas, have seen you sacrificing.

Year 1 of the Emperor Decius (AD 250).”

3. The Policy in Motion: Fear and Defiance

Governors such as Sabinus in Egypt and Urbanus in Palestine carried out the edict with zeal.
Eusebius of Caesarea later wrote:

“Decius, who became emperor after Philip, was the first to raise a universal persecution against the Church throughout the inhabited world. There was great persecution against us; the governor Urbanus displayed great zeal in carrying out the imperial commands. Some of the faithful were dragged to the temples and forced to offer sacrifice by tortures.”
(Ecclesiastical History 6.39.1; 6.41.10–12, c. AD 310–325)

Even pagan dedications record the campaign: a marble inscription from Thasos honors local magistrates “for restoring the sacrifices that had fallen into neglect.”
For Decius these were civic triumphs; for Christians, they were death warrants.

4. Voices from the Fire: Martyrdom Across the Empire

Alexandria – Apollonia and the First Flames (AD 249–250)

Bishop Dionysius of Alexandria, an eyewitness, reported:

“The old virgin Apollonia was seized, her teeth broken out, and fire prepared. They threatened to burn her alive if she refused to repeat impious words. She leapt of her own accord into the fire and was consumed.”
(Letter to Fabius of Antioch, in Eusebius 6.41.7–8)

“All Egypt was filled with the noise of those who called upon Christ even in the midst of their tortures.”
(ibid. 6.41.13)

Archaeology corroborates his words: Egyptian sites at Bacchias and Oxyrhynchus reveal temples hastily refurbished and new altars installed in strata dated precisely to AD 250—evidence of an empire suddenly compelled to sacrifice.

Smyrna – Pionius and Companions (AD 250)

The Martyrdom of Pionius preserves an authentic courtroom record:

“On the day of the feast of Saint Polycarp, while we were fasting, the chief of police came suddenly upon us with men bearing chains and bade us sacrifice to the gods. And Pionius said, ‘We are Christians; it is not lawful for us to sacrifice to idols.’”
(Martyrdom of Pionius 2–3)

“They hung him by his wrists, fixing his feet in the stocks. He said, ‘You mistake my torment for your victory; yet it is my freedom, for I rejoice to suffer for the name of Christ.’”
(ibid. 20)

“He breathed out his spirit, and a sweet odor, as of incense, filled the air.”
(ibid. 21)

In Smyrna’s agora, archaeologists have identified a mid-third-century inscription honoring the local strategos who “maintained the sacrifices.” It almost certainly relates to this same enforcement.

Rome – Fabian, Bishop and Martyr (January AD 250)

“Fabian, the bishop of the city of Rome, suffered martyrdom under Decius.”
(Eusebius 6.39.5)

The Depositio Martyrum adds:

“On the twentieth day of January, Fabian, bishop, in the Catacombs.”

His epitaph—FABIAN EPISCOPVS MARTYR—was found in the Catacomb of Callistus.
Soot stains from vigil lamps still darken the marble, showing that Christians visited the site immediately after his death to honor their bishop.

Antioch – Babylas, The Bishop in Chains (AD 250)

“At Antioch, Babylas, bishop of the church there, after glorious bonds and confession, fell asleep in prison.”
(Eusebius 6.39.4)

Archaeological excavations north of Antioch have uncovered the Basilica of Babylas, built atop a repurposed Roman cemetery. Beneath its altar lay a third-century sarcophagus scratched with crosses—widely accepted as the resting place of the Decian bishop who died in chains.

Carthage – Mappalicus and the Imprisoned Confessors (AD 250)

Cyprian wrote from exile:

“Blessed Mappalicus, glorious in his fight, gave witness before the proconsul that he would soon see his Judge in heaven. And when the day came, he was crowned with martyrdom, together with those who stood firm with him.”
(Epistle 37.3)

“The prison has become a church; their bonds are ornaments, their wounds are crowns.”
(Epistle 10.2)

Archaeologists excavating beneath the later Cyprianic Basilica in Carthage found reused Roman blocks incised in red with the names MAPPALICUS VICTOR and FELIX CONFESSOR, strong evidence of a local memorial tradition dating directly to Decius’s time.

Macedonia – Maximus and Companions (AD 250–251)

“In Macedonia, the blessed Maximus and many others gave proof of their faith, being scourged and stoned and finally beheaded.”
(Eusebius 6.43.4–5)

Provincial coinage from Thessalonica of AD 250–251 depicts the goddess Roma receiving sacrifice—a local mirror of the imperial policy that cost these believers their lives.

Sicily – Agatha of Catania (AD 250)

“Quintianus commanded that her breasts be torn with iron hooks, but she said, ‘These torments are my delight, for I have Christ in my heart.’”
(Passio Agathae 6, 3rd-century nucleus)

In Catania’s cathedral crypt, a mid-third-century inscription reading AGATHAE SANCTAE MARTYRI was found in situ, demonstrating that her cult was already established within a generation of her death.

5. The Problem of the Lapsed

Many believers succumbed to fear and sacrificed or bought forged libelli. The Church now had to decide: could such people be restored?

Cyprian’s Pastoral Balance

“Neither do we prejudice God’s mercy, who has promised pardon to the penitent, nor yet do we relax the discipline of the Gospel, which commands confession even unto death.”
(Epistle 55.21, AD 251)

“Let everyone who has been wounded by the devil’s darts, and has fallen in battle, not despair. Let him take up arms again and fight bravely, since he still has a Father and Lord to whom he may return.”
(On the Lapsed 36, AD 251)

Novatian’s Rigorism and Schism

“He who has once denied Christ can never again confess Him; he has denied Him once for all.”
(De Trinitate 29, mid-3rd century)

Bishop Cornelius countered:

“Novatian has separated himself from the Church for which Christ suffered. He says the Church can forgive no sin; yet he himself sins more grievously by dividing the brethren.”
(Eusebius 6.43.10–11)

Fragments of Cornelius’s own epitaph—CORNELIVS EPISCOPVS MARTYR—found near the Callistus catacombs show how quickly the debate over mercy was itself hallowed in stone beside the graves of Decian victims.

Dionysius of Alexandria’s Moderation

“Some of the confessors, being too tender-hearted, desired to welcome all indiscriminately, but we persuaded them to discern, that mercy is good when it is tempered with justice.”
(Eusebius 6.42.4–5)

“Each church dealt with the fallen as it judged best, some treating them harshly, others gently. In this diversity of discipline, yet unity of faith, the Lord was glorified.”
(ibid. 6.42.6*)

6. Pagan Reflection and Christian Memory

Lactantius explained the emperor’s motives:

“Decius, being a man of old-fashioned rigor, desired to restore the ancient religion; and therefore he decreed that sacrifices should be offered to the gods by all. He did evil while intending good.”
(Divine Institutes 5.11, c. AD 310)

Eusebius reflected:

“Those who endured were tried as by fire and found faithful; others, weak through fear, failed the test, yet afterward were restored through tears and repentance.”
(Ecclesiastical History 6.42.2)

Roman catacomb graffiti from this very decade—FELIX MARTYR IN PACE and VICTOR IN CHRISTO—show that Christians carved into the walls the same theology Eusebius would later write: faith tested by fire, rewarded with peace.

7. The End and the Legacy

In AD 251, Decius and his son Herennius Etruscus fell in battle against the Goths near Abrittus. The edict died with them.
But its memory lived on in papyrus and stone—libelli in the desert, epitaphs beneath Rome, and basilicas raised over tombs from Antioch to Carthage.

The Decian persecution produced the earliest empire-wide martyrology, the first letters written from prison, and a theology forged in fire.
It made public what Rome could never suppress:

“We must obey God rather than men.” — Acts 5:29

The empire had demanded a certificate; the Church answered with a confession.

Multiplying by Mission: Session 8 at Mission Lake

October 25, 2025October 27, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

40 % Growth Then, 5 % Growth Now — What We Must Learn Anew

When Hadrian (reigned AD 117 – 138) succeeded Trajan, he inherited an empire stretched thin by conquest. He halted Trajan’s eastern campaigns, fortified the frontiers, and poured his energy into unifying the world through Roman law, architecture, and religion. His adopted son, Antoninus Pius (reigned AD 138 – 161), would later rule in peace and prosperity. Yet Hadrian’s program of cultural uniformity provoked catastrophe in Judea —the Bar Kokhba Revolt—whose scars still mark the land. Out of that ruin the first great Christian writers of defense arose, rebuilding faith with words rather than weapons.

1. The Seeds of Revolt — Why It Began

Aelia Capitolina and the Ban on Circumcision

“At Jerusalem he founded a city called Aelia Capitolina, and on the site of the Temple of God he raised another temple to Jupiter. He ordered that no one be circumcised. This brought on a war of no slight importance nor of brief duration.”
— Cassius Dio, Roman History 69.12.1–2 (c. AD 220).

“He forbade castration and circumcision; if anyone committed such an act he was punished. The Jews, being ordered not to mutilate their genitals, revolted against him.”
— Historia Augusta, Hadrian 14.2–3 (c. AD 300).

“Hadrian founded in its place a city, naming it Aelia Capitolina, and raised a new temple to Jupiter on the site of the Temple of God. … But when they opposed him for these things, another war broke out.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 4.6.1–2 (c. AD 310).

Hadrian’s decrees turned covenantal faith into treason and desecrated the holiest ground of Israel.

Messianic Expectation

“You curse in your synagogues those who believe in Christ, and after Him you now choose a man, a leader, and call him the Messiah.”
— Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho 31 (c. AD 155)

“A wicked man arose, who decreed evil decrees against Israel. He said to them: ‘You shall not circumcise your sons.’ Bar Koziba arose and said: ‘I am the Messiah.’”
— Jerusalem Talmud, Ta’anit 4:5 (c. AD 400–425, preserving 2nd-cent. tradition).

“Rabbi Akiva, when he saw Bar Koziba, said: ‘This is the King Messiah.’ Rabbi Yohanan ben Torta said to him: ‘Akiva, grass will grow on your cheeks and the Son of David will not yet have come.’”
— Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin 97b (c. AD 500, preserving 2nd-cent. tradition).

Akiva’s hope inspired the revolt; ben Torta’s warning foretold its ruin.

Hope to Rebuild the Temple

“The Jews were in a frenzy, thinking that they could rebuild their temple, and they began war.”
— Cassius Dio, Roman History 69.13.1 (c. AD 220).

Faith collided with empire; by AD 132 Judea was in flames.

2. The War Unfolds — Rome and the Wrath of Empire

Bar Kokhba’s Government

Letters from the Judean desert reveal both faith and fear:

“Shimon bar Kosiba to Yehonathan ben Be’ayan: Send the men from you with arms, and hurry them. If you do not send them, you will be punished.”
— Bar Kokhba Letter 24, Cave of Letters (c. AD 133).

“I have sent you two donkeys. Send back with them wheat, barley, wine, and oil.”
— Bar Kokhba Letter 31 (c. AD 133).

“When the war had been stirred up again in the time of Hadrian, and the Jews were in revolt under Bar Chochebas, their leader, who claimed to be a star that had risen, the Christians in Jerusalem were driven away again from the land of Judea, so that the church of God was composed of Gentiles only.
And the Jewish Christians suffered greatly for not joining in the revolt nor denying Christ.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 4.6.2–3 (c. AD 310)

Coinage proclaimed their leader and their purpose.

Side	Image	Inscription (transliteration)	Translation
Obverse	Temple façade with Ark	שמעון (Shim‘on)	“Simon [Bar Kokhba]”
Reverse	Lulav and Etrog (symbols of the Feast of Tabernacles)	לחרות ירושלם (Leḥerut Yerushalayim)	“For the freedom of Jerusalem”

Side	Image	Inscription (transliteration)	Translation
Obverse	Ram	שמעון (Shim‘on)	“Simon [Bar Kokhba]”
Reverse	Palm tree	לחרות ישראל (Leḥerut Yisra’el)	“For the freedom of Israel”

Bethar — The Last Fortress

The revolt’s final stronghold was Bethar (modern Battir), a hilltop fortress about six miles southwest of Jerusalem guarding the approach to the Shephelah valley. It had served as a Hasmonean citadel generations earlier and was heavily fortified by Bar Kokhba as his capital and final refuge. Jewish sources remembered it as a city of scholars and soldiers, filled with Torah scrolls and defenders who believed the Messiah himself commanded them. When Roman legions closed in, thousands of refugees from surrounding villages crowded within its walls, making Bethar both the military and symbolic heart of the rebellion.

Rome’s Counter-Attack and Cruelty

“At first, Tineius Rufus, who was governor of Judea, and the others who held command there tried to check the outbreak, but they were unable to do so. [Lusius] Severus was sent against them, but he also could not subdue them. Then Hadrian dispatched Julius Severus from Britain with many others from the neighboring provinces, and he crushed the whole of Judea with great difficulty and much bloodshed.”
— Cassius Dio, Roman History 69.13.1–2 (c. AD 220).

“Fifty of their most important strongholds and nine hundred and eighty-five of their most famous villages were razed to the ground. Five hundred and eighty thousand men were slain … and the number that perished by famine, disease, and fire was past finding out.”
— Cassius Dio, Roman History 69.14.1–2 (c. AD 220).

“Thus the whole of Judea was made desolate, and the few that were left perished by hunger, disease, and fire. The corpses were so many that no one was left to bury them.”
— Eusebius, Chronicon (fragment, year of Abraham 2148 = AD 135).

Following the city’s fall, Roman authorities even forbade burial of the dead — a final humiliation intended to erase hope itself. Jewish tradition remembers that years later, permission was finally granted under Antoninus Pius, when the bodies, miraculously undecayed, were interred with honor. The rabbis commemorated this act of mercy by adding a permanent blessing to their prayers: “Blessed is He who is good and does good.”

“The Gentiles slew the people of Bethar until their blood flowed into the Great Sea, and the bodies were not buried. Years later, the corpses did not decay, and when permission was given to bury them, the Sages in Yavneh ordained the blessing, ‘Blessed is He who is good and does good.’”
— Jerusalem Talmud, Ta’anit 4.8 (c. AD 400–425, preserving 2nd-cent. tradition).

Bethar’s fall marked the end of the revolt and the last gasp of Jewish independence until modern times. At Bethar the Romans killed without mercy; only later, under a more humane emperor, were the dead finally granted rest. Excavations show burn layers and projectiles matching Roman siege tactics.

3. The Consequences for Jews and Christians

“Thus nearly all Judea was made desolate, and Hadrian, in his anger, ordered that the name of the nation should be changed, so that it might not be remembered.”
— Cassius Dio, Roman History 69.14.3 (c. AD 220).

Jerusalem became Aelia Capitolina; Judea became Syria Palaestina. Jews were barred even from viewing their city.

“From that time the whole nation was prohibited by law from entering Judea, and the Christians who were of Hebrew origin then departed and went elsewhere.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 4.6.3 (c. AD 310).

The Jerusalem church — once Jewish-led — became entirely Gentile.

“Jerusalem has now been laid waste, and none of you are permitted to enter there. Such things have happened, as the prophets foretold, that it might be known that the desolation of Zion would last until the end.”
— Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho 16 (c. AD 155).

“Bethar was captured, and Bar Koziba was killed. They brought his head to Hadrian.”
— Jerusalem Talmud, Ta’anit 4.8 (c. AD 400–425, preserving 2nd-century memory)

Later Rabbinic Re-evaluation of Bar Kokhba

“Bar Koziba ruled two and a half years and then said to the rabbis, ‘I am the Messiah.’
They answered him, ‘It is written that the Messiah shall smell and judge. Let us see whether you can discern in that way.’
When they saw that he could not, they killed him.”
— Lamentations Rabbah 2.4 (compiled c. AD 400, preserving 2nd-century tradition)

This later rabbinic legend reflects how Jewish teachers, looking back on the disastrous revolt, rejected Bar Kokhba’s messianic claim. Ancient Jewish interpretation took the phrase “smell in the fear of the Lord” to mean that the true Messiah would have a supernatural discernment—the ability to “smell” truth and judge rightly.
It stands in striking contrast to Rabbi Akiva’s earlier support and shows that even within Judaism, the revolt came to be remembered as a tragic mistake.

A Day of Mourning Added to the Jewish Calendar

In rabbinic tradition the devastation of Bethar and the final desolation under Hadrian were fixed in collective memory. The Mishnah records that the fall of Bethar occurred on the Ninth of Av (9 Av) — the same date on which both the First and Second Temples had fallen.
On the modern calendar, Tisha B’Av usually falls in late July or early August — for example, in 2025 it fell from sunset on August 2 to nightfall on August 3.
From this time forward, Tisha B’Av became the national fast commemorating all three destructions: the Temple of Solomon, the Temple of Herod, and the last fortress of Bar Kokhba.

“On the Ninth of Av the decree was made that our fathers should not enter the land; the First Temple was destroyed, and the Second Temple, and Bethar the great city was captured, and the city was plowed as with a plowshare.”
— Mishnah, Ta’anit 4.6 (c. AD 200, preserving earlier memory).

When Jews Were Allowed to Return

For nearly two centuries after Hadrian, Jews were banned from Jerusalem except on the single day each year — Tisha B’Av — when they were permitted to approach the ruins and weep. The ban remained in force through the reigns of Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius and continued under successive emperors.

After the Christianization of the empire, the prohibition was renewed by Constantine and his successors, who maintained Aelia Capitolina as a Christian city. Only under the early Muslim caliphs in the seventh century AD — after the conquest of Palestine by Caliph ʿUmar ibn al-Khattāb (c. AD 638) — were Jews once again allowed to resettle and live permanently in Jerusalem. Small Jewish communities then re-established themselves in the city and surrounding Judea for the first time since Hadrian’s decree.

4. Aftermath — From Swords to Books

After the fires of Judea were extinguished, Christians across the empire began defining their identity in writing.
What Rome destroyed in stone, the early church rebuilt in testimony.
These were the first defenders of the faith — the Apologists — men who addressed emperors directly, explaining that the followers of Christ were not enemies of the state but citizens of a heavenly kingdom.

Quadratus of Athens (c. AD 125, to Emperor Hadrian)

Quadratus is considered the earliest Christian apologist.
Ancient tradition identifies him as a disciple of the apostles and possibly a leader in Athens or Asia Minor.
His Apology—now preserved only in a fragment quoted by Eusebius—was written directly to Emperor Hadrian around AD 125.
It marks the moment when Christianity first spoke publicly to imperial power in its own defense.

“The works of our Saviour were always present, for they were true: those who were healed and those who were raised from the dead were seen not only when they were healed and when they were raised, but also for a long time afterwards; some of them survived even into our time.”
— Quadratus, Apology (fragment in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 4.3.2, c. AD 125)

Key Insights

Christianity appealed to historical evidence, not mystery.
Living eyewitnesses of Jesus’ miracles were still remembered.
The faith was not superstition but sober truth confirmed by real people.

Quadratus’s voice rose from the same decades that saw Hadrian rebuild Jerusalem as Aelia Capitolina.
While Rome celebrated new marble temples, Quadratus pointed to a living temple — the memory of the risen Christ in human witnesses.

The Epistle of Barnabas (c. AD 120–130, likely Alexandria or Syria)

Though attributed to “Barnabas,” the companion of Paul, this letter was almost certainly written later by an anonymous Christian teacher, probably in Alexandria.
Its audience was a mixed community of Jewish and Gentile believers struggling to understand whether the Law of Moses still bound Christians.
The author insists that the old covenant has been replaced by a spiritual one, that rituals and sacrifices were misunderstood symbols, and that true circumcision is of the heart.
He writes in the shadow of Hadrian’s decrees banning circumcision and rebuilding Jerusalem as a pagan city.
In this context, his message is unmistakable: Christianity, not Judaism, preserves the true covenant of God.

Opening Exhortation (Chs. 1–2)

“Greetings, sons and daughters, in the name of the Lord who loved us, in peace.
Because the Lord has granted you an abundance of spiritual knowledge, I rejoice greatly and beyond measure in your blessed and glorious spirits.
For this reason I have written to you briefly, that you might be made perfect in your faith and knowledge.
Therefore let us take heed, lest we be found as it is written, ‘Many are called, but few are chosen.’”
— Barnabas 1.1–4

The Covenant and the Rejection of the Literal Law

“Take heed to yourselves, and be not like some, heaping up your sins and saying that the covenant is both theirs and ours.
It is ours; but in this way did they finally lose it, after Moses had already received it.
For the Lord has written it again on our hearts.”
— Barnabas 4.6–8

The writer insists that covenant privilege passed to those who obey in spirit, not in ritual.
His argument echoes Jeremiah 31’s promise of a “new covenant written on the heart.”

Circumcision and the New Law

“He has abolished these things, that the new law of our Lord Jesus Christ, free from the yoke of constraint, might have its own offering not made by human hands.
So we are they whom He brought into the new law; no longer bound by circumcision.
For He has said that the circumcision with which they trusted is abolished.
He has circumcised our ears that we might hear His word and believe.”
— Barnabas 9.4–7

The Path of Light (Chs. 18–20)

“There are two paths of teaching and of power: one of light, and one of darkness.
The path of light is this: you shall love the one who created you; you shall glorify the one who redeemed you from death.
You shall be simple in heart and rich in spirit.
You shall not exalt yourself, you shall not hate anyone; you shall reprove some, you shall pray for others, and you shall love others more than your own life.”
— Barnabas 18.1–3, 20.2

Closing Words

“Since, then, you now understand the good things of the Lord, be filled with them.
If you do these things, you will be strong in the faith, and you will be found perfect in the last day.
The God who rules over the universe will give you wisdom, understanding, knowledge, and eternal life, through His Servant, Jesus Christ, to whom be glory forever and ever. Amen.”
— Barnabas 21.1–3

Key Insights

The writer speaks to a generation caught between Judaism and Christianity, insisting that God’s covenant has moved from the physical to the spiritual.
He turns Hadrian’s desecration of Jerusalem into a theological truth: the Temple and its sacrifices were destined to end, giving way to a new and living covenant.
The Epistle of Barnabas shows Christianity defining itself not by rebellion, but by a renewed inner faith and moral life.
Its tone is pastoral and exhortational — teaching that salvation is found not through outward religion but through obedience of the heart and love of neighbor.

Aristides of Athens (c. AD 125–140, to Antoninus Pius)

Aristides, a philosopher from Athens, presented his Apology to Emperor Antoninus Pius around AD 125–140.
He had converted from philosophy to Christianity and sought to defend it as the truest form of reason and virtue.
The Apology survives in Syriac, Armenian, and Greek fragments.

Dedication

“To the Emperor Caesar Titus Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus Pius, from Marcianus Aristides, a philosopher of Athens.
I, O King, by the inspiration of God, have come to this conclusion, that the universe and all that is in it is moved by the power of another… Wherefore I… have no wish to worship any other than God, the living and true, and I have searched carefully into all the races of men and tested them, and this is what I have found.”
— Aristides, Apology 1

Survey of Humanity (Chs. II – XIV)
Barbarians – idol worshippers.
Greeks – immoral gods.
Egyptians – animal worship.
Jews – monotheists yet bound to angels, sabbaths, and rituals.

Christians (Full Text Chs. XV–XVI)

“But the Christians, O King, reckon the beginning of their religion from Jesus Christ, who is named the Son of God Most High; and it is said that God came down from heaven, and from a Hebrew virgin took and clothed Himself with flesh, and that the Son of God lived in a daughter of man.
This is taught in the gospel, as it is called, which a short time ago was preached among them; and you also, if you will read therein, may perceive the power which belongs to it.

This Jesus, then, was born of the race of the Hebrews; and He had twelve disciples, in order that a certain dispensation of His might be fulfilled.
He was pierced by the Jews, and He died and was buried; and they say that after three days He rose and ascended to heaven.

Thereupon these twelve disciples went forth into the known parts of the world, and taught concerning His greatness with all humility and soberness.
And those then who still observe the righteousness which was enjoined by their preaching are called Christians.

And these are they who more than all the nations of the earth have found the truth.
For they acknowledge God, the Creator and Maker of all things, in the only-begotten Son and in the Holy Spirit; and besides Him they worship no other God.

They have the commandments of the Lord Jesus Christ Himself graven upon their hearts; and they keep them, looking for the resurrection of the dead and the life of the world to come.

They do not commit adultery or fornication; they do not bear false witness; they do not covet the things of others; they honor father and mother; they do good to those who are their neighbors; and they judge uprightly.

They do not worship idols made in the likeness of man.
Whatever they would not wish others to do to them, they do not practice themselves.

They do not eat of the food offered to idols, for they are pure.
They comfort their oppressors and make them their friends; they do good to their enemies.

Their women are pure as virgins, and their daughters are modest.
Their men abstain from all unlawful union and from all uncleanness, in the hope of a recompense to come in another world.”

XVI

“They love one another.
They do not turn away a widow, and they rescue the orphan.
He who has gives ungrudgingly to him who has not.

If they see a stranger, they take him under their roof, and they rejoice over him as over a real brother.
If anyone among them is poor and needy, and they have no spare food, they fast two or three days in order to supply the needy with their necessary food.

They observe scrupulously the commandments of their Messiah.
They live honestly and soberly, as the Lord their God ordered them.
They give thanks to Him every hour, for all meat and drink and other blessings.

If any righteous man among them passes away from the world, they rejoice and thank God, and escort his body with songs and thanksgiving as if he were setting out from one place to another.

When a child has been born to one of them, they give thanks to God; and if it chance to die in childhood, they praise God mightily, as for one who has passed through the world without sins.

If anyone of them be a man of wealth, and he sees that one of their number is in want, he provides for the needy without boasting.

And if they see a stranger, they take him under their roof and rejoice over him as over a brother; for they do not call them brethren after the flesh, but brethren after the Spirit and in God.

Whenever one of their poor passes away from the world, each of them, according to his ability, gives heed to him and carefully sees to his burial.

Such is the law of the Christians, O King, and such is their manner of life.

And verily, this is a new people, and there is something divine in them.”

Key Insights

Aristides presents the earliest surviving portrait of Christianity as both moral philosophy and divine revelation.
His focus is not political defense but moral demonstration: Christians prove their truth by their purity, compassion, and generosity.
His final words — “this is a new people, and there is something divine in them” — sum up the astonishment of the pagan world.
Written during Antoninus Pius’s peaceful reign, the passage shows the church living out its faith in the shadow of Hadrian’s destruction — rebuilding not cities, but communities of love.

Justin Martyr (c. AD 150–160, to Antoninus Pius)

Background
Justin was born in Samaria, educated in Greek philosophy, and converted to Christianity after discovering in Christ the truth that philosophers sought but never found.
Writing from Rome, he addressed his First Apology to Emperor Antoninus Pius, his sons Verissimus (Marcus Aurelius) and Lucius Verus, and to the Senate and people of Rome.
His goal was to defend Christians from unjust persecution by showing that their faith was the highest expression of reason (logos), morality, and civic virtue.

Note how Justin declares that yes Christians are guilty of atheism in Roman eyes and therefore worthy of capital punishment. He is trying to get the emperor to see that Christians are his best citizens and guilty of no ethical crimes. He is trying to get Christians legal religious status.

Introduction of the Apology

“To the Emperor Titus Ælius Hadrian Antoninus Pius Augustus Cæsar,
and to Verissimus his son, philosopher, and to Lucius the philosopher,
the natural son of Cæsar and adopted son of Pius, lover of learning,
and to the sacred Senate, and to the whole people of the Romans—
on behalf of those of all nations who are unjustly hated and persecuted, I, Justin, one of them, have composed this address and petition.

Reason requires that those who are found not living wickedly, nor practicing evil, should not be unjustly accused; nor, when they have been accused, condemned without inquiry and without knowledge of the truth.
For not by the mere name has anyone been proved good or bad, but by the actions which each has done.”
— Justin Martyr, Apology 1.1–2 (c. AD 155)

On Unjust Persecution and True Allegiance

“If anyone, when he is examined, is found guilty, let him be punished as an evil-doer; but if he is found guiltless of the charges laid against him, let him be acquitted, since it is unjust to punish the guiltless.
We do not seek to escape punishment if we are convicted as wrongdoers, but we ask that the charges against us be examined.”
— Justin Martyr, Apology 1.3–4 (c. AD 155)

“We are accused of being atheists. We confess that we are atheists, so far as gods of this sort are concerned, but not with respect to the most true God, the Father of righteousness and temperance and the other virtues.”
— Justin Martyr, Apology 1.6 (c. AD 155)

On the Transformation of the Believers

“We who once delighted in fornication now embrace chastity alone;
we who used magical arts now consecrate ourselves to the good and unbegotten God;
we who valued above all things the acquisition of wealth and possessions now bring what we have into a common stock and share with everyone in need;
we who hated and slew one another, and refused to share our hearth with those of another tribe, now, since the coming of Christ, live together with them and pray for our enemies, and try to persuade those who hate us unjustly to live conformably to the good precepts of Christ, that they may share the same joyful hope as ourselves.”
— Justin Martyr, Apology 1.14 (c. AD 155)

On the Mission of Christ

“Christ was not sent forth for the rich or the mighty, but for the poor and the humble.
He chose unlearned men to be His disciples, that thus there might be no pretense of human wisdom.
For through the power of God they proclaimed to every race of men that they were sent by Christ to teach all the Word of God.”
— Justin Martyr, Apology 1.39 (c. AD 155)

On the Eucharist

“We do not receive these as common bread and common drink; but as Jesus Christ our Saviour, having been made flesh by the Word of God, had both flesh and blood for our salvation, so likewise have we been taught that the food which is blessed by the prayer of His word … is the flesh and blood of that Jesus who was made flesh.”
— Justin Martyr, Apology 1.66 (c. AD 155)

On Christian Worship and the Lord’s Day

“And on the day called Sunday all who live in the cities or in the country gather together in one place, and the memoirs of the apostles or the writings of the prophets are read, as long as time permits.
When the reader has finished, the president verbally instructs and exhorts to the imitation of these good things.

Then we all rise together and offer prayers, and, as we said before, when we have finished the prayer, bread and wine and water are brought, and the president likewise offers prayers and thanksgivings, according to his ability, and the people assent, saying, Amen.

There is a distribution to each, and a participation of that over which thanks have been given; and to those who are absent a portion is sent by the deacons.
Those who are well to do and willing give what each thinks fit, and what is collected is deposited with the president, who succors the orphans and widows and those who, through sickness or any other cause, are in want, and those who are in bonds, and the strangers sojourning among us—in a word, he takes care of all who are in need.

But Sunday is the day on which we all hold our common assembly, because it is the first day on which God, having wrought a change in the darkness and matter, made the world; and Jesus Christ our Saviour on the same day rose from the dead.”
— Justin Martyr, Apology 1.67 (c. AD 155)

Key Insights

Justin presents Christianity as the rational faith of the Logos—reason fulfilled in divine revelation.
His introduction reveals the courage of a believer appealing directly to an emperor for justice rather than privilege.
He demonstrates that faith transforms society: from lust to purity, from greed to generosity, from hate to love.
His account of Sunday worship provides the earliest written outline of the Christian liturgy — Scripture reading, teaching, prayer, communion, and offerings for the poor.
His theology of Christ’s humility and the Eucharist reveals a faith both spiritual and incarnational — rooted in history yet directed toward eternity.
Justin’s Apology helped shape how the empire, and later the world, would understand the moral and intellectual integrity of Christianity.

Melito of Sardis (c. AD 160 – 170, to Antoninus Pius)

Melito, bishop of Sardis in Asia Minor, was one of the most eloquent and poetic voices of the second century.
He wrote prolifically—biblical commentaries, treatises on the incarnation, and one of the earliest Christian apologetic petitions addressed to Emperor Antoninus Pius.
A lifelong student of Scripture and Greek philosophy, Melito combined rigorous theology with literary power.
His writings, though only partly preserved, reveal a church confident, reflective, and spiritually mature in the decades following Hadrian’s persecutions.

From the Apology to Antoninus Pius

“Our faith, which men call a philosophy, first arose among peoples outside your civilization—among the ancient Hebrews.
But having spread into your dominions during the great reign of Augustus, it has become a source of blessing and peace.
From that time to your own reign, O Emperor, it has suffered nothing evil; rather, it has shone brightly under emperors who love justice.”
— Melito of Sardis, Apology to Antoninus Pius (fragment in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 4.26.7, c. AD 160)

Melito’s opening line means that Christianity, though born from Israel’s faith outside the Greco-Roman world, entered the empire under Augustus and brought moral good rather than harm.
He honors Antoninus as the latest in a line of “pious emperors” who have allowed this faith to flourish within Rome’s peace.

From the Passover Homily (Peri Pascha)

Preached around AD 160, Melito’s On the Pascha interprets the Jewish Passover as the prophetic shadow of Christ’s crucifixion.
No early writer expresses so vividly the church’s conviction that redemption fulfills the story of Israel.

“This is He who made the heavens and the earth,
and in the beginning created man;
who was proclaimed through the law and the prophets;
who became human through the Virgin;
who was hanged upon the tree;
who was buried in the earth;
who rose from the dead;
who ascended into the heights of heaven;
who sits at the right hand of the Father;
who has the power to save all things,
through whom the Father made all things
from the beginning of the world to the end of the age.”
— Melito of Sardis, On the Pascha 68–69

“He that hung the earth in space is Himself hanged;
He that fixed the heavens in place is fixed with nails;
He that supports the earth is supported upon a tree;
the Master has been outraged;
God has been murdered.
He is lifted up upon a tree, and the earth trembles;
He has died, and creation is shaken.
He has gone down into Hades, and He has raised the dead.”
— Melito of Sardis, On the Pascha 96–100

“He is the Lamb slain; He is the silent Lamb;
He is the one born of Mary, the fair ewe-lamb;
He was taken from the flock, and led to slaughter, and at evening slain;
He was buried at night;
by day He rose again.”
— Melito of Sardis, On the Pascha 105–106

Melito turns suffering into triumph: the cross becomes the world’s true Passover — deliverance not from Egypt, but from sin and death.

Key Insights

Melito embodies the maturing Christian mind of the second century: biblically grounded, philosophically articulate, and artistically profound.
His Apology shows Christianity as compatible with the empire’s peace; his Passover Homily reveals the soul of Christian worship — a theology of deliverance through sacrifice.
By linking the story of Israel to the suffering of Christ, he gives language to the church’s sense of continuity and fulfillment.
His poetry closes this age of apologists on a note of triumph: the same empire that crucified Christ now carries His gospel to the nations.

Conclusion — What We Learn from the Apologists

Antoninus Pius ruled during what later generations called a “reign of peace,” yet the very existence of these Apologies proves that peace was fragile.
Christians were still mistrusted, accused, and sometimes condemned simply for bearing the name of Christ.
There was no imperial campaign against them, but the law itself still made them criminals in principle.
These writings—by Quadratus, Aristides, Justin, and Melito—are therefore appeals for justice in a world that granted none, letters from men who lived in peace only by the patience of their persecutors.

Yet in this tension we see something extraordinary.
Instead of withdrawing in fear or responding in anger, the church of the second century answered misunderstanding with explanation, hostility with holiness, and suspicion with love.
Their pens became their defense; their lives became their argument.

Themes and Insights to Note

1. The Legal and Social Reality

“Peace” under Antoninus Pius meant the absence of official persecution, not true liberty.
The Apologists write as citizens appealing to reason, asking the emperor to judge Christians by deeds, not rumors.
Their tone is respectful yet confident: they believe truth can withstand investigation.

2. The Picture of Christian Life

Aristides describes a people marked by chastity, honesty, hospitality, and compassion:
“They love one another… they rescue the orphan… they fast two or three days that they may feed the needy.”
Justin shows a transformed community: former pagans now living in purity, generosity, and reconciliation.
This moral beauty was not secondary to their faith—it was their primary evidence that the gospel was true.

3. The Picture of Christian Worship

From Justin’s detailed account we learn the pattern of early gatherings: Scripture reading, exhortation, prayer, the Eucharist, and offerings for the poor.
Worship was simple but profound—anchored in memory of the risen Christ and in service to the needy.
Charity was liturgy; compassion was worship.

4. The Intellectual and Spiritual Emphasis

Quadratus grounded faith in eyewitness history.
Barnabas re-interpreted the covenant spiritually, showing fulfillment, not rejection, of Israel’s story.
Aristides demonstrated that Christian virtue surpasses pagan philosophy.
Justin joined faith with reason and made moral transformation the church’s strongest argument.
Melito lifted theology into poetry, proclaiming the cross as the true Passover and the world’s redemption.

5. The Continuing Relevance

These writers do more than defend—they define what Christianity is.
Their emphasis on holiness, community, and service remains the church’s enduring witness.
Their courage under a veneer of peace reminds us that faithfulness does not depend on favorable conditions but on steadfast conviction.

Multiplying by Mission: Session 7 at Mission Lake

October 18, 2025October 20, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

40% Growth Then, 5% Growth Now — What We Must Learn Anew

The Flavian dynasty ruled through power, not peace.
Under Vespasian (r. AD 69-79) and Titus (r. AD 79-81), Judea lay in ruins, the fiscus Judaicus taxed every survivor, and coins still proclaimed “Judaea Capta.”
Jewish and Gentile believers alike lived under suspicion — bearing the stigma of rebellion and the memory of a crucified Messiah.
Now Domitian (r. AD 81-96), the younger brother of Titus, revives Caligula’s arrogance by seeking worship in his own lifetime and Nero’s cruelty by punishing believers for their name alone.
The same empire that built the Arch of Titus now builds temples to the living emperor and demands that the churches of Asia call him Lord and God.

Domitian’s Claim: “Our Lord and God”

Suetonius (c. AD 110–120), Life of Domitian 13.2

“He even dictated a circular letter in the name of his procurators, beginning: ‘Our Lord and God commands that this be done.’”

Cassius Dio (c. AD 220), Roman History 67.4.7

“He was not only bold enough to boast of his divinity openly, but compelled everyone to address him as ‘Lord and God.’ Such was the measure of his folly and conceit.”

Cassius Dio 67.13.4–5

“He delighted in being called both God and Lord, and slew those who refused to worship him. He destroyed the noblest of the senators and exiled many others. Finally his cruelty increased to such a degree that he executed his cousin Flavius Clemens and banished his wife Domitilla on the charge of atheism.”

Dio records this practice twice — first as a portrait of Domitian’s vanity and again when listing executions for those who refused his divine titles.
Neither Dio nor Suetonius names “Christians,” but their use of atheism and refusal of worship describes exactly what believers faced.

Side	Inscription	Translation	Meaning
Obverse	DOMITIA AVGVSTA IMP DOMITIANI AVG P P	“Domitia Augusta, wife of Emperor Domitian, Father of the Fatherland.”	Honors the empress.
Reverse	DIVI CAESAR IMP DOMITIANI F	“The Divine Caesar, son of Emperor Domitian.”	Commemorates their deceased and deified son as a celestial being.

At the same time, John’s Gospel — written in these same years — records the opposite confession:

“Thomas answered and said to Him, ‘My Lord and my God.’” — John 20:28

That exact combination of titles (Lord and God) appears nowhere else in Scripture.
John uses it deliberately, crafting an independent witness to the risen Christ while also confronting the imperial claim of his own day.
What Rome demanded by law, the disciple proclaimed freely to Jesus alone.

Further, Clemens and his wife Domitilla were branded atheists, most likely for being Christians. Very few other people groups were labeled that title, besides Jews and Christians.

Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 3.18.4 (c. 310):

“In Domitian’s time there were many testimonies for Christ, among them Flavia Domitilla, daughter of a sister of Flavius Clemens, one of the consuls of Rome. She was exiled with many others to the island of Pontia because of her testimony to Christ.”

They were the first imperial converts and martyrs we know of. The Domitilla Catacombs in Rome, one of the earliest Christian cemeteries, are traditionally said to have been founded on her estate.

Imperial Worship in the Cities of Revelation

Temples, coins, and inscriptions from Ephesus, Pergamum, Smyrna, and Sardis show how completely the imperial cult surrounded the earliest believers.

Ephesus – Temple of the Flavian Family (c. AD 89–92)

Temple Dedication (IGR IV 1453 = Ephesos Inschriften 302)

“To the Flavian family — the people of Ephesus dedicate [this temple].”

Carved across the marble architrave of the temple at Domitian Square, the inscription identified a sanctuary built for a living ruler.
Fragments of a colossal 23 foot cult statue show the emperor grasping a spear, the symbol of divine authority.
Every citizen walking through the agora looked up at a god in human form.

Pergamum – “Where Satan’s Throne Is” (c. AD 90)

Long before Domitian, Pergamum had been the birthplace of imperial worship in Asia.
In 29 BC it won a provincial competition to build the first temple to Rome and Augustus (Tacitus, Annals 4.37), and from then on the city was known as neokoros — guardian of the imperial cult.
Its acropolis towered above the Caicus Valley, layered with shrines to Athena, Asclepius, Dionysus, and Zeus Soter (“Zeus the Savior”). When the Flavians rose to power, Pergamum naturally added Domitian to its pantheon.

Dedication Inscription (IGR IV 292, c. AD 90)
Marble base found on the upper acropolis, about 50 m from the great altar precinct.

“To the God Domitian Augustus, Conqueror of the Germans.”

The block supported a statue of Domitian in the forecourt of the imperial temple beside the sanctuary of Zeus.

From the lower city the white marble terrace appeared like a colossal seat crowning the hill — a literal throne of stone overlooking the valley.

Provincial Coin Series (RPC II 941–947)

Obverse: “Domitian Caesar Augustus Germanicus.”
Reverse: “The People of Pergamum [to] the August God.”
Design: Domitian radiate — the sun-crowned symbol of divinity.

To citizens, the temple and its gleaming altar celebrated Rome’s salvation; to Christians, it was “Satan’s throne” (Revelation 2:13) — the visible seat of a power demanding the worship that belonged to Christ alone.

Smyrna – Divine Lineage and Public Honors (c. AD 90–95)

Statue Base (IGR IV 1431)

“To the Emperor Caesar Domitian Augustus Germanicus, son of the Divine Vespasian; the Council and People of Smyrna dedicate [this statue], honoring him as Savior and Benefactor.”

Domitian is called both son of the Divine Vespasian and Savior — titles Christians had already learned to reserve for Jesus.

Sardis – “The God, Savior and Benefactor” (c. AD 90–95)

Bilingual Stele (IGR IV 1412, Greek and Latin)

“The Council and People of Sardis dedicate [this to] Domitian Augustus the God, Savior, and Benefactor of the City.”

This inscription was carved on a bilingual marble stele, a rectangular stone slab erected near the Temple of Artemis in Sardis.
Both Greek and Latin texts appear so that local citizens and Roman officials could each read the same dedication — Greek for the provincial population who spoke it daily, Latin for the imperial administrators who governed in Caesar’s name.
The message is identical in both languages: Sardis publicly honored Domitian as God, Savior, and Benefactor.
Such stelae were placed in busy civic spaces and along procession routes where citizens gathered for festivals. They proclaimed the emperor’s divinity in both the religious language of the Greek East (theos sōtēr kai euergetēs) and the political Latin of Rome (Deus Salvator et Benefactor).
It is a literal monument to the union of religion and empire — stone evidence that civic loyalty had become a form of worship.
Every oath, every festival, every public feast reinforced Domitian’s divine status; refusal to take part was treated as disloyalty, even treason.

Economic Pressure and the Mark of the Beast

“No one could buy or sell except the one who had the mark or the name of the beast.” — Revelation 13:17

In John’s day, religion and commerce were one system.
Every trade in Asia belonged to guilds that held banquets in temples, offered sacrifices to the gods, and poured libations to Caesar. Joining meant worship.

Inscriptions from Asia Minor show how this worked:

Ephesus: The Silversmiths’ Guild dedicated altars to Artemis and the emperor (Acts 19:23–27).
Pergamum: Tanners and dyers sacrificed “for the welfare of the emperor.”
Sardis: Merchants funded games “for the safety of Caesar.”
Smyrna: Associations built banquet halls “to the August gods.”

One inscription from Ephesus reads:

“To the August gods and to the Genius of the Emperor, the Bakers dedicate this offering.” (CIL III.7089)

Even money was the emperor’s medium. Coins carried his image — often radiate like the sun — and titles such as divus (“divine”) and soter (“savior”).
To buy or sell was to use the emperor’s likeness as a seal of trust.

The word John uses for “mark” — charagma — was the common term for a stamp on a coin or a brand on a slave or soldier. It meant visible ownership or allegiance. In that sense, the “mark of the beast” was the imperial stamp of belonging — the economic and symbolic sign that a person recognized Caesar as lord.

Coins from Domitian’s reign reinforced this imagery: his head encircled with rays, his titles naming him “divine lord and god,” and reverses showing him seated on a globe. These marks of commerce were marks of worship. To refuse them was to lose livelihood and standing. To accept them was to surrender one’s soul.

When Jesus said, “Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar’s, and to God the things that are God’s,” He spoke in a world where tax and worship were separate. By Domitian’s time they were not. In Judea, paying tax acknowledged Roman rule; in Asia, buying and selling itself acknowledged Caesar’s divinity.
What had once been a political payment had become a religious act.
The question was no longer “Should we pay taxes to Caesar?” but “Must we worship Caesar to live?”

The Number of the Beast and the Nero Legend

Revelation 13 ends with one of the most famous verses in the Bible:

“This calls for wisdom: let the one who has understanding calculate the number of the beast, for it is the number of a man, and his number is 666.”
— Revelation 13:18

This is gematria—a system where letters represent numbers. When “Nero Caesar” is written in Hebrew letters (נרון קסר, Neron Qesar), the total is 666. Some manuscripts of Revelation even read 616, which fits the Latin spelling “Nero Caesar” without the final n.

p115 is our oldest manuscript of Rev. 13:18 and has the number as 616.

This shows the beast first pointed to Nero, remembered as the emperor who initiated state persecution of Christians. But why would John use Nero’s name when writing 25–30 years later under Domitian?

Because Romans themselves believed Nero was not really gone.

Dio Chrysostom: “Even Now Everybody Wishes He Were Still Alive”

Dio Chrysostom (writing during the reign of Domitian, c. AD 88–96) gives us the earliest surviving testimony that people still believed Nero was alive:

“For so far as the rest of his subjects were concerned, there was nothing to prevent his continuing to be Emperor for all time, seeing that even now everybody wishes he were still alive, and the great majority do believe that he is, although in a certain sense he has died not once but often along with those who had been firmly convinced that he was still alive.”
— Dio Chrysostom, Discourses 21.10, On Beauty (c. AD 88–96)

This statement, written less than thirty years after Nero’s death, proves that belief in Nero’s survival was already widespread by Domitian’s day. Dio’s tone suggests that many in the empire—perhaps nostalgically—still longed for Nero’s return.

Tacitus: The First False Nero (AD 69)

Tacitus (writing c. AD 105) records that, scarcely a year after Nero’s death, an impostor appeared in Greece:

“About this time, a man of mean origin appeared, who gave out that he was Nero. By his voice and features he deceived many, and by his appearance revived the delusion which still lingered among the people that Nero was alive. He was, however, soon detected and put to death by order of the governor.”
— Tacitus, Histories 2.8 (c. AD 105)

Tacitus shows how quickly the legend took shape. The impostor’s resemblance and musical skill persuaded soldiers and civilians alike that Nero lived on.

Suetonius: The Rumor of Nero’s Return

Suetonius (writing c. AD 121) confirms that belief in Nero’s return persisted for decades and even caused near-war between Rome and Parthia:

“Even after his death there were many who for a long time decorated his tomb with spring and summer flowers, and now again there were others who put up his statues on the Rostra in the toga praetexta and issued edicts in his name as if he were alive. Twenty years later another pretender appeared, supported by the Parthians, and nearly brought on war between them and us before he was handed over.”
— Suetonius, Life of Nero 57 (c. AD 121)

For Suetonius, the legend was no harmless rumor. It stirred real movements, edicts, and political tension—evidence of how deeply the idea of Nero’s return had entered Roman imagination.

Cassius Dio: Terentius Maximus and the Parthian Refuge

Cassius Dio (writing early 3rd century AD) recounts another impostor—this one named Terentius Maximus—who gained the backing of Rome’s eastern rival:

“In the reign of Titus there arose another man who claimed to be Nero; his name was Terentius Maximus. He resembled Nero in face and voice, and, like him, sang to the lyre. By these means he drew many after him, and, when pursued, fled to the Parthians. There he was treated with great honour, but later he was detected and put to death.”
— Cassius Dio, Roman History 66.19.3 (written c. AD 210)

Dio also remarks more generally that “many pretended to be Nero, and this caused great disturbances.” The episode demonstrates how enduring and politically volatile the Nero Redivivus expectation had become.

Domitian as a “New Nero”

Finally, Dio draws a direct moral parallel between Nero and Domitian himself:

“He was a man of Nero’s type, cruel and lustful, but he concealed these vices at the beginning of his reign; later, however, he showed himself the equal of Nero in cruelty.”
— Cassius Dio, Roman History 67.1–2 (written c. AD 210)

By Dio’s time, Nero had become the enduring archetype of a tyrant—one whose spirit seemed to live again in later emperors, and whose rumored return continued to haunt the Roman world.

The “Synagogue of Satan” and Jewish Tax Pressure

John’s letters to the churches in Smyrna and Philadelphia (Revelation 2–3) reveal that persecution in Asia Minor came not only from Roman authorities but also from certain local Jewish communities that publicly opposed the followers of Jesus.

Revelation 2:9
“I know your tribulation and your poverty (but you are rich) and the slander of those who say they are Jews and are not, but are a synagogue of Satan. Do not fear what you are about to suffer. Behold, the devil is about to throw some of you into prison, that you may be tested, and for ten days you will have tribulation. Be faithful unto death, and I will give you the crown of life.”

Revelation 3:9
“Behold, I will make those of the synagogue of Satan who say that they are Jews and are not, but lie—behold, I will make them come and bow down before your feet, and they will learn that I have loved you.”

In both cases, John’s audience lived under Domitian’s enforcement of the Jewish tax (fiscus Judaicus).
Jewish leaders throughout the empire were required to clarify who qualified as Jewish and owed the tax.
Believers in Jesus—claiming Jewish heritage but refusing to pay—were denounced as impostors and stripped of their legal protection as part of a religio licita (a permitted religion).
Such denunciations easily became “slander” (blasphēmia), leading to arrests, confiscation of property, and martyrdom.

John’s phrase “synagogue of Satan” does not condemn Judaism as a whole.
It identifies a local assembly of accusers—people whose actions aligned with Rome’s efforts to suppress the Church.
In Revelation’s theology, Satan is “the accuser of our brothers” (Rev 12:10).
Thus, anyone who brought legal accusations against Christians became, in John’s language, part of “the synagogue of the accuser.”
Persecution was both earthly and spiritual—a human partnership in the devil’s cosmic war against Christ’s people.

This reality soon reappeared in history.
About sixty years later, John’s prophecy was fulfilled in Smyrna during the martyrdom of Polycarp, the city’s aged bishop and a disciple of the Apostle John.

The Martyrdom of Polycarp 13.1:

“The Jews, as was their custom, were the most eager in bringing wood for the fire.”

The same city where John wrote of “the synagogue of Satan” became the stage for its fulfillment: a righteous man condemned by Roman officials and cheered to his death by his own countrymen.
Yet the words of Revelation endured:

“Be faithful unto death, and I will give you the crown of life.”

Polycarp’s martyrdom stands as living proof that John’s vision described real events, not abstract prophecy.
In Smyrna, the Church triumphed through endurance—refusing fear, sharing in Christ’s suffering, and gaining the crown promised by the risen Lord.

Nerva’s Reforms and the Return of Freedom

Cassius Dio 68.1–2:

“Nerva also released those who had been convicted of impiety under Domitian and forbade any further accusations of that kind. He restored to the exiles their property, recalled those who had been banished, and burned publicly the secret reports of informers.”

Suetonius, Life of Nerva 3.1–2:

“He swore that no one should ever be punished for impiety or insult to the emperor. He forbade the bringing of charges under the laws of treason and recalled all who had been condemned for such offenses.”

Pliny, Panegyricus 58–59 (AD 100):

“This oath first Nerva took, and by it he restored freedom to the Senate.”

Nerva’s coins proclaimed the same spirit of clemency:

FISCI IVDAICI CALVMNIA SVBLATA — “The false accusation of the Jewish tax removed.”
LIBERTAS PVBLICA — “Public freedom restored.”
IVSTITIA AVGVSTI — “The justice of the emperor.”

Side	Inscription	Translation	Meaning
Obverse	IMP NERVA CAES AVG PM TR P COS III PP	“Emperor Nerva Caesar Augustus, High Priest, holder of tribunician power, Consul for the third time, Father of the Fatherland.”	Honors Nerva’s authority and civic leadership.
Reverse	AEQVITAS AVGVST	“The Equity of the Emperor.”	Symbol of fair governance and economic stability under Nerva.

These reversals ended Domitian’s oppressive tax policies that had ensnared Jews and Jewish Christians alike.

Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 3.20.9:

“After the tyrant’s death, John returned from his exile and took up residence again in Ephesus.”

For the first time in decades the Church could breathe. John returned from Patmos, and in that calm the final apostolic writings were completed and the Church clarified its faith against new distortions.

John’s Writings and Their Historical Context

Work	Approx. Date	Place	Ancient Sources	Setting	Purpose
Gospel of John	85–95	Ephesus	Irenaeus 3.1.1 (c. 180)	Before exile under Domitian	Proclaims Jesus as eternal Logos against Greek dualism and emperor worship
1 John	90–95	Ephesus	Internal evidence	Pre-exile warning against Docetism	Affirms that Christ came “in the flesh.”
2 & 3 John	90–95	Ephesus	Early tradition	Letters to Asia churches	Warns against deceivers.
Revelation	95–96	Patmos	Irenaeus 5.30.3; Eusebius 3.18	Exile under Domitian	Calls for endurance under imperial idolatry.
Return to Ephesus	96	Ephesus	Eusebius 3.20.9	Released by Nerva	Resumed leadership of Asia churches.
Death of John	98–102	Ephesus	Irenaeus 2.22.5; Polycrates in Eusebius 3.31.3	Reign of Trajan	Last apostle dies in peace.

Why John Had to Write — From Judea to the Greek World

Context	Region	Key Figures	Central Issue	John’s Response
Early Jewish-Christian Era (30–70 AD)	Judea	Nazarenes (orthodox); Ebionites (heretical)	Could a Jewish man be divine? Ebionites denied Christ’s pre-existence and rejected Paul.	“In the beginning was the Word … and the Word was God.” (1:1)
Greek World (80–100 AD)	Asia Minor / Ephesus	Cerinthus and early Docetists	Could the divine truly become flesh and suffer?	“The Word became flesh and dwelt among us.” (1:14)

In Judea the debate was whether Jesus could be divine; in Ephesus it was whether He could be truly human. John’s Gospel and letters address both—the eternal God who became man and suffered in the flesh.

The First Christians and the New Distortions

The first denomination within Christianity were the Nazarenes, Jewish Christians who kept the Law yet worshiped Jesus as the divine Son of God. They were essentially the losing party of the Acts 15 church council.

Epiphanius, Panarion 29.7.2–4 (c. 375):

“They use both the Old and New Testaments … They acknowledge that Jesus is the Son of God and that He suffered for the salvation of the world.”

Jerome, Commentary on Isaiah 9.1 (c. 400):

“The Nazarenes accept the Messiah … as the Son of God and say that He was born of the Virgin Mary.”

By contrast, the Ebionites denied Christ’s divinity, rejected Paul, and altered Matthew to remove the virgin birth.

Cerinthus and the First Docetists

Epiphanius, Panarion 28.1–2 (c. 375):

“Cerinthus, trained in the wisdom of the Egyptians, came to Asia and taught that the world was not made by the supreme God but by a certain Power very far removed from Him.”

Hippolytus, Refutation of All Heresies 7.33 (c. 225):

“He was educated in the knowledge of the Egyptians and imbibed their teaching, but he boasted that an angel had appeared to him and revealed these things.”

Irenaeus, Against Heresies 1.26.1 (c. 180):

“He represented Jesus as not born of a virgin, but as the son of Joseph and Mary … The Christ descended upon Him at His baptism and afterward left Him before the Passion.”

Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 3.28.2 (c. 310):

“Cerinthus, by means of revelations which he pretended were written by a great apostle, brought before us fables of his own invention, stating that after the resurrection the kingdom of Christ would be on earth … Being a lover of the body and altogether carnal, he dreamed that the kingdom of Christ would consist of eating and drinking and marrying.”

Caius of Rome (c. 200) and Dionysius of Alexandria (3rd cent.) reported that some believed Cerinthus had written or re-used Revelation to teach a sensual earthly kingdom.
Cerinthus’s teaching (AD 80–100) asserted a lower creator god, a temporary Christ-spirit, and a carnal millennium of pleasure. John’s Gospel answers each point.

Cerinthus’s Claim	John’s Counter-Statement
A lesser power made the world.	“All things were made through Him.” (1:3)
Jesus was only a man.	“The Word became flesh.” (1:14)
The Christ-spirit left before the cross.	“When Jesus knew that all was now finished, He said, ‘It is finished.’” (19:30)
The divine cannot touch matter.	“He showed them His hands and His side.” (20:20)
The kingdom is earthly pleasure.	“My kingdom is not of this world.” (18:36)

The Emerging Docetic Worldview — Primary Sources from the Nag Hammadi Texts

By the end of the first century dualistic ideas spread through Egypt and Syria. The Nag Hammadi Library (copied 4th cent., written 80–150 AD) preserves the teachings John was opposing.

Apocryphon of John (c. 100–120, Egypt/Syria):

“The ruler said, ‘I am God and there is no other beside me,’ for he did not know the source from which he had come. … And the archons created the seven heavens and their angels and made a mold of a man.” (11.18–12.10)

A lesser god creates and rules the world—what John denies when he writes, “All things were made through Him.” (1:3)

Gospel of Thomas (c. 100–120, Syria):

“These are the secret sayings that the living Jesus spoke.… Whoever discovers the interpretation of these sayings will not taste death.” (1)
“The kingdom is inside of you and outside of you.… When you come to know yourselves, then you will be known.” (3)
“When you make the two one … and make the male and the female one and the same, then you will enter the kingdom.” (22)

Thomas borrows many sayings from Matthew, Mark, and Luke but omits the cross and resurrection. Salvation comes through self-knowledge and escaping the material world. John answers: “The Word became flesh and dwelt among us.” (1:14)

Gospel of Truth (c. 120–140, Alexandria/Rome):

“The Word of the Father came into the midst of those who were oblivious, death having taken them captive.… He was nailed to a tree, and He became a fruit of the knowledge of the Father. But He did not suffer as they thought, for His suffering was only in appearance.” (22–23)

Here Christ’s crucifixion is only symbolic, a parable of knowledge. John responds as an eyewitness: “Blood and water came out … He who saw it has borne witness.” (19:34–35)

Second Treatise of the Great Seth (c. 120–160, Egypt):

“It was another, their father, who drank the gall and the vinegar; it was not I.… It was another, Simon, who bore the cross on his shoulder.… For my death, which they think happened, happened to them in their error and blindness.” (55.15–30)

Here Christ denies His own crucifixion and substitutes another in His place—a direct denial of the incarnation and atonement. John writes: “When He had received the sour wine, He said, ‘It is finished.’” (19:30)

Gospel of Judas (c. 130–160, Egypt):

“Often He did not appear to His disciples as Himself, but He was found among them as a child.” (33.10–11)
“Come, that I may teach you about the mysteries no person has ever seen.… From the cloud there appeared an angel … His name was Nebro, which means ‘rebel’; others call him Yaldabaoth.… Nebro created six angels as his assistants.” (47.1–9; 51.1–8)
“And Saklas said to his angels, ‘Let us create a human being after the likeness and the image.’” (52.10–11)
“You will exceed all of them, for you will sacrifice the man that clothes me.” (56.18–20)

In this text Jesus is a shapeshifter whose body is illusory; lower angels rule creation and imitate Genesis by creating humanity; Judas becomes the hero who frees Jesus from His body. John answers: “All things were made through Him … The Word became flesh.” (1:3, 14)

The Church’s Early Defense and the Apostolic View of Christ — The God-Man in the Generation After John

Within a decade of John’s death, the next generation of Christian leaders—men who had known the apostles or their immediate disciples—carried forward the same confession:
Jesus Christ is both fully God and fully man—our Lord and our God.
Their writings show that this was not a later development but the defining belief of the Church from the beginning.

Ignatius of Antioch

(c. AD 110, on his way to martyrdom under Trajan)

Facing execution in Rome, Ignatius wrote seven letters to the churches of Asia, echoing John’s theology and refuting those who denied the incarnation.

Ignatius, Smyrnaeans 2.1:

“He truly suffered, not as certain unbelievers say, that He suffered in appearance only. They themselves exist only in appearance.”

Ignatius, Trallians 10.1:

“Be deaf whenever anyone speaks apart from Jesus Christ, who was of the race of David, who was truly born, and who was truly crucified.”

Ignatius’s faith is emphatically Johannine—insisting that the Word truly became flesh, was truly born, and truly crucified.
To him, salvation depends on the reality of the incarnation, not a symbolic or apparent suffering.

He also confesses the unity of God and Man in Christ with stunning clarity:

Ignatius, Ephesians 7.2:

“There is one Physician, fleshly and spiritual, born and unborn, God in man, true Life in death, both from Mary and from God, first passible and then impassible—Jesus Christ our Lord.”

Ignatius’s phrase “God in man” perfectly captures the apostolic view: the eternal, impassible God entering history through the passible flesh of Jesus.
This was the Church’s defense against both Greek Docetism and Jewish unbelief.

Polycarp of Smyrna

(c. AD 110–115)

Polycarp, To the Philippians 12:

“Now may the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the eternal High Priest Himself, the Son of God, Jesus Christ, build you up in faith and truth … to all who shall believe on our Lord and God Jesus Christ and on His Father who raised Him from the dead.”

Polycarp—John’s disciple—echoes Thomas’s confession in John 20:28, directly calling Jesus “our Lord and God.”
He presents Christ as both divine and incarnate: the eternal High Priest who ministers for humanity because He shares humanity, yet who is worshiped as God because He is divine.

Epistle of Barnabas

(c. AD 100–130, Alexandria or Syria)

Barnabas 5.6–9:

“If the Lord endured to suffer for our soul, though He is Lord of the whole earth, to whom God said before the foundation of the world, ‘Let us make man in our image and after our likeness,’ understand how it was that He endured to suffer at the hands of men.… The Son of God came in the flesh that He might abolish death and show forth the resurrection from the dead.”

Barnabas 12.10:

“The Lord submitted Himself to suffer for us, though He is God, and He fulfilled the promises made unto the fathers.”

Barnabas affirms that the Creator Himself—the one who made humanity in His image—entered His own creation to suffer and redeem it.
His words match both Paul’s Christ Hymn (Philippians 2:6–11) and John’s Prologue (John 1:1–14): the same God who made the world became flesh to save it.

Letter to Diognetus

(c. AD 120–150, probably Asia Minor)

Diognetus 7.2–4; 9.2:

“He Himself sent His own Son—as God He sent Him, as to men He sent Him; as Savior He sent Him, as persuader, not as tyrant.… He appeared as God, yet in humility among men.
For what else was able to cover our sins but His righteousness? In whom else could we, lawless and ungodly men, have been made righteous except in the Son of God alone?”

The Letter to Diognetus presents the incarnation as a divine visitation:
God appearing among men, clothed in humility yet possessing full deity.
It summarizes in prose what John had written poetically: “The Word became flesh and dwelt among us.”

Unified Testimony

Source	Date	Confession of Christ
Ignatius – Ephesians 7; Smyrnaeans 2	105–110	“One Physician, fleshly and spiritual… God in man.” / “He truly suffered, not in appearance only.”
Polycarp – Philippians 12	110–115	“Our Lord and God Jesus Christ.”
Barnabas 5 & 12	100–130	“The Son of God came in the flesh… though He is God.”
Letter to Diognetus 7 & 9	120–150	“He appeared as God, yet in humility among men.”

These writings span the first half of the second century—from Antioch to Smyrna, from Alexandria to Asia Minor—and they all speak with one voice.
The earliest post-apostolic Church proclaimed not a developing theology but the same truth John had written on Patmos and in Ephesus:

The Creator Himself became flesh to redeem His creation.
The Word who was with God and was God truly lived, truly suffered, and truly rose as the God-Man Jesus Christ.

Trajan to Pliny: An Old Law, Not a New One

When Trajan became emperor in AD 98, the Church had already suffered under three emperors.
No new law was introduced; Nero’s precedent of AD 64 still governed imperial practice:
to be called a Christian was itself a crime.

Under Nero, believers had been executed “for the name.” (Tacitus, Annals 15.44)
Under Domitian, prosecutions resurfaced under charges of “impiety.”
Under Nerva, there was brief relief.
Under Trajan, the old principle remained.

What changes here is not policy but evidence: for the first time, we possess imperial correspondence showing how the precedent worked in practice.

Pliny’s Letter to Trajan (AD 111–113)

Author: Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus (Pliny the Younger), governor of Bithynia-Pontus.
Source: Letters 10.96 (Loeb translation).
Setting: Pliny had newly arrived in the province and discovered that Christian trials were already taking place.
He had never presided over one and sought clarification from the emperor.

Pliny’s Letter (Full Text)

“It is my rule, Sir, to refer to you all matters concerning which I am in doubt.
For who is better able either to direct my hesitation or to instruct my ignorance?
I have never been present at any trials of Christians; therefore I do not know what is the customary subject-matter of investigations and punishments, or how far it is usual to go.
Whether pardon is to be granted on repentance, or if a man has once been a Christian it does him no good to have ceased to be one;
whether the mere name, apart from atrocious crimes associated with it, or only the crimes which adhere to the name, is to be punished—all this I am in great doubt about.

“In the meantime, the course that I have adopted with respect to those who have been brought before me as Christians is as follows:
I asked them whether they were Christians.
If they admitted it, I repeated the question a second and a third time, with a warning of the punishment awaiting them.
If they persisted, I ordered them to be led away for execution; for I could not doubt that, whatever it was that they admitted, that stubbornness and unbending obstinacy ought to be punished.
There were others similarly afflicted; but, as they were Roman citizens, I decided to send them to Rome.

“In the case of those who denied that they were or had been Christians, when they invoked the gods in the words I dictated and offered prayer with incense and wine to your image—which I had ordered to be brought for this purpose together with statues of the gods—and furthermore cursed Christ (none of which things, it is said, those who are really Christians can be forced to do), I thought they ought to be discharged.
Others, who were named by an informer, first said that they were Christians and then denied it; true, they had been of that persuasion, but they had left it, some three years ago, some more, and a few as much as twenty years.
All these also worshiped your image and the statues of the gods, and cursed Christ.

“They maintained, however, that the sum and substance of their fault or error had been that on a fixed day they were accustomed to meet before daylight and to recite by turns a form of words to Christ as to a god,
and that they bound themselves by an oath—not for any crime, but not to commit theft, robbery, or adultery, not to break their word, and not to refuse to return a deposit when called upon to restore it.
After this it was their custom to separate, and then meet again to partake of food—but ordinary and harmless food.
Even this they said they had ceased to do after the publication of my edict, by which, in accordance with your instructions, I had forbidden associations.

“I thought it the more necessary, therefore, to find out what was true from two female slaves, whom they call deaconesses, by means of torture.
I discovered nothing else but depraved, excessive superstition.
Therefore I postponed the investigation and hastened to consult you.
The matter seems to me to justify consultation, especially on account of the number of those in danger;
for many of every age, every rank, and also of both sexes are already and will be brought into danger.
For the contagion of this superstition has spread not only through cities, but also through villages and the countryside;
and yet it seems possible to check and cure it.
It is certain at least that the temples, which had been almost deserted, have begun to be frequented again, and the sacred rites, long suspended, are again being performed, and there is a general demand for the flesh of sacrificial victims, for up till now very few purchasers could be found.
From this it may easily be supposed what a multitude of people can be reclaimed, if only room is granted for repentance.”

Key Insights from Pliny’s Letter

1. Trials Were Already Ongoing
Pliny says, “I have never been present at any trials of Christians,” revealing that such trials preceded him. He is not initiating persecution but ensuring he follows existing imperial practice.

2. The “Forbidden Associations”
Pliny’s comment that he forbade Christian gatherings follows Trajan’s earlier ban on all private associations (collegia).
In a nearby letter (Letters 10.33–34a), Pliny had asked to form a fire brigade in Nicomedia, but Trajan refused, warning that “whatever name we give them, and for whatever purpose they are formed, they will not fail to degenerate into political clubs.”
Because of this standing order, Christian meetings were automatically illegal as unauthorized associations.
Thus, their assemblies were viewed as civic threats, not religious services.

3. “Stubbornness and Unbending Obstinacy” (pertinacia)
Romans considered blind persistence a moral failing—an assault on civic order.
Writers like Cicero and Seneca called pertinacia (stubborn defiance) a kind of madness, the opposite of the Roman virtue of moderation (moderatio).
To confess Christ three times in defiance of a magistrate’s warning was seen as treasonous pride, not conscience.
Hence Pliny’s statement that such obstinacy “ought to be punished” reflects Rome’s moral worldview, where social harmony outweighed individual conviction.

4. The Reputation of True Christians
Pliny records that those who truly belonged to the movement “can never be forced to curse Christ.”
This is an extraordinary pagan admission: even Rome’s officials recognized that real Christians were unfailingly loyal to Christ.
It became, unintentionally, a mark of authenticity: apostates could perform sacrifices, but the faithful could not.
Martyrdom, therefore, was not fanaticism—it was simply consistency with known Christian behavior.

5. Worship of Christ “as to a God”
Pliny confirms that believers “sang a hymn to Christ as to a god.”
This line—written by a pagan witness scarcely 80 years after the crucifixion—proves that the earliest Church universally worshiped Jesus as divine.
It is an unintentional historical echo of Thomas’s words in John 20:28: “My Lord and my God.”

6. Pliny’s Attitude
Pliny is no sadist; he sees Christianity as a “superstition”—a misguided enthusiasm that disrupts civic order.
His tone combines administrative irritation and genuine bewilderment: how could such moral people be so disloyal to the gods?
It is the first documented Roman attempt to rationalize persecution as social hygiene.

7. The Scope of the Faith
Pliny’s line that “the contagion has spread through cities, villages, and the countryside” reveals how pervasive Christianity had become by AD 110.
Even pagan temples, he notes, were deserted because of it.

Trajan’s Reply (Full Text, AD 112)

Source: Letters 10.97 (Loeb Translation)

“You have followed the right course, my dear Secundus, in examining the cases of those who had been denounced to you as Christians;
for it is impossible to lay down any general rule which will apply as a fixed standard.
They are not to be sought out; if they are brought before you and convicted, they must be punished.
With this proviso, however—that if anyone denies that he is a Christian and proves it by worshiping our gods, he is to obtain pardon through repentance, even if he has incurred suspicion in the past.

“As for anonymous accusations, they must not be admitted in any proceedings.
For that would establish a very bad precedent and is not in keeping with the spirit of our age.”

Key Insights from Trajan’s Reply

1. Not a New Law—A Confirmation of Nero’s Precedent
Trajan introduces no new principle. The “right course” Pliny had followed simply enforces the Neronian standard: the name “Christian” is punishable by death.

2. Reactive, Not Proactive Persecution
“They are not to be sought out” sounds lenient but only limits administrative workload.
If accused and proven guilty, Christians were still executed. The persecution was reactive, not abolished.

3. Recantation as Proof of Loyalty
Trajan’s test—offering incense to the gods—measured civic allegiance, not personal belief.
Recantation showed loyalty to Rome; refusal proved treasonous defiance.

4. Imperial “Fairness”
By forbidding anonymous accusations, Trajan presents himself as a just ruler.
Yet the core remains: death for those who confess Christ.

5. Continuity of Hostility
This exchange did not create a new policy.
It merely documents the ongoing enforcement of Nero’s logic—that Christianity was incompatible with Roman religious identity.

Theological Implications — The Empire Meets the God-Man

To the empire, the issue was not theology but loyalty.
To the Church, it was not loyalty but lordship.
The Christians’ refusal to curse Christ or offer incense to Caesar was their confession that the incarnate God alone deserved worship.

Rome saw stubbornness; the Church saw faith.
Rome saw defiance; the Church saw fidelity.
In worshiping the Word made flesh, believers declared that no emperor could demand what belonged to God alone.

“They sang a hymn to Christ as to a god.” — Pliny, Letters 10.96

That one pagan line records the Church’s heart: the same Christ whom John called “Lord and God” was still being worshiped as such, even when worship meant death.

The Church’s Call to Perseverance

The same correspondence that shows Rome’s suspicion of Christians also introduces a chorus of Christian writings calling believers to endurance under trial.
These texts come from every corner of the empire—Rome, Antioch, Smyrna, and Asia Minor—and together they reveal how the early Church met persecution not with revolt, but with perseverance, humility, and hope.

Clement of Rome (AD 95–96, writing from Rome)

1 Clement 5.2–6.1:

“Because of jealousy and strife Paul pointed out the prize of endurance; after he had been seven times in chains, had been driven into exile, had been stoned, had preached both in the East and in the West, he gained the noble renown of his faith.
Having taught righteousness unto the whole world and having reached the furthest bounds of the West, he bore witness before rulers and so departed from the world, leaving behind him an example of endurance.
To these men who lived godly lives was gathered a vast multitude of the elect who, through many indignities and tortures, furnished a brave example among us.”

Clement, writing from the church at Rome to Corinth, recalls Paul’s and Peter’s martyrdoms under Nero and commends their “example of endurance.”
Already, suffering for Christ had become a mark of faithfulness across the empire.

Ignatius of Antioch (AD 110, on his way to execution in Rome)

Ignatius, Romans 4.1–2:

“I am writing to all the Churches and I enjoin all men that I am dying willingly for God’s sake, unless you hinder me.
I beseech you, do not show an unseasonable goodwill towards me.
Suffer me to become food for the wild beasts, through whom it is granted me to attain unto God.
I am God’s wheat, and I am ground by the teeth of wild beasts, that I may be found pure bread of Christ.”

Ignatius, Ephesians 3.1:

“Nothing is hidden from you if you are perfect in your faith and love towards Jesus Christ, for these are the beginning and end of life—faith the beginning, love the end.
The two, in unity, are God Himself, and all things follow upon them.
No man who professes faith sins, and no man who has love hates.
The tree is made manifest by its fruit; so those who profess to belong to Christ shall be known by their actions.”

Ignatius’s letters radiate the same joyful endurance that Pliny had called “obstinacy.”
For him, dying for Christ was not madness but communion with the incarnate God.

Polycarp of Smyrna (AD 155, preserving a first-century memory)

The Martyrdom of Polycarp 8.1–2; 9.3:

“The whole multitude marveled at the nobility and godly fear of Polycarp.
… When he was brought before the proconsul, he was asked to curse Christ and he said, ‘Eighty and six years have I served Him, and He has done me no wrong.
How then can I blaspheme my King who saved me?’
When he had confessed boldly that he was a Christian, the proconsul threatened to burn him with fire.
But he said, ‘You threaten me with a fire that burns for a time and is soon quenched; for you are ignorant of the fire of the coming judgment and of eternal punishment reserved for the ungodly.
But why do you delay? Bring what you will.’”

Polycarp’s calm defiance encapsulates the Church’s understanding of persecution as participation in Christ’s own victory.

The Letter to the Philippians from Polycarp (AD 110–115)

Polycarp 8.2–3:

“Let us then continually persevere in our hope and the earnest of our righteousness, which is Jesus Christ, ‘who bore our sins in His own body on the tree,’
who did no sin, neither was deceit found in His mouth.
Let us therefore become imitators of His endurance, and if we suffer for His name’s sake, let us glorify Him.”

Here, Polycarp explicitly ties Christian endurance to imitation of the crucified God-Man: Christ’s suffering becomes the pattern for His people.

The Epistle of Barnabas (AD 100–130)

Barnabas 7.11:

“He Himself willed to suffer, for it was necessary for Him to suffer on the tree.
For by His suffering He was to redeem us who live under the shadow of death.”

Barnabas emphasizes that Christ’s own endurance sanctified human suffering, turning persecution into fellowship with the Redeemer.

Letter to Diognetus (AD 120–150, Asia Minor)

Diognetus 5.1–5:

“Christians are not distinguished from other men by country or language or customs.…
They dwell in their own countries, but only as sojourners; they share all things as citizens, and suffer all things as foreigners.
Every foreign land is their fatherland, and every fatherland a foreign land.…
They love all men, and are persecuted by all.”

This anonymous writer offers perhaps the most poetic portrait of the persecuted Church—citizens of heaven living under every empire, suffering yet loving, conquered yet unconquerable.

6. The Theology of Endurance — The God-Man as Example

From Clement’s Rome to Ignatius’s Antioch, from Polycarp’s Smyrna to the unknown author of Diognetus, all the earliest Christian writers share one conviction:
the pattern of endurance was set by the incarnate Christ Himself.

Author Region Approx. Date Focus
Clement of Rome Rome 95–96 Martyrs as examples of endurance.
Ignatius of Antioch Syria / Asia 110 Martyrdom as imitation of “my God.”
Polycarp of Smyrna Asia Minor 110–155 Perseverance as faith in the saving King.
Barnabas Alexandria / Syria 100–130 Christ’s suffering sanctifies human endurance.
Letter to Diognetus Asia Minor 120–150 Christians as patient citizens of heaven amid persecution.

All of them write under the shadow of Roman hostility.
All of them root endurance not in moral heroism but in the incarnation itself—the belief that the eternal Word took on flesh and endured the cross.
Because Christ suffered truly, His people could suffer faithfully.

7. Closing Reflection

Pliny saw “obstinacy.”
Trajan saw “superstition.”
But the Church saw faithfulness to the God who had become man and suffered for them.

From Nero’s fire to Trajan’s law, the Christians’ hymn remained the same:

“They were accustomed to meet before dawn and to sing a hymn to Christ as to a God.”

And that is the faith Rome could never silence.

Author	Region	Approx. Date	Focus
Clement of Rome	Rome	95–96	Martyrs as examples of endurance.
Ignatius of Antioch	Syria / Asia	110	Martyrdom as imitation of “my God.”
Polycarp of Smyrna	Asia Minor	110–155	Perseverance as faith in the saving King.
Barnabas	Alexandria / Syria	100–130	Christ’s suffering sanctifies human endurance.
Letter to Diognetus	Asia Minor	120–150	Christians as patient citizens of heaven amid persecution.

From the Giant to the Wonder-Worker: The Church of Maximinus Thrax to Philip the Arab

October 14, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

For nearly two decades, the Christian movement had lived in relative peace. Under Severus Alexander (AD 222–235), believers were tolerated, even respected. The Historia Augusta claimed he placed images of Christ and Abraham in his private chapel and inscribed the words “Do not do to another what you would not have done to yourself” on the walls of his palace. Whether or not every detail is true, the tone of his reign was unmistakably mild.

That peace ended in blood.

1. Maximinus Thrax (r. 235–238 AD): The Giant Who Hated His Predecessor

When Alexander was murdered by his own troops in 235 AD, the army raised a Thracian soldier of enormous stature—Gaius Julius Verus Maximinus, known to history as Maximinus Thrax. With him began both the Crisis of the Third Century and the first targeted persecution of Christian clergy.

Eusebius of Caesarea, writing around AD 312–324, gives our earliest account:

“Maximinus then ordered that the leaders of the churches should be put to death.
The reason for this persecution was the hatred that he bore toward his predecessor Alexander, whose household was full of believers.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.28 (Loeb)

This was not an empire-wide assault but a surgical strike against the heads of the churches. Maximinus saw in bishops and presbyters a rival network of loyalty. In his eyes, purging them was devotion to the gods of Rome.

The Harsh Provinces: Pontus and Cappadocia

Eusebius continues:

“In some places the persecution was scarcely felt, but in others—especially in Pontus and Cappadocia—it raged fiercely, as the governors there, moved by zeal for idolatry, put to death great numbers of the faithful with various kinds of tortures.
And many of the martyrs of that time were famous, the records of whose martyrdoms are still preserved among the brethren.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.28–29 (Loeb)

Among those caught in the storm were Pontian, bishop of Rome, and Hippolytus, a learned presbyter who had long opposed him.
Eusebius gives the earliest account:

“At this time also Pontianus, who was then bishop of the church of Rome, and Hippolytus, who was distinguished among its presbyters, were exiled to the mines of Sardinia by the decree of Maximinus; and there they were put to death by hardship.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.23 (Loeb)

Their shared suffering and death ended years of division and became one of the church’s earliest examples of reconciliation through martyrdom.

Origen’s Exhortation to Martyrdom (AD 235–238)

At the same time, Origen of Caesarea wrote a remarkable letter to his imprisoned friends Ambrose and Protoctetus, who faced death under Maximinus Thrax.
His Exhortation to Martyrdom is one of the few surviving works written during persecution itself, not after it.

Who Were Ambrose and Protoctetus?

Both men were students and patrons of Origen’s school in Caesarea.
Ambrose—not to be confused with the later bishop of Milan—was a wealthy Alexandrian who had once been drawn to Gnostic philosophy. Origen’s teaching brought him to orthodox faith, and he became one of Origen’s closest allies, financing his commentaries and employing scribes to preserve his work.
Protoctetus was a presbyter of the church in Caesarea, a man of deep integrity and one of Origen’s most loyal companions.

When the persecution of Maximinus reached Palestine, both men were arrested and imprisoned at Caesarea Maritima, the Roman capital on the coast of Judea.
Eusebius writes that their courage made them models for others:

“In these times Origen composed his Exhortation to those suffering persecution, full of encouragement and power, and strengthened many for the contest, among whom were Ambrose and Protoctetus, who were at that time distinguished for their confession of faith.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.28 (Loeb)

Later in his narrative, Eusebius adds:

“Ambrose, who was called Origen’s friend, and Protoctetus, a presbyter of the church at Caesarea, after many trials and noble endurance, were perfected by martyrdom in the persecution under Maximinus.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.39 (Loeb)

Both were executed at Caesarea, probably by beheading around AD 238, remembered as martyrs “distinguished for their confession.”
Origen himself narrowly escaped the same fate; the governor had ordered his arrest, but he hid until the edict was withdrawn.

It was to these two men—waiting in prison for the sentence he expected himself—that Origen wrote his Exhortation to Martyrdom. It was not theory; it was farewell.

“If persecution comes upon us, let us not be disturbed as though something strange had happened.
The Son of God was the first of all martyrs, and He calls us to share His sufferings that we may share His glory.”
— Exhortation to Martyrdom 1–2 (Loeb)

He urged them to love even those who condemned them:

“We must love our enemies, bless those who curse us, and pray for those who persecute us.
It is not enough to bear stripes; we must conquer hatred with patience.
The victory of the Christian is not in killing his persecutor but in dying for the truth.”
— ibid. 24–25

He described martyrdom as the perfection of baptism:

“Baptism cleanses, but martyrdom enlightens.
Baptism receives the forgiveness of sins; martyrdom obtains the crown of righteousness.
By baptism we are born again; by martyrdom we become perfect.”
— ibid. 50–51

He cautioned that believers should never provoke danger but be ready when called:

“We must not throw ourselves into danger, for Scripture says, ‘When they persecute you in one city, flee to another.’
Yet when the hour comes and we are called, we must not deny Christ, even in thought.”
— ibid. 34

And he closed with serene strength:

“Do not imagine, friends most beloved, that the soul is conquered when the body is overcome.
The soul conquers when, though the body is slain, it departs unvanquished.
For no iron can pierce faith, no flame consume virtue, no wild beast devour love.”
— ibid. 37

Eusebius later said this work “strengthened many for the contest.” (Ecclesiastical History 6.28.)
It shows Origen not as an academic but as a pastor under siege—teaching that victory lay not in survival but in transformation.

Within three years the soldiers who made Maximinus emperor turned on him. He was murdered outside Aquileia in 238 AD, ending the first Christian persecution since Severus.

2. Gordian III (r. 238–244 AD): The Boy Emperor and a Season of Quiet

After the chaos of six emperors in one year, the Senate placed power in the hands of a boy—Gordian III, only thirteen. The brief reign that followed was remarkably calm. No persecutions are recorded, and Christian writers reemerged into view.

“The churches throughout the world enjoyed peace, and the word of salvation was daily increasing.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.39 (Loeb)

During this lull, Origen completed massive scriptural projects—his Hexapla and commentaries on Matthew and John.
His influence also radiated outward through a new generation of leaders—Firmilian of Caesarea and Gregory Thaumaturgus in the East.

Firmilian of Caesarea: The Theologian of Cappadocia

Firmilian, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, was one of the key bridges between Origen’s intellectual world and the organized episcopal networks that later defined the Church.
He invited Origen north to Cappadocia, where theological councils were held during this time of peace.

“Being invited especially by Firmilian, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, Origen stayed with him a considerable time, being of the greatest assistance in the ecclesiastical discussions held there.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.27 (Loeb)

Firmilian’s circle shaped the theological life of Cappadocia decades before Basil or Gregory of Nyssa.
He saw bishops as physicians for wounded souls, not magistrates of punishment.

A generation later Cyprian of Carthage would write directly to him:

“Beloved brother, we have received your letter, which has given us great delight by your faith and wisdom; for you have rightly maintained the truth of the Gospel, and by the vigor of your reasoning strengthened the fellowship of our faith.”
— Cyprian, Epistle 74.1 (CSEL 3.2, AD 256)

This East–West friendship was built on Origen’s foundations.
From Firmilian’s school would come his most famous student—Gregory Thaumaturgus.

Gregory Thaumaturgus: The Wonder-Worker of Pontus

Gregory Thaumaturgus—“the Wonder-Worker”—was born around AD 210 in Neocaesarea in Pontus.
He came to Origen as a skeptical philosopher but left as a missionary bishop.

“When I came to him I was enslaved to many false opinions, but he freed me from them all, leading me by the hand to the truth, as from darkness to light.
He opened to us the whole treasure of divine wisdom, showing the harmony of all things and the unity of the Creator.”
— Panegyric to Origen 10, 13–14 (Loeb, c. AD 240)

Returning to Pontus, Gregory became bishop of Neocaesarea and composed a Confession of Faith that anticipates the Nicene language:

“There is one God, the Father of the living Word, of wisdom and power and eternal image; perfect begetter of the perfect, Father of the only-begotten Son.
There is one Lord, the only-begotten of the only One, God of God, image and likeness of the Deity, Word through whom all things were made, true Son of the true Father.”
— Confession of Faith 1 (Loeb, c. AD 260)

During plague and civil turmoil he guided his church with courage.
His Canonical Epistle—written c. AD 263–265—offers a vivid picture of Christian life under duress.

“Those who were called of Christ rejoiced in the danger; they visited the sick without dread, ministered to their needs, and attended to them in Christ.
Thus they departed this life in gladness, for they were infected by others’ disease, drawing to themselves the affliction of their neighbors and taking their pain upon themselves.”
— Canonical Epistle 11 (Loeb)

“Some, being of little faith, abandoned the brethren in distress; others even denied the faith to save their lives.
To such, leniency is to be shown if they repent, yet they shall stand apart for a season, that their penitence may be proven.”
— ibid. 12

“Let the widows be honored as the altar of God, for they continually intercede for the Church.
Let virgins keep themselves in purity, knowing that they are the portion of Christ; for the crown of chastity is not gained by words but by life.”
— ibid. 24–26

Basil the Great, writing a century later, said:

“The faith which Gregory the Wonder-Worker received from Origen was preserved without spot among us down to our fathers.”
— Basil of Caesarea, Letter 28.1 (Loeb, AD 375)

Why He Was Called “The Wonder-Worker”

His title Thaumaturgus (“Wonder-Worker”) came from the miracles remembered by later generations.

“When he came to Neocaesarea he found only seventeen Christians, and when he departed this life there were not more than seventeen unbelievers.
For the signs and wonders which he worked drew the whole people to the faith.”
— Gregory of Nyssa, Life of Gregory Thaumaturgus 3 (Loeb, AD 380)

One account tells of a flood stopped by his prayer:

“Gregory, seeing the danger to his flock, took a staff and planted it in the ground, praying that the waters would go no farther.
Immediately the torrent stopped, as if held back by an invisible wall, and from that day the place was called ‘The Boundary of the Wonder.’”
— ibid. 4–5 (Loeb)

Another recounts justice revealed by resurrection:

“At his prayer a man slain by his brother arose and named his murderer before returning to death.
The spot is still called ‘The Resurrection Field.’”
— ibid. 7 (Loeb)

Whether literal or legendary, these memories portray a man whose faith transformed an entire region.
He turned Pontus from a land of martyrdom into a mission field.

3. Philip the Arab (r. 244–249 AD): A Christian on the Throne?

When Gordian died during the Persian campaign, his Praetorian Prefect Marcus Julius Philippus, later called Philip the Arab, seized power.

“Philip, the Roman Emperor, is said to have been a Christian, and desired to join in the prayers of the Church on the vigil of Easter;
but he was not permitted by the bishop until he had made confession of his sins and taken his place among the penitents.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.34 (Loeb)

Even if legendary, the story shows that by mid-century an emperor could be imagined kneeling with Christians.
Under Philip, churches met openly and owned property; the faith’s visibility was now empire-wide.

4. Cyprian of Carthage: The Western Counterpart

While Origen’s disciples shaped the East, the West produced a new leader from Africa—Thascius Caecilius Cyprianus, or Cyprian of Carthage.

Conversion during Philip’s Peace (c. AD 246–248)

A wealthy teacher of rhetoric, Cyprian was converted in Philip’s later years:

“When I lay in darkness and the gloomy night closed me in, I used to think that what was promised of God’s light was a thing incredible…
But after the stain of my former life had been washed away by the water of rebirth, a light from above poured into my heart.”
— Cyprian, Ad Donatum 4–5 (c. AD 246–248)

Bishop of Carthage (AD 248–249)

Soon after baptism he was chosen bishop—about the same year Origen finished Against Celsus and Dionysius took over in Alexandria.

“Under Philip, the churches enjoyed peace, and bishops were freely appointed everywhere. At that time Thascius Cyprian became illustrious at Carthage, a man most skillful in both word and deed.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.43 (Loeb)

Cyprian would soon face what Origen, Firmilian, and Gregory had trained their flocks for—the empire-wide ordeal under Decius.

5. Between Persecution and Peace

The years 235–249 AD formed a fragile hinge in Christian history:

Maximinus Thrax tried to sever the Church’s head.
Gordian III let it rebuild.
Philip the Arab perhaps even prayed with it.
Origen taught courage under fire.
Firmilian built theological bridges in Cappadocia.
Gregory Thaumaturgus turned Origen’s learning into creed, charity, and wonder.
Cyprian arose in the West to lead through the coming storm.

The persecution under Thrax was brief but real; the calm under Gordian and Philip allowed the faith to mature in scholarship, discipline, and compassion.
When Decius seized power in 249 AD, that peace—and all it had built—would face the empire’s first universal test.

Teenage Emperors and the Triumph of Christian Purity

October 4, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

1. Introduction

After Macrinus’ fall, the empire turned to Elagabalus (AD 218–222), a teenage priest from Syria whose reign shocked Rome with depravity and religious upheaval. Ancient historians describe him as one of the most corrupt rulers in history. Yet in his chaos, Christians were not singled out for persecution.

When he was assassinated, his cousin Severus Alexander (AD 222–235) rose to power. Under his mother’s guidance, he tolerated and even respected Christianity, creating the first extended season of peace for the church since the reign of Claudius. In this calm, Christian thinkers—above all Origen—flourished, even as the imperial household promoted a rival pagan holy man, Apollonius of Tyana, beside Christ himself.

2. Elagabalus (AD 218–222): Depravity on the Throne

Elagabalus was only 14 years old when he was proclaimed emperor. Raised as a priest of the Syrian sun god, he imported his cult into Rome and shocked the empire with both religious upheaval and sexual depravity.

Cassius Dio records the emperor’s religious madness:

“He carried his madness to such a pitch that he attempted to set up his own god as greater than Jupiter, and even to transfer to that god the sacred fire, the Palladium, the shields, and all that the Romans held sacred from the beginning.”
—Cassius Dio, Roman History 80.11 (c. AD 222–230, Loeb)

On his private conduct, Dio spares no detail:

“He married many women, and even a Vestal Virgin, whom he dragged from her sanctuary, declaring that he was marrying a priestess and so a match worthy of himself.

He carried his lewdness to such a point that he asked doctors to contrive a woman’s vagina in his body by means of an incision, promising them large sums for doing so.”
—Cassius Dio, Roman History 80.13–14 (c. AD 222–230, Loeb)

Dio also makes clear:

“He established a room in the palace as a brothel and there committed his shameful acts, always collecting money as if for his embraces.”
—Cassius Dio, Roman History 80.13 (c. AD 222–230, Loeb)

Herodian echoes the same picture of degradation:

“He considered nothing disgraceful, but thought that by his own conduct he was giving pleasure to the gods. He went about in public in the company of actors and dancers, and he took male partners as husbands, calling himself their wife. He gave himself up to every form of depravity.”
—Herodian, Roman History 5.6 (c. AD 240, Loeb)

The Historia Augusta, though later, preserves the same traditions:

“He would choose out the man who was most celebrated for the size of his organ and couple with him most shamelessly… He set up a house of prostitution in his palace and there collected actors, dancers, and the most notorious of men, so that he might rival the foulest brothels in Rome.”
—Historia Augusta, Life of Elagabalus 5.3–4 (4th century, preserving earlier traditions)

Key Insight: The Roman emperor was expected to guard piety and moral order. Elagabalus instead flaunted sacrilege and lust, turning the imperial palace itself into a brothel and humiliating his office before the world.

3. Christian Sexual Ethics in Stark Contrast

While the emperor paraded immorality, Christians proclaimed chastity, fidelity, and holiness. Their ethic touched every sphere of life: marriage, personal purity, entertainment, and even the use of the senses.

1. Marriage and Family Life

Roman culture treated marriage largely as a social and economic contract. Husbands often kept mistresses, and wives were expected to tolerate it. Divorce was easy, and sexual double standards were everywhere. Against that backdrop, the Christian idea of marriage was revolutionary.

For early Christians, chastity in marriage didn’t mean abstaining from intimacy — it meant faithfulness, self-control, and holiness within the union. The sexual bond was exclusive, sacred, and tied to covenant love rather than lust or convenience.

Tertullian (Carthage, c. AD 197–200):

“We are not as your brothel-haunters, nor do we indulge in every form of licentiousness. Each man has his own wife, as the Word of God has allotted him. In the modesty of our marriage, chastity is the rule of life.”
—Apology 39

Here “chastity” means fidelity and restraint within marriage — a partnership marked by purity, not indulgence.

“Our women, the more they are distinguished, the more they walk about as if they were unknown. They know nothing of the immodesties which are practiced in public; their beauty is not for the public eye, but for their husbands alone.”
—Apology 46

Hippolytus (Rome, c. AD 220–230):

“Christians marry, as do others, but they marry only once; for their marriage is according to God, not for passion but for childbearing. Their women are chaste, their men temperate, their life in the flesh is conducted with holiness.”
—Refutation of All Heresies 9.12

Letter to Diognetus (late 2nd century, still read in the 3rd):

“They marry, as do all; they beget children; but they do not destroy their offspring. They have a common table, but not a common bed. They are in the flesh, but they do not live after the flesh.”
—5.6–7

Key Insight: Early Christian marriage emphasized equality before God, mutual faithfulness, and moral discipline. Chastity was not the absence of intimacy but the sanctification of it — turning something physical into an act of covenant love. In a world where sexual pleasure was often detached from virtue, Christian couples viewed their bodies as part of their worship, belonging to one another under the authority of Christ.

2. Personal Purity and Virginity

Tertullian (Carthage, c. AD 200):

“Chastity is the bodyguard of faith, the partner of holiness, the preserver of purity. Without it, no one shall see the Lord.”
—On the Apparel of Women 2.9

In this passage, Tertullian is speaking broadly of chastity (castitas) as the moral safeguard of all believers—married or single. It is the virtue that protects faith and holiness by disciplining desire and modesty alike. For the married, it meant faithfulness; for the unmarried, self-restraint and purity of heart.

Origen (Alexandria/Caesarea, c. AD 220–230):

“It is not possible to accept Christ unless we crucify our flesh with its passions and lusts. For the soul that would please God must first be purified of every defilement, especially the defilements of lust.”
—Homilies on Leviticus 7.4

“Virginity is practiced among us, not out of contempt for marriage, but for the sake of God. For the virgin looks to the things of the Lord, how she may please Him. We thus train the soul to mastery over the body, that it may rise to contemplate divine things.”
—On First Principles 3.1.9

Key Insight: Early Christians saw the body as the instrument of the soul’s worship, not its prison. To “crucify the flesh” meant learning self-control, not despising creation. Virginity, for those called to it, was viewed as a voluntary offering—an imitation of Christ’s single-hearted devotion. For married and unmarried alike, purity was about mastery rather than repression, ordering human desire toward love of God and neighbor.

3. Spectacles and Entertainment

Roman “spectacles” included the circus, the theater, and the gladiatorial arena. But one of the most popular forms of entertainment was pantomime — a stage performance where a solo dancer acted out mythological stories of seduction, rape, and adultery, accompanied by music and chorus. Every gesture was sexually charged.

These shows were notorious for their erotic suggestiveness. Roman satirists like Juvenal mocked women who lusted after pantomime actors. The line between art and pornography was blurred. And emperors like Elagabalus filled their palaces with pantomime dancers and actors.

Tertullian condemned the shows fiercely:

“The show of the theatre stirs up lust. For where the subject is love, there can be no modesty. The language is unchaste, the gesturing unchaste; nothing is more lascivious than the playhouse, nothing more destructive to modesty.”
—On the Shows 17

“What of the pantomime, that disgraceful imitation of all things, where every gesture is a corruption, every movement a provocation to lust? Why should we who renounce even the modest pleasures of the eye and ear endure such provocations?”
—On the Shows 22

“What is not lawful to say or to do, it is not lawful to see or hear. Why should things that defile a man when spoken defile him less when seen?”
—On the Shows 17

4. Guarding the Senses

Origen extended the warning beyond theaters and brothels, to the inner life of the believer:

“If we abstain from fornication and adultery but still fill our eyes with shameful sights and our ears with shameful sounds, how are we different from those who commit them in deed? For what enters through the senses lodges in the heart and produces its fruit in action.”
—Homilies on Proverbs 5.1 (c. AD 230)

“It is not only the act of sin that defiles a man, but also the will and intention. For when the eyes are defiled, the whole body is full of darkness. And so the Christian must be chaste not only in body but also in look, word, and thought.”
—Commentary on Matthew 14.23 (c. AD 245)

“The eyes and ears are the doors of the soul. If what enters is holy, the soul is illuminated; if what enters is shameful, the soul is darkened. Therefore the Christian must close his eyes and ears against what is evil, as he closes his mouth against unclean food.”
—Homilies on Leviticus 7.4

Key Insight: The emperor of Rome turned his palace into a brothel and surrounded himself with pantomime dancers and actors. Christians, by contrast, were told that even watching or listening to such things was defiling. Tertullian condemned the external spectacles; Origen pressed the point inward, warning against corrupting the eyes, ears, and thoughts. Together, they show how Christianity offered a radically different ethic — purity not only in deed, but in sight, sound, and imagination.

Even the pagan physician Galen, writing c. AD 170, admitted:

“For discipline and self-control in sexual matters, Christians are in no way inferior to true philosophers.”
—On the Passions and Errors of the Soul (fragment, c. AD 170)

4. Severus Alexander (AD 222–235): A Season of Peace

Severus Alexander was just 13 years old when he became emperor after Elagabalus’ assassination. Unlike his cousin, he was closely guided by his mother, Julia Mamaea, who sought out instruction even from Christian teachers like Origen.

Eusebius records:

“Mamaea, who was especially celebrated for her devotion to religion, sent for Origen and received instruction from him, and honored him greatly.”
—Church History 6.21 (c. AD 325, citing events of c. AD 230, Loeb)

And of Alexander himself:

“It is said that Alexander had in his private chapel statues of Abraham, Orpheus, Apollonius, and Christ.”
—Church History 6.28 (c. AD 325, citing tradition from Alexander’s reign, Loeb)

Key Insight: This was the first extended peace since Claudius (AD 41–54). Just as Paul had once carried out his missionary journeys under Claudius, Christians now found space for theological and moral development under Alexander.

5. Apollonius Beside Christ: The Witness Question

The inclusion of Apollonius in Alexander’s shrine shows how the empire was beginning to put Christ alongside other sages. Around this time, Philostratus wrote the Life of Apollonius of Tyana (c. AD 217–238), commissioned by Julia Domna. He claimed to use the memoirs of a disciple named Damis — but we do not possess them, and no one else ever mentions them. Whatever Damis may have written has vanished. What survives is Philostratus’ polished literary creation, composed 150 years after Apollonius lived.

Apollonius:

Based on one shadowy “witness.”
Written long after, by a sophist in the imperial court.
Offered nothing new, only a revival of ancient Pythagorean philosophy.
Left no enduring movement or transformation of the empire.

Christ:

The Gospels (AD 60–90): written within one lifetime, still in living memory.
Paul’s letters (AD 50s): written 20–25 years after, already citing earlier traditions.
Paul’s autobiography (Gal 1; 1 Cor 15:8): his conversion occurred within a year or two of the crucifixion.
The earliest creeds: especially the Resurrection Creed (1 Corinthians 15:3–5) and the Christ Hymn (Philippians 2:6–11), both pre-Pauline and already in circulation within months of the cross.

Together, these creeds show that the proclamation of Christ crucified and risen, and His worship as Lord, began immediately after Easter — not generations later.

Origen, facing critics who compared Christ to Apollonius, drove the point home:

“What has Apollonius left behind as a testimony to his divine mission? Where are those who have been persuaded by him to change their lives? But Jesus has persuaded not only men then living, but also men of all nations today, to accept His doctrine and to live as those who have been transformed by Him.”
—Contra Celsum 3.34 (c. AD 248, Loeb)

Key Insight: Even pagans could be fascinated by Apollonius’ story, but fascination is not transformation. Jesus left behind not just tales, but witnesses, creeds, and a movement that reshaped the Roman world.

6. Origen’s Voice in the Calm

This peaceful window allowed Origen to produce the earliest Christian systematics and massive commentaries. His On First Principles (De Principiis) was the first attempt at a comprehensive Christian theology, weaving together Scripture, philosophy, and moral reflection.

God and the Trinity

“God the Father, who holds the universe together, is superior to every being that exists, for He imparts to each one from His own existence that which each one is. The Son, being less than the Father, is superior to rational creatures alone, for He is second to the Father. The Holy Spirit is still less, and dwells within the saints alone.”
—On First Principles 1.3.5

Christ as Eternal Wisdom

“There never was a time when He did not exist. For He is called the Wisdom of God; and it is impossible that God should ever have been without wisdom. Thus we must believe that the Savior always existed.”
—On First Principles 1.2.2

Sovereignty, Foreknowledge, and Predestination

“God knows all things before they exist, and He knows not only the past and present but also the future. Nothing can happen contrary to what He knows will be. Yet His foreknowledge does not impose necessity upon what is to come; rather each one acts by the freedom of his own will.”
—On First Principles 3.1.15

“The saints are said to be predestined by God not according to an arbitrary decree but according to His foreknowledge. For He knew before the foundation of the world who would be conformed to the image of His Son, and for this reason He predestined them to be called and justified.”
—On First Principles 3.5.7

“Nothing takes place in the world without God. All is arranged by Him in wonderful order, even what seems contrary is ordered by Him toward the salvation and advantage of the whole universe.”
—On First Principles 2.1.1

Free Will

“The liberty of the will is preserved, and the freedom of choice remains, because God has set before every soul life and death, the good and the evil, in order that we may choose life and walk in the way of righteousness, keeping the commandments of God.”
—On First Principles 3.1.6

Suffering and Apparent Unfairness

“When we see infants afflicted with grievous sufferings, or souls that seem to be punished beyond their deserts, we must not suppose that chance rules the world, nor that there is injustice with God. There are causes hidden from us, older than the present life, which the divine judgment considers, so that to each is given according to what it has deserved.”
—On First Principles 2.9.7

“Even if one cannot at once perceive the reason why the good are afflicted or the innocent seem to suffer, we must believe that God orders all things with justice. For some are corrected in the present, others are reserved for correction in the future; but all are arranged by the providence of Him who alone knows what each one requires.”
—On First Principles 3.1.18

“What appears unequal and unjust will be set right in the restitution of all things, when every soul shall be brought to that end which is worthy of God. Then all who suffered undeservedly will find reward, and those who prospered in wickedness will be brought to judgment.”
—On First Principles 3.6.6

Origen included his controversial belief in the pre-existence of souls to explain hidden causes of suffering. Later generations rejected that idea, but it shows how earnestly he wrestled with the scandal of pain while defending God’s justice.

The Purpose of Scripture

“The Scriptures were composed by the Spirit of God, and have not only that meaning which is obvious, but also another which is hidden, as it were, beneath the surface. The whole law is spiritual, but the spiritual meaning is not recognized by all, but only by those on whom the grace of the Holy Spirit is bestowed in the word of wisdom and knowledge.”
—On First Principles 4.2.4

Final Judgment and Restoration

“The end is always like the beginning. As then we began with God, so in the end we shall be with God, and all enemies being subdued and overcome, God shall be all in all. For we must believe that the goodness of God, through Christ, will recall all His creatures to one end, even His enemies being conquered and subdued.”
—On First Principles 1.6.1

Key Insight: On First Principles shows Origen building the first grand map of Christian thought: God and the Son’s eternal Wisdom; God’s sovereign ordering joined to true human freedom; Scripture’s layered meaning; and a final restoration where God’s justice and goodness answer every wrong.

7. Conclusion

Elagabalus: depravity and scandal, but no persecution. Crowned at just 14, he degraded the office with sacrilege and lust.
Severus Alexander: peace and curiosity, enthroned at 13, guided by his mother, who welcomed Origen.
Apollonius: a late literary creation, based on one shadowy source, reviving old ideas, leaving no impact.
Christ: proclaimed immediately in the earliest creeds, testified by many witnesses, and transforming the Roman world.

This was the first extended peace since Claudius, but it was fragile. Nero’s precedent still lingered. And within fifteen years of Alexander’s death, Decius would unleash empire-wide persecution.

Key Insight: This era shows the battle lines clearly. Pagan elites tried to honor Christ as just another sage, even inventing rivals like Apollonius. Christians answered with witnesses, creeds, and transformed lives — proclaiming that Christ was not one among many, but the eternal Son of God.

Multiplying by Mission: Session 5 at Mission Lake

October 2, 2025October 5, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

40% Growth Then, 5% Growth Now — What We Must Learn Anew

When Tiberius died in AD 37, the Roman people rejoiced at the promise of change. Into power stepped Gaius Julius Caesar Germanicus (r. AD 37-41), beloved son of the general Germanicus, great-grandson of Augustus through Agrippina the Elder, and nephew of Tiberius. To the legions, he was known by the childhood nickname Caligula — “little boots.”

At first, he was adored as the heir of Augustus’ line. Yet within months, the empire discovered that Caligula was not content to be Caesar. He demanded to be a god.

A Different Kind of “Son of God”

Augustus (27 BC–AD 14) had styled himself Divi Filius — “Son of the Deified One” — because Julius Caesar had been declared a god after his assassination in 44 BC. Augustus allowed temples to himself in the provinces, but in Rome he restrained such worship and was only deified by the Senate after his death.

Tiberius (AD 14–37) likewise resisted divine honors while alive.

Tacitus, Annals 4.37 §37 (c. AD 115, Loeb):

“The emperor was not to be worshipped as a god; that title, he said, was reserved for the memory of princes.”

But Caligula (AD 37–41) broke with precedent. He did not wait for death or the Senate’s decree. He demanded worship as Jupiter himself.

Suetonius, Caligula 27 §27 (c. AD 121, Loeb):

“He claimed divine honors, set up temples and priests in his name, and placed a golden image of himself in the temple of Jupiter, beside which stood another likeness of the god. Every day he had this dressed in clothes like his own.”

Cassius Dio, Roman History 59.6 §6 (c. AD 229, Loeb):

“Since he was now styling himself a god, he pretended that those who failed to address him as such were guilty of impiety.”

Manipulating the Gods

Caligula’s ambition was not content with prayers and sacrifice. He replaced the very faces of the gods with his own.

Suetonius, Caligula 22 §22 (c. AD 121, Loeb):

“He caused the heads to be removed from several statues of gods and his own to be set on them instead. In such fashion he was even represented as Jove.”

Cassius Dio, Roman History 59.28 §28 (c. AD 229, Loeb):

“He ordered that the statue of Olympian Zeus be brought from Greece, in order that his own statue, which he had made as a copy of it, might be set up in its place, and he wished to be thought to be Zeus.”

By altering the sacred images of Jupiter and Zeus, Caligula declared that the gods themselves must yield to his likeness. If he could replace the greatest gods of Greece and Rome, what god was left to resist him? Inevitably his eyes turned to Jerusalem.

C CAESAR AVG GERMANICVS PON M TR POT = Gaius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, Pontifex Maximus, holder of tribunician power; AGRIPPINA DRVSILLA IVLIA, S C = Agrippina, Drusilla, Julia. By decree of the Senate. Caligula’s three sisters are presented as the three goddesses Securitas (Security), Concordia (Harmony), Fortuna (Fortune). He viewed his whole family as divine and also that the whole senate agreed.

Cruelty Without Bound

Divinity was not the only claim Caligula made. He also made himself the arbiter of life and death, delighting in cruelty.

Suetonius, Caligula 30 §30 (c. AD 121, Loeb):

“He often had men of consular rank scourged with rods and forced to carry heavy loads for miles together. Others he compelled to stand all night long in the rain, in their linen tunics; and he had some killed for mere trifles.”

Suetonius, Caligula 32 §32 (c. AD 121, Loeb):

“He delighted in witnessing the suffering and slaughter of those who were being punished, and would from time to time make their agonies longer by ordering their wounds to be dressed and their bodies rubbed, only that they might be tortured with renewed severity.”

Cassius Dio, Roman History 59.27 §27 (c. AD 229, Loeb):

“He would kill men of the noblest rank and make their wives watch; he would invite them to dinner and suddenly have them seized and put to death before his eyes. He took pleasure in seeing the looks and hearing the cries of those who were perishing.”

This is why ancient historians consistently remember Caligula as one of the most depraved rulers in Roman history.

A Statue in the Holy of Holies

In AD 39–40, Caligula issued his most dangerous order: to set up a colossal statue of himself in the Temple at Jerusalem. To Jews, this was unthinkable. They chose defiance, prepared to die rather than allow their sanctuary to be defiled.

Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.2 §261–262 (c. AD 93, Loeb):

“Petronius was amazed at their determination, and assembling the people of the Jews in a plain, he asked them why they opposed Gaius, their lord, and his proposal to set up the statue. But they threw themselves down on the ground and laid bare their necks, and declared that they were ready to be slain rather than transgress the law.”

Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.4 §278 (c. AD 93, Loeb):

“‘We will neither fight nor flee,’ they said, ‘but we will die with our children and wives; if you desire, kill us; we shall die willingly, since we shall not by living transgress the laws of our worship.’”

Josephus, War 2.10.4 §195 (c. AD 75, Loeb):

“They lay prostrate for forty days together, fasting the while, and besought Petronius that he would not compel them to transgress the law of their fathers.”

The man charged with enforcing this order was Publius Petronius, the Roman governor of Syria. His role made him one of the most powerful men in the East, with direct oversight of Judea. Loyal to Rome yet cautious by temperament, Petronius knew his first duty was to preserve the peace of Rome.

He saw what Caligula could not: forcing this statue into the Temple would ignite rebellion not only in Judea but across Syria.

Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.9 §297–299 (c. AD 93, Loeb):

“Petronius, seeing the determination of the people, took the blame upon himself. He wrote to Gaius saying that all Judaea would be in revolt if he insisted on setting up the statue, and he prepared his wife and children for his own death.”

This was no act of cowardice. It was Roman statecraft. Petronius delayed Caligula’s order to preserve stability in the East. But Caligula’s madness could not endure defiance. He sent a letter commanding Petronius to commit suicide.

Josephus, Antiquities 18.8.9 §302 (c. AD 93, Loeb):

“While the letter commanding Petronius to take his own life was on its way, a message came that Gaius had been slain. So Petronius was saved.”

Thus the Temple was spared, Judea preserved, and Petronius’ life delivered — not because Caligula relented, but because Caligula himself was assassinated in AD 41. For Jews and Christians alike, his death was remembered as a deliverance.

A Philosopher Before a Madman

At the same time in Alexandria, Jewish synagogues were seized and mobs attacked. A delegation was sent to Rome to plead their case before the emperor. It was led by Philo of Alexandria (c. 20 BC – AD 50), a Jewish philosopher who blended Greek philosophy with Jewish faith. In his work Embassy to Gaius, Philo gives us an eyewitness account of standing before Caligula.

Philo, Embassy to Gaius §206 (c. AD 41–42, Loeb):

“He would run off in one direction to some peacocks, and then dart away in another to a grove of trees… We followed him like men in a triumphal procession, prisoners led along.”

Philo, Embassy to Gaius §§351–352 (c. AD 41–42, Loeb):

“‘You are men who refuse to acknowledge that I have been made a god, though I am clearly so.’ And when we tried to tell him about our national customs, he laughed the more and said: ‘You are not defending your own religion, you are accusing mine.’”

Philo, Embassy to Gaius §358 (c. AD 41–42, Loeb):

“No one could predict what he would do. His madness was like the sea, driven now this way, now that, by opposing winds.”

Philo’s description is chilling. The Jews stood as petitioners for their lives, but Caligula mocked them, dismissed their ancestral faith, and insisted on being recognized as divine. For Christians, still indistinguishable from Jews in the eyes of Rome, the fate of the synagogue was their fate as well.

And Philo’s embassy brought no relief. The violence in Alexandria did not stop; persecution of Jews — and by extension Christians — continued in the city. When Claudius became emperor, one of his earliest acts was to issue a decree to Alexandria ordering both Greeks and Jews to cease hostilities. This confirms that the hostility Philo described under Caligula was not resolved by his death.

Herod Agrippa I: A King Like His Friend Caligula

The madness of Caligula did not stop at Rome’s throne. His friend and client king, Herod Agrippa I, was appointed ruler of Judea by Caligula himself. Agrippa, also Herod the Great’s grandson, enjoyed Caligula’s favor and mirrored his arrogance. Like Caligula, he accepted divine honors — and, like Caligula, he met a sudden and humiliating end.

But before his death, Herod Agrippa turned his power against the church.

Acts 12:1–3 (c. AD 62):

“About that time Herod the king laid violent hands on some who belonged to the church. He killed James the brother of John with the sword, and when he saw that it pleased the Jews, he proceeded to arrest Peter also. This was during the days of Unleavened Bread.”

James, son of Zebedee and brother of John, thus became the first apostle to be martyred. Peter was imprisoned, but God intervened.

Acts 12:6–11 (c. AD 62):

“Now when Herod was about to bring him out, on that very night, Peter was sleeping between two soldiers, bound with two chains, and sentries before the door were guarding the prison. And behold, an angel of the Lord stood next to him, and a light shone in the cell. He struck Peter on the side and woke him, saying, ‘Get up quickly.’ And the chains fell off his hands. … Peter said, ‘Now I am sure that the Lord has sent his angel and rescued me from the hand of Herod and from all that the Jewish people were expecting.’”

So in one chapter, Herod Agrippa I presides over both the martyrdom of James and the near-martyrdom of Peter.

Then comes the climactic scene.

Acts 12:21–23 (c. AD 62):

“On the appointed day Herod, wearing his royal robes, sat on his throne and delivered a public address to the people. They shouted, ‘This is the voice of a god, not of a man.’ Immediately, because Herod did not give praise to God, an angel of the Lord struck him down, and he was eaten by worms and died.”

Amazingly, the Jewish historian Josephus (writing c. AD 93) gives an independent account of the same event in Caesarea.

Josephus, Antiquities 19.8.2 §§343–361 (c. AD 93, Loeb):

“On the second day of the shows, clad in a garment woven completely of silver so that its texture was wondrous, he entered the theater at daybreak. There the silver, illumined by the touch of the first rays of the sun, was wondrously radiant and by its glitter inspired fear and awe in those who gazed intently upon him.

Straightway his flatterers raised their voices from various directions—though hardly for his good—addressing him as a god. ‘Be gracious to us!’ they cried. ‘Hitherto we have revered you as a human being, but henceforth we confess you to be more than mortal.’

The king did not rebuke them nor reject their impious flattery. A little later he looked up and saw an owl sitting on a rope above his head, and at once recognized it as a messenger of evil as it had once been a messenger of good to him. A pang of grief pierced his heart. He was also seized with a severe pain in his belly which began with a violent attack.

Accordingly he looked upon his friends and said, ‘I, whom you call a god, am commanded presently to depart this life, while Providence thus reproves the lying words you just now addressed to me. I, who was by you called immortal, am immediately to be hurried away by death.’

And when he had suffered continuously for five days from pain in his belly, he departed this life, in the fifty-fourth year of his age and the seventh year of his reign.”

Comparison: Acts 12 and Josephus

Setting: Both place the event at Caesarea, during a public festival.
Robes: Acts says Agrippa wore “royal robes.” Josephus specifies a robe woven entirely of silver, dazzling in the sunlight.
Acclamation: Both record the crowd shouting that he was more than a man, a god.
Judgment: Acts says an angel struck him and he was “eaten by worms.” Josephus says an owl appeared as an omen, he was struck with severe abdominal pain, and died five days later.
Theological Frame: Acts interprets the cause as divine judgment for not giving glory to God. Josephus interprets it as ominous fate, but preserves the same sudden, humiliating sequence of events.

Key Insight: The details differ — “worms” versus “abdominal agony,” “angel” versus “owl omen” — but the core story is the same. Herod Agrippa accepted divine honors, was immediately struck with sudden illness, and died a painful death at Caesarea. The agreement between Luke (in Acts) and Josephus on these essentials is one of the most striking convergences between the New Testament and external history.

Conclusion: The Church Under Caligula

Caligula’s reign (AD 37–41) was one of the most dangerous moments in Jewish and Christian history. His demand for divine worship and his order to set up his statue in the Jerusalem Temple threatened to destroy Jewish life altogether. In Alexandria, Jews were attacked in the streets, their synagogues seized, and they were mocked before the emperor himself. Since Rome still regarded Christians as a branch of Judaism, they shared the same precarious fate. Any blow that fell on the synagogue would inevitably fall on the church as well.

And yet — while Jews and Christians alike were under crushing imperial pressure in Judea and Alexandria, the gospel was quietly taking root elsewhere. In the great city of Antioch in Syria, well outside Judea’s geography, a new Christian community grew strong. It became the first great headquarters of the Gentile mission.

Luke records this simple but profound line:

Acts 11:26 (c. AD 62):

“And in Antioch the disciples were first called Christians.”

Notice the phrasing: they were called Christians. It is a passive statement. They did not name themselves; society around them began to recognize that this movement was not simply another form of Judaism. This is the first time in history that the church was publicly marked out as distinct from the synagogue.

So under Caligula, while Jews and Christians together faced threats of extinction in Judea and Alexandria, the church simultaneously broke into new ground. By AD 41, there was not only a thriving congregation in Antioch, but one that was recognized by outsiders as a new kind of community, centered on Christ.

Key Insight: Caligula’s reign shows both the fragility and the resilience of the early church. At the very moment when an emperor demanded worship as a god and threatened the Temple itself, the church expanded beyond its Jewish cradle. From Jerusalem to Samaria to Antioch, it gained a new identity and a new name: Christian.

Claudius (AD 41–54)

When Caligula was assassinated in AD 41, Rome teetered on the edge of chaos. The Senate debated restoring the Republic, but the Praetorian Guard found Caligula’s uncle, Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, hiding behind a curtain in the palace. They dragged him out, proclaimed him emperor, and Rome accepted their choice.

Claudius was the younger brother of Germanicus (Caligula’s father), making him Caligula’s uncle. Through his grandmother Livia, he was also the step-grandson of Augustus. Though mocked in his youth for his limp and his stammer, Claudius proved to be a capable administrator. His reign lasted thirteen years (AD 41–54) and brought stability after the madness of Caligula.

For Jews — and for Christians still regarded as Jews in Roman eyes — Claudius’ reign marked an important turning point. He revived the protections first granted by Julius Caesar, reaffirmed by Augustus, and now extended them across the empire. Yet he also ordered the expulsion of Jews from Rome when unrest broke out — an act that swept up Jewish Christians as well.

TI CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG PM TR P IMP P P = Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus, Pontifex Maximus, holder of tribunician power, Imperator, Father of the Fatherland; SPES AVGVSTA S C = The Hope of the Augustan Age, by the senate’s decree. Spes was the goddess of hope and optimism. This early coinage looked forward to Claudius’ restoration of Augustus’ policies and leadership.

Claudius’ Letter to the Alexandrians

One of Claudius’ earliest acts was to settle the unrest in Alexandria, where Jews and Greeks had clashed violently under Caligula. His letter, preserved by Josephus, confirms Jewish rights while commanding peace.

Josephus, Antiquities 19.5.2 §§278–285 (c. AD 93, Loeb):

“Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, imperator, consul, tribune of the people, to the city of the Alexandrians, greeting.

I have long been aware of the feuds existing among you with the Jewish community, and now I have learned that seditions and wars are being stirred up afresh by them, against their own advantage and that of the general good.

Therefore I enjoin the Alexandrians to behave peaceably and kindly toward the Jews who have for a long time dwelt in the same city, and not to insult any of their customs in the practice of their worship, but to allow them to keep to their own ways, as they did under the divine Augustus.

As for the Jews, I order them not to seek to extend their settlements any further, but to be content with what they have long possessed, and not to bring in or admit Jews from Syria or Egypt, but only those already resident may remain.

I also forbid them to send out any embassy, or to hold meetings outside their synagogues; and in general I command both parties to stop stirring up further quarrels.

If they obey, I shall also show them all possible goodwill; but if they disobey, I shall proceed against them as disturbers of the peace.”

Here Claudius restored the balance Augustus had maintained: Jews could live by their ancestral customs without harassment, but were forbidden to expand or disturb the peace.

Claudius’ General Decree to the Provinces

Claudius’ policy was not limited to Alexandria. He issued a broader decree protecting Jews throughout the empire.

Josephus, Antiquities 19.5.3 §§286–291 (c. AD 93, Loeb):

“Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, imperator and consul for the second time, to the magistrates, senate, and people of the Alexandrians, greeting.

I am convinced that the Jews in all the world are increasing in number, and prospering greatly, and especially that they are loyal to the Empire; and I have therefore decided that they should continue to observe their ancestral customs without hindrance.

I command, accordingly, that they shall not be compelled to violate their traditional mode of life, but shall be permitted to keep the laws of their fathers, as they have been allowed to do by Augustus and after him by my father Drusus and my brother Germanicus.

None shall molest them in any way, particularly in connection with their sacred offerings to Jerusalem, or their keeping of the Sabbath and other rites.

If anyone disobeys this ordinance, I shall proceed against him severely, as one guilty of violating the majesty of the Empire.”

Claudius explicitly grounded his decision in precedent, tying it to Augustus, Drusus, and Germanicus — and ultimately back to Julius Caesar, who had first established legal protections for Jewish worship. For Christians, still legally sheltered under Judaism’s umbrella, these decrees provided a rare window of protection.

Expulsion from Rome

Yet Claudius was not unconditionally favorable to the Jews. Around AD 49–50, disturbances broke out in the Jewish community of Rome, likely over disputes about Jesus as the Messiah. Claudius responded with a sweeping expulsion.

Acts 18:2

“And he found a Jew named Aquila, a native of Pontus, recently come from Italy with his wife Priscilla, because Claudius had commanded all the Jews to leave Rome.”

Suetonius, Claudius 25.4 (c. AD 121, Loeb):

“Since the Jews constantly made disturbances at the instigation of Chrestus, he expelled them from Rome.”

The reference to “Chrestus” is almost certainly a misunderstanding of “Christus” — Christ. The unrest was likely between Jews who accepted Jesus as Messiah and those who rejected him. Among those expelled were Aquila and Priscilla, who soon became Paul’s close partners in ministry (Acts 18:2–3). They appear as mature Christians when they partner with Paul.

For Christians, this episode reveals a turning point. While Claudius’ decrees gave them protection under Judaism’s legal umbrella, their identification with disputes about Christ already made them a flashpoint of unrest — and increasingly distinct from Judaism itself.

The Church Under Claudius

Claudius’ reign coincided with a decisive era in the life of the church:

AD 44: Herod Agrippa I (appointed by Caligula) executed James the son of Zebedee and imprisoned Peter (Acts 12).
AD 46–48: Paul undertook his First Missionary Journey (Acts 13–14), traveling through Cyprus and Galatia.
AD 49: The Jerusalem Council met to decide whether Gentile converts must keep the Mosaic Law (Acts 15).
AD 49–52: Paul carried out his Second Missionary Journey (Acts 15:36–18:22), planting churches in Macedonia and Greece, including Philippi, Thessalonica, and Corinth.
AD 52–54: Paul began his Third Missionary Journey (Acts 18:23–21:16), centering in Ephesus for nearly three years.

It was also during Claudius’ reign that Paul wrote some of his earliest letters. These were not to individual congregations only, but to entire regions of Christians.

Galatians 1:2 (c. AD 48–49):

“To the churches of Galatia.”

Already by the late 40s, Christianity had spread across a whole region of Asia Minor. Paul’s letter shows how critical this moment was: the debate was not simply about circumcision, but about whether Gentile Christians needed to keep the entire Jewish Law.

Galatians 2:16 (c. AD 48–49):

“We know that a person is not justified by works of the law but through faith in Jesus Christ, so we also have believed in Christ Jesus, in order to be justified by faith in Christ and not by works of the law, because by works of the law no one will be justified.”

This is the very issue resolved at the Jerusalem Council in Acts 15. Together, Galatians and Acts 15 mark a turning point: Christians were deciding that they were not simply part of Judaism, but a distinct people of God under a new covenant in Christ.

Paul’s letters also reflect the wide scope of his mission:

1 Corinthians 1:2 (c. AD 53–54):

“To the church of God that is in Corinth, to those sanctified in Christ Jesus, called to be saints together with all those who in every place call upon the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, both their Lord and ours.”

Even when addressing a single city, Paul wrote with the wider Christian world in mind: “all those in every place.” His letters carried authority not just for one congregation, but for a network of churches spread across the empire.

Conclusion: The Church Under Claudius

Claudius’ reign (AD 41–54) was marked by paradox. On the one hand, his decrees restored the Jewish privileges established by Julius Caesar and Augustus, protecting Christians as long as they were still seen as part of Judaism. On the other hand, his expulsion of Jews from Rome disrupted the lives of Jewish Christians and revealed that disputes about Christ were already pushing the church into a distinct identity.

And yet, this was one of the most formative eras in Christian history. Under Claudius:

The gospel spread beyond Antioch into Asia Minor, Macedonia, and Greece.
The first great council of the church met in Jerusalem to define Gentile inclusion.
Paul completed his first three missionary journeys.
The earliest New Testament letters were written, not just to churches, but to regions of believers.

By the time Claudius died in AD 54, Christianity had moved far beyond its Jewish cradle. It was now a trans-Mediterranean faith, with thriving congregations in Galatia, Macedonia, Achaia, and Asia Minor, bound together by letters that still shape the church today. Claudius’ stability gave the church room to expand — setting the stage for its greatest test yet under his successor, Nero.

Nero (AD 54–68)

When Claudius died in AD 54, his stepson Nero — great-great-grandson of Augustus through his mother Agrippina — ascended the throne at the age of sixteen. At first, guided by advisors like Seneca and Burrus, Nero showed promise. But his reign soon descended into extravagance, cruelty, and bloodshed.

The turning point came in July AD 64, when a fire broke out in Rome and destroyed much of the city. Ancient historians disagree on whether Nero himself was responsible, but rumors spread quickly that he had ordered the blaze. To deflect suspicion, Nero sought a scapegoat — and found one in the Christians.

The Great Fire and the First Imperial Persecution

Tacitus, Annals 15.44 §§1–3 (c. AD 116, Loeb):

“To suppress the rumor, Nero fabricated scapegoats and punished with exquisite cruelty the notoriously depraved Christians (as they were popularly called). Their originator, Christ, had been executed in Tiberius’ reign by the procurator of Judea, Pontius Pilatus. Checked for a moment, this pernicious superstition again broke out — not only in Judea, the home of the disease, but even in Rome, where all things horrible or shameful in the world collect and find a vogue.

First, those who confessed were arrested; then, on their information, a vast multitude was convicted, not so much on the charge of arson as for hatred of the human race.

Mockery of every sort was added to their deaths. Dressed in wild animal skins, they were torn to pieces by dogs, or crucified, or made into torches to be ignited after dark as substitutes for daylight. Nero provided his gardens for the spectacle, and exhibited displays in the Circus, at which he mingled with the crowd — dressed as a charioteer or mounted on a chariot.

Hence, in spite of a guilt which had earned the most exemplary punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to the impression that they were being sacrificed not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man.”

Key Insights from Tacitus

Scapegoats for Nero. Christians were chosen not because they set the fire, but because they were already despised as “haters of the human race.”
Already notorious. Tacitus calls them “notoriously depraved” and their faith a “pernicious superstition.” By AD 64, Christians were widely recognized in Rome and widely hated.
A vast multitude. His phrase multitudo ingens (“a vast multitude”) shows how large the Christian community in Rome already was, and how severe this persecution was — not dozens but hundreds, possibly thousands.
No real crimes. Their guilt was not arson or sedition, but their view of Christ, their ethics, and their condemnation of Roman life.
Rome thought it was finished. Tacitus says Christianity was “checked for a moment” when Christ was crucified. Rome thought Jesus’ death ended the movement — but it “again broke out,” spreading even to the capital itself.
Confession was enough. “Those who confessed” were arrested. Being a Christian was itself the crime.
“On their information.” The Latin phrase (per indicium eorum) may mean confessors named others, or that confession itself was the evidence. Either way, the name alone condemned them.

*Nero’s Torches* – Henryk Siemiradzki (1876)

*Nero’s Torches: Burning of Christians at Rome* – artist unknown (c. 1880), hand-colored wood engraving

Suetonius on Nero’s Persecution

Suetonius, Nero 16.2 (c. AD 121, Loeb):

“Punishments were also inflicted on the Christians, a sect professing a new and mischievous religious belief.”

Key Insights from Suetonius

A distinct sect. By Suetonius’ day, Christianity was clearly recognized as distinct from Judaism.
“New and mischievous.” “New” meant unauthorized and suspicious; “mischievous” (malefica) implied socially harmful.
Punished for belief, not crime. He mentions no crimes like arson or sedition. The offense was the belief itself.

Cassius Dio (via Zonaras) on Nero’s Persecution

Cassius Dio, Roman History 62.16 (via Zonaras, c. AD 229, Loeb):

“Nero was the first to persecute the Christians; and though they were guilty of no crime, they were subjected to the most extraordinary punishments. And in their death they were made the subjects of sport; for they were covered with the hides of wild beasts and torn to pieces by dogs, or they were nailed to crosses, or they were doomed to the flames and burnt, to serve as nightly illumination when daylight had expired. Nero offered his own gardens for the spectacle, and gave a circus show, mingling with the crowd in the dress of a charioteer, or mounted on a car. Hence, even for criminals who deserved extreme and exemplary punishment, there arose a feeling of compassion; for it was felt that they were being destroyed not for the public good, but to gratify the cruelty of a single man.”

Note on Sources: Dio’s Roman History is fragmentary for this period; this passage is preserved in the 12th-century epitome of John Zonaras.

Key Insights from Dio

Innocent of crimes. Dio is explicit: Christians were “guilty of no crime.”
Public spectacle. Executions turned into grotesque entertainment — torn by dogs, crucified, burned alive.
Public pity. Even Romans who despised Christians pitied them, realizing they died for Nero’s cruelty, not Rome’s good.

NERO CAESAR AVGVSTVS = Nero Caesar Augustus; ROMA = The goddess Roma that personified the city, holding a small goddess Nike (Victory). The fleshly portrait of Nero puts this coin probably after the fire of Rome and is used as propaganda to show that Rome was saved under his leadership and arises victorious from the fire.

Old Religions vs. New Religions

Tacitus, Histories 5.5 §5 (c. AD 105, Loeb):

“Whatever is novel in religion is forbidden; but whatever is ancient is respected — even if it be based on error.”

Pliny the Elder, Natural History 30.11 §30.11 (c. AD 77, Loeb):

“Ancient religions win tolerance through their antiquity; new ones are looked on with suspicion, particularly when they refuse to worship the Roman gods.”

Judaism was tolerated as an ancient superstition. Christianity was branded a new superstition (superstitio nova), and thus unlawful. Nero’s persecution formalized this: Christians were no longer sheltered under Judaism but treated as an illicit movement.

The Uniqueness of Nero’s Persecution

Nero’s decision to blame an entire people group for the fire was without precedent in Roman history.

Before this, Rome punished individuals — conspirators, rivals, or outspoken philosophers — but never criminalized a community for its beliefs.

Candida Moss, in The Myth of Persecution: How Early Christians Invented a Story of Martyrdom (2013, pp. 37–38), notes that only one earlier group was treated in a vaguely similar way: the Druids of Britannia.

Tacitus, Annals 14.30 (c. AD 116, Loeb):

“The savage superstitions of the Druids were put down; for they considered it right to make their altars run with the blood of captives and to consult their gods by means of human entrails.”

That campaign, led by Suetonius Paulinus in AD 60, was a military operation, not an urban persecution. Rome destroyed the Druids’ sacred groves as part of conquest, not as a civic punishment for religious identity.

By contrast, Nero’s actions in AD 64 were entirely domestic. He used the Christians as scapegoats inside the capital itself. Tacitus writes that “those who confessed were arrested, and on their information a vast multitude was convicted.” This was not a handful of leaders, but an entire population, criminalized for existing.

Other groups, such as the Stoics, also suffered under Nero — but in a completely different way.

Tacitus, Annals 16.21 (c. AD 116, Loeb):

“Thrasea Paetus was put to death for his independence, Barea Soranus for his friendship with him, and many others for no crime except their virtues.”

These were individual executions within a small circle of senators and philosophers — men admired for their moral independence, not a mass suppression of Stoicism. The philosophy itself continued; it was never outlawed.

Nero’s persecution of Christians, by contrast, targeted a whole people. Their faith, not their conduct, was the crime.

Key Insight

The Druids were wiped out as a wartime measure in Britannia, not as an internal religious purge.
The Stoics were punished as individuals for political virtue, not as a philosophical school.
The Christians were the first group in Roman history to be executed collectively for belief alone.

Candida Moss is right that the Druids are the closest parallel — but Nero’s act went further. It was not conquest or politics. It was religion itself that was put on trial.

Agrippa II and Paul’s Journey to Rome

During Nero’s reign we also encounter Herod Agrippa II, son of Agrippa I. By this time he ruled parts of northern Palestine. When Paul was imprisoned at Caesarea under the procurator Festus, Agrippa II and his sister Bernice were invited to hear his case.

Acts 26:28 (c. AD 62):

“And Agrippa said to Paul, ‘In a short time would you persuade me to be a Christian?’”

Agrippa’s verdict was striking:

Acts 26:31–32 (c. AD 62):

“This man is doing nothing to deserve death or imprisonment. … This man could have been set free if he had not appealed to Caesar.”

Agrippa II did not condemn Paul. Yet because Paul had appealed to Caesar, his case was forwarded to Nero. This set Paul on his journey to Rome (Acts 27–28), where tradition holds he was later executed.

The Martyrdom of Peter and Paul: Early Witnesses

Dionysius of Corinth, fragment in Eusebius, Church History 2.25.8 (c. AD 170, Loeb): “Peter and Paul … taught together in Italy, and were martyred at the same time.”
Tertullian, Scorpiace 15 (c. AD 200, Loeb): “Where Peter endures a passion like his Lord’s, Paul wins his crown in death like John’s.”
Eusebius, Church History 2.25.5–8 (c. AD 325, Loeb): “Paul was beheaded in Rome itself, and Peter likewise was crucified under Nero. Peter was crucified head downwards, for so he had asked to suffer.”

The core tradition is plain: Peter crucified, Paul beheaded, both in Rome under Nero.

*Crucifixion of Saint Peter* – Caravaggio, 1601

The Apocryphal Acts: Legendary Expansions

By the late 2nd and 3rd centuries, apocryphal Acts circulated widely, retelling the apostles’ deaths with miracles and signs.

Acts of Paul 11 (c. AD 160–180, Apocryphal Acts): “And when they had beheaded Paul, milk flowed out upon the ground from his neck, so that the soldiers marveled.”
Martyrdom of Paul (c. AD 200–250, Apocryphal Acts): “And Paul, having prayed, said to the executioner, ‘Come, do thy work.’ And the soldier struck off his head, and immediately milk and blood issued forth.”
Acts of Peter and Paul 7 (c. AD 200–250, Apocryphal Acts): “And when he had prayed, he gave his neck to the sword without fear. And when the soldier struck off his head, there came forth milk and blood, and a great fragrance filled the place, so that many of those who stood by believed.”
Acts of Peter 37–39 (c. AD 180–200, Apocryphal Acts): “Peter, having come to the place, asked to be crucified head downwards. And while he was hanging there, he said: ‘Since my Lord was crucified head upwards, it is fitting for me to be crucified head downwards, so that the difference may be clear between the Lord and his servant.’”

Why Did Christians Embellish?

These miracle stories were not created to erase the truth — they were built on the core memory of Nero’s persecution. They aimed to:

Encourage believers in their own sufferings.
Show God’s power in weakness and death.
Magnify Peter and Paul as models of courage and humility.

Candida Moss’ Critique and a Response

Modern scholar Candida Moss, in The Myth of Persecution (2013), argues that most martyrdom accounts were exaggerated or fabricated, and that the church later built a “myth” of constant persecution. She points to the apocryphal Acts as evidence that Christians mythologized their sufferings with miracles and wonders.

Response:

The embellishments are real — milk, blood, heavenly fragrances, sermons from the cross.
But that does not erase the historical core.
The early witnesses (Dionysius, Tertullian, Eusebius) give us a plain, consistent story: Peter crucified, Paul beheaded, under Nero.
The apocryphal Acts show how popular devotion expanded these stories, not how they were invented.
The very existence of later embellishments shows there was a real core event to embellish.

Nero’s Lasting Precedent

Nero’s persecution was short, but its effects were lasting. For the first time, Christianity was officially branded a new and unlawful superstition. The charge was not arson, violence, or rebellion. It was the name itself.

From that moment on, this precedent endured:

Trajan (rescript to Pliny, c. AD 112): Christians are not to be hunted, but if accused and proven, they must be punished unless they recant and worship the gods.
Hadrian (rescript to Minucius Fundanus, c. AD 124): Christians cannot be condemned by mob accusations; formal charges and evidence are required.
Apollonius the Senator (c. AD 185, Eusebius, Church History 5.21.2, Loeb): Tried before the Senate, he confessed Christ and was executed “in compliance with an ancient law.”

This shows that Nero’s precedent was remembered and enforced for centuries. Later crackdowns under emperors like Decius or Diocletian were not innovations — they were intensifications of the same ancient law first established under Nero.

Final Key Insight

Candida Moss is wrong to claim that persecution was a myth built around a few exaggerated episodes. The evidence shows that from Nero onward, Christians lived under a standing legal threat.

They were not always hunted, but they were never safe.
Simply confessing Christ was enough for punishment, even death.
Nero’s fire did not burn out the church; it created the conditions under which the church would always exist: fragile in the eyes of Rome, yet resilient in the power of Christ.

The fire that consumed Rome lit a flame of witness that spread across the empire — a fire no emperor could extinguish.

Citizens of Rome, Citizens of Heaven: Caracalla, Macrinus, and the Early Church

September 28, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

In AD 212, Emperor Caracalla issued the most sweeping reform in Roman history. Through the Constitutio Antoniniana, he declared that every free inhabitant of the empire was now a citizen of Rome. From Britain to Arabia, from Spain to Syria, millions were bound under one law.

The jurist Ulpian preserves the decree:

“All those throughout the Roman world who are at present Roman subjects shall be given Roman citizenship.” (Digest 1.5.17)

Caracalla wanted to be remembered as the man who united the world. But senator Cassius Dio unmasks his motive:

“He did this not so much to honor them as to increase his revenues, for he levied new taxes on all citizens.” (Roman History 78.9, Loeb)

Rome’s citizenship was about money and bureaucracy. Christians, however, were already proclaiming another citizenship — one written in heaven.

1. Our Citizenship Is in Heaven

The apostle Paul had written it centuries earlier:

“But our citizenship (politeuma) is in heaven, and from it we await a Savior, the Lord Jesus Christ.” (Philippians 3:20)

The anonymous Epistle to Diognetus (late 2nd or early 3rd century) echoed Paul:

“They live in their own countries, but only as aliens; they take part in everything as citizens, and endure everything as foreigners. Every foreign land is their homeland, and every homeland is foreign. They dwell on earth, but their citizenship is in heaven.” (Diognetus 5.5)

Tertullian of Carthage (c. 160–225) ridiculed Rome’s pride:

“We are but of yesterday, and we have filled your cities, your islands, your forts, your towns, your assemblies, your very camp, your tribes, your decuries, the palace, the senate, the forum. We have left you nothing but your temples.” (To Scapula 2, Loeb)

And he pressed the contrast further:

“We acknowledge one commonwealth, the whole world. We renounce your spectacles, we refuse your festivals, we shrink from your public banquets; yet we share with you the benefits of your commerce, your markets, your baths, your workshops, your inns, your fairs, and all the other arrangements of your ordinary life. We sail with you, we fight with you, we till the ground with you, and we trade with you. We are as much your fellow-citizens as we are fellow-men; only we differ from you in that we do not worship your gods.” (Apology 42)

Origen of Alexandria (c. 185–254) gave the same answer when pagans accused Christians of neglecting civic duty:

“If you want to see the real commonwealth of God, you will find it in those who live according to the law of God. This is the heavenly city, not made by men but by God.” (Contra Celsum 8.75)

And Minucius Felix records both the sneer and the reply of Christians:

Pagan critic: “They recognize one another by secret marks and signs; they love one another almost before they know one another. They call themselves brothers and sisters indiscriminately.” (Octavius 9)

Christian reply: “Yes, we are called brothers — as children of one God, united in the bond of one faith, of one hope, of one spirit.” (Octavius 31)

Rome created citizens. Christ created a family.

2. Citizenship Without Safety

Caracalla’s decree offered no protection from tyranny. In AD 215, after Alexandrian plays mocked him, he unleashed slaughter in the city.

Dio reports:

“He slaughtered many of the people, not only those of the council and the leaders, but also a great number of the populace.” (Roman History 78.23, Loeb)

Herodian echoes:

“He invited the leading citizens to a banquet, then slaughtered them with a multitude of others.” (History of the Empire 4.9, Loeb)

Citizenship could not save them. For Christians, this proved what Hippolytus of Rome was already teaching:

“The world hates the righteous, and persecution will never cease until the coming of the Lord.” (Refutation of All Heresies 9.7)

Rome could grant citizenship, but it could not grant safety.

3. Symbols of a Different City (Archaeology and Inscriptions)

Caracalla inscribed citizenship into law. Christians inscribed theirs into stone, paint, and epitaphs.

The Fish (Ichthys)

Clement of Alexandria (Paedagogus 3.11, c. 200): “And let our seals be either a dove, or a fish, or a ship scudding before the wind, or a musical lyre, which Polycrates used, or a ship’s anchor…”
Tertullian (On Baptism 1, c. 200): “We little fishes, after the example of our Ichthys, Jesus Christ, are born in water.”
Epitaph of Abercius (c. 180): “Faith everywhere led the way and set before me for food a fish from a fountain, a great one, pure, which a holy virgin drew up with her hands; and this Faith ever gave to friends to eat, having good wine, and giving it mixed with bread.“

“Aurelius Ametus, the saint, lived 8 years and 3 months. He rests in peace.” – 3rd century catacomb of St. Sebastian

This symbol carried a creed in five letters: ΙΧΘΥΣ — Jesus Christ, Son of God, Savior.

The Anchor of Hope

Hebrews 6:19: “We have this hope as an anchor for the soul.”

“Clodianè, (may) your soul (be) in peace.” 3rd century catacomb of Bassilla

It proclaimed that Christian security lay not in Rome but in Christ’s promises.

The Good Shepherd

John 10:11: “The good shepherd lays down his life for the sheep.”

“Vibia Dionysias” (a Christian woman’s epitaph) – 3rd century catacomb of Sousse

3rd century painting in the catacomb of Priscilla

3rd century painting in the catacomb of St. Callixtus

“In Peace” Epitaphs

Instead of titles and achievements, Christians emphasized peace and family:

“Marius, a faithful brother, lies in peace.”
“Victorina, in Christ, in peace.”
“Aurelius, our brother, sleeps in peace.”

“For Prima, a widow. She died at the age of one hundred years; she died on the seventh day before the Ides of December. In peace.” – 4th century catacomb of Bassilla

“(Tomb) of Agapenius. In peace.” – 3rd century cemetery between St. Felicitas and Via Anapo

These short lines proclaimed hope beyond death.

Pagan Contrast: NFFNSNC

Meanwhile, the most common pagan epitaph read:

NFFNSNC = Non fui, fui, non sum, non curo.

“I was not; I was; I am not; I do not care.”

This fatalistic phrase covered tombs across the empire in both Latin and Greek versions. It was a resignation to nothingness after death, just like nothingness before birth.

“For Titus Magius Caecinianus, trierarch (ship captain), and for his wife Alsia Postuma. I was not; I am not; I do not care.”

“I was not; I came to be; I am not; it does not concern me.” 3rd century, in Greek.

The difference is stark:

Pagan stones: “I am not; I do not care.”
Christian stones: “In peace, in Christ.”

Caracalla’s law gave paper citizenship. But death revealed its emptiness. Christian epitaphs declared a better citizenship, one that promised peace and belonging beyond the grave.

4. Beyond the Catacombs: Heavenly Citizenship in Daily Life

Christian symbols spread far beyond the catacombs:

Megiddo Mosaic (c. 230): a church floor dedicated to “The God Jesus Christ.”
Dura-Europos House-Church (AD 232–233): with frescoes of the Good Shepherd, Jesus healing, and the empty tomb.
Personal items: rings with anchors, gems with fish, oil lamps with doves.
Graffiti: scratched fish and creeds in plaster walls.

The Megiddo Mosaic from the 3rd century. The table at the center of the room was thanks to Akeptous and is dedicated “to God Jesus Christ.”

Citizenship of heaven was not abstract. It was carried on rings, stamped on lamps, carved in mosaics, and painted on walls.

5. Why Not the Cross?

Strikingly, the cross itself was absent from Christian art in this period. Crucifixion was still a brutal Roman punishment, too shameful to display proudly.

Pagans mocked it — as in the Alexamenos graffito (late 2nd c.), where a donkey-headed figure is crucified with the caption: “Alexamenos worships his god.”

Christians confessed the cross in veiled ways:

The staurogram (⳨) in early manuscripts like P66 and P75.
Anchors drawn to echo a cross shape.

Only after Constantine outlawed crucifixion (c. 315) did Christians adopt the cross openly as their emblem.

6. Macrinus: A Passing Shadow

Caracalla was murdered in AD 217. His successor, Macrinus, reigned only a year before being overthrown. He left no policy toward Christians. His brief rule reminds us: emperors come and go. The church endures.

Conclusion: The True Citizenship

Caracalla claimed to unite the empire by decree. But Christians in his day already lived in a higher unity.

Paul: “Our citizenship is in heaven.” (Philippians 3:20)
Diognetus: “They dwell on earth, but their citizenship is in heaven.”
Tertullian: Christians filled the empire yet belonged to one greater commonwealth.
Origen: The real commonwealth is the heavenly city made by God.
Minucius Felix: Christians are brothers and sisters, bound in one hope.
Hippolytus: Persecution will never cease until Christ returns.
Archaeology: fish, anchors, shepherds, mosaics, inscriptions, and epitaphs marked their heavenly belonging.
Pagan epitaphs: resignation to nothingness.
Christian epitaphs: peace in Christ.

Rome’s citizenship was a tax roll. Christian citizenship was a family.
Rome’s citizenship could be revoked in blood. Christian citizenship promised peace beyond death.

Caracalla and Macrinus are remembered as violent and forgettable. The Christians of their day are remembered for confessing: “Our citizenship is in heaven.” (Philippians 3:20)

Multiplying by Mission: Session 4 at Mission Lake

September 27, 2025September 27, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

40% Growth Then, 5% Growth Now — What We Must Learn Anew

When we talk about Jesus, Paul, and the rise of Christianity, we are not in the realm of myth or timeless stories. The New Testament roots its narrative in the concrete reigns of Roman emperors and the actions of their governors. Luke 3:1–2 names them explicitly. Tonight, we step into the reign of Tiberius Caesar, meet John the Baptist, examine Pontius Pilate, and see how all of this converges in the crucifixion of Jesus — an event so widely attested that even atheist historians treat it as one of the firmest facts of ancient history.

1. Tiberius: The Suspicious Recluse of Capri

Tiberius was Rome’s second emperor, ruling from AD 14 to 37. He was the stepson of Augustus, a capable general, and at first praised for discipline and stability. But over time, he became known for suspicion, cruelty, and retreat from public life.

Luke deliberately grounds the story of John the Baptist and Jesus in his reign:

“In the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, Pontius Pilate being governor of Judea, and Herod being tetrarch of Galilee… the word of God came to John the son of Zechariah in the wilderness.”
—Luke 3:1–2 (c. AD 70–90, ESV)

The “fifteenth year” of Tiberius corresponds to AD 28 or 29.

Suetonius describes Tiberius’ withdrawal:

“He retired to Capri, and lived there for the most part, leaving the conduct of affairs to others, and only occasionally returning to the mainland.”
—Suetonius, Tiberius 40 (c. AD 110, Loeb)

Tacitus captures the regime’s climate:

“Under Tiberius, executions multiplied. Nobles were driven to suicide, men of rank were executed, the prisons were filled, and terror stalked the city.”
—Tacitus, Annals 6.19 (c. AD 115, Loeb)

Cassius Dio echoes the cruelty:

“He became savage and bloodthirsty, and put to death without trial all who were suspected.”
—Cassius Dio, Roman History 58.8 (c. AD 200–220, Loeb)

Suetonius also records the moral depravity remembered at Capri:

“He abandoned himself to scandalous and disgraceful excesses… gathering together companies of girls and perverts, and with every device of lewdness defiled the place.”
—Suetonius, Tiberius 43 (c. AD 110, Loeb, excerpted)

Ancient reports say this corruption even involved children groomed for him, and that he disposed of people brutally:

“Those who fell from favor, he would have thrown into the sea from the cliffs, and watch them perish.”
—Suetonius, Tiberius 62 (c. AD 110, Loeb)

This is why later generations called him Capri’s Monster. Roman historians remembered him not just as paranoid and cruel, but as morally depraved and willing to kill even children once he was finished with them.

Tiberius and the Title “Son of God”

Tiberius allowed — and even promoted — the cult of his adoptive father, Divus Augustus (“the Divine Augustus”). Coins of his reign often feature Augustus as a god.

On these coins Augustus appears with the inscription DIVVS AVGVSTVS PATER (“the Divine Augustus, Father”).
On the same coin, Tiberius is named TI CAESAR DIVI AVG F AVGVSTVS — which means “Tiberius Caesar Augustus, son of the Divine Augustus.”

This made Tiberius officially the “son of the divine Augustus” — a title printed on currency and circulated throughout the empire. Importantly, Tiberius did not call himself divine during his lifetime, but he claimed sonship of a god.

After his death in AD 37, the Senate debated whether to enroll him among the gods as Divus Tiberius. Suetonius notes that some argued for his deification, but because of his reputation as a cruel and depraved ruler, there was hesitation. Ultimately, he was not formally deified like Augustus.

Key Insight: Under Tiberius, the title “Son of God” was already political language, stamped on coins. Early Christians, when they confessed Jesus as the true “Son of God,” were directly challenging the imperial claims.

2. John the Baptist: A Voice Rome Couldn’t Ignore

Historians across the spectrum — Christian, Jewish, agnostic, and atheist — agree that John the Baptist is one of the most historically secure figures in the New Testament.

Why John’s life is considered historically certain:

Multiple independent sources. John appears in all four Gospels and in Josephus (Antiquities 18.5.2).
Criterion of embarrassment. The baptism of Jesus by John is a classic example. To say that Jesus — whom Christians confessed as sinless and greater than all prophets — nevertheless submitted to John’s baptism could look like John was spiritually superior. Bart Ehrman, an agnostic historian, puts it bluntly: “Jesus’ baptism by John the Baptist is one of the most certain things we know about Jesus.” (Jesus: Apocalyptic Prophet of the New Millennium, Oxford University Press, 1999, p. 106).
Consistency of content. The Gospels and Josephus both describe John calling people to repentance, righteousness, and baptism as an outward sign of an already-transformed life.
Cultural plausibility. Prophets who attracted crowds were viewed as dangerous under Roman rule.
Josephus’ detailed confirmation. Josephus provides a long, independent account of John’s preaching, his imprisonment at Machaerus, and his execution by Herod Antipas, the son of Herod the Great and tetrarch of Galilee and Perea (4 BC–AD 39).

Josephus records:

“Now some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod’s army came from God, and that it was a very just punishment for what he had done against John, who was called the Baptist. For Herod had killed this good man, who had exhorted the Jews to lead righteous lives, to practice justice toward their fellows and piety toward God, and so doing join in baptism. In his view this was a necessary preliminary if baptism was to be acceptable to God. They must not employ it to gain pardon for whatever sins they committed, but as a consecration of the body, implying that the soul was already cleansed by right behavior. And when others too joined the crowds about him, because they were aroused to the highest degree by his sermons, Herod became alarmed. Eloquence that had so great an effect on mankind might lead to some form of sedition, for it looked as if they would do everything he counseled. Herod decided, therefore, that it would be much better to strike first and be rid of him before any insurrection might develop, than to wait for an upheaval, get involved in a difficult situation, and see his mistake. And so, because of Herod’s suspicion, John was sent in chains to Machaerus, the stronghold that we have previously mentioned, and there put to death. The Jews, however, were of the opinion that the destruction of his army was sent as a punishment upon Herod, and a mark of God’s displeasure with him.”
—Josephus, Antiquities 18.5.2 §116–119 (c. AD 93, Loeb)

Key Insights:

The bolded section shows how closely Josephus’ description of John matches the Gospels: baptism was only valid if accompanied by righteous works.
The Gospels record John saying the same thing: “Bear fruits worthy of repentance” (Luke 3:8).
Both Josephus and the Gospels show John as a preacher whose eloquence stirred the crowds and made rulers nervous.
Herod Antipas executed John not for violence but for influence — the people were ready to “do everything he counseled.”
Even Josephus, no friend to Christianity, confirms that John’s execution was seen as unjust and provoked divine judgment.

Because of this convergence — Gospel tradition, embarrassing detail, Josephus’ independent testimony, and the cultural setting — John the Baptist is regarded by virtually all historians as one of the most certain figures of Jesus’ world.

3. Pontius Pilate: Rome’s Reckless Governor

Pontius Pilate served as prefect of Judea from AD 26–36, appointed by Tiberius, likely through the influence of Sejanus. Prefects of equestrian rank governed Judea — a small but volatile province where Jewish nationalism, deep piety, and Roman imperial control collided.

Philo of Alexandria, writing within a decade of Pilate’s dismissal (c. AD 41–42), paints him in the harshest terms:

“Pilate was a man of inflexible, stubborn, and cruel disposition, and he caused trouble by his venality, his violence, his thefts, his assaults, his abusive behavior, his frequent executions of untried prisoners, and his endless savage ferocity.”
—Philo, Embassy to Gaius §301 (c. AD 41–42, Loeb)

“His corruption, his acts of insolence, his rapine, his habit of insulting people, his cruelty, his continual murders of people untried and uncondemned, and his never-ending and most grievous brutality.”
—Philo, Embassy to Gaius §302 (c. AD 41–42, Loeb)

This matches the Gospels’ picture of Pilate: a man who caves to pressure, indifferent to justice, quick to violence, and willing to condemn an innocent man for expedience.

The Golden Shields Affair (Philo, c. AD 26–27)

“Pilate, who had been appointed prefect of Judaea, displayed the shields in Herod’s palace in the Holy City. They bore no image — only an inscription. But when the people learned what had been done, and realized that their laws had been trampled underfoot, they petitioned Pilate to remove the shields. He steadfastly refused. Then they took the matter to Tiberius, who was indignant that Pilate had dared to offend religious sentiments and ordered him by letter to remove the shields immediately and transfer them to Caesarea.”
—Philo, Embassy to Gaius §§299–305 (c. AD 41–42, Loeb)

Key Insight: This was one of Pilate’s first provocations. Even without images, inscriptions in the Temple area were offensive. Pilate refused to compromise until the Jews appealed directly to Tiberius. Rome itself forced Pilate to back down, showing both his arrogance and his weakness.

The Standards Incident (Josephus, c. AD 26–27)

“But now Pilate, the procurator of Judaea, brought into Jerusalem by night and under cover the effigies of Caesar that are called standards. The next day this caused a great uproar among the Jews. Those who were shocked by the incident went in a body to Pilate at Caesarea and for many days begged him to remove the standards from Jerusalem. When he refused, they fell to the ground and remained motionless for five days and nights. On the sixth day Pilate took his seat on the tribunal in the great stadium and summoned the multitude, as if he meant to grant their petition. Instead, he gave a signal to the soldiers to surround the Jews, and threatened to cut them down unless they stopped pressing their petition. But they threw themselves on the ground and bared their necks, shouting that they would welcome death rather than the violation of their laws. Deeply impressed by their religious fervor, Pilate ordered the standards to be removed from Jerusalem.”
—Josephus, Antiquities 18.3.1 §55–59 (c. AD 93, Loeb)

Key Insight: Pilate smuggled Caesar’s images into Jerusalem under cover of night. Thousands of Jews protested nonviolently, offering their necks to the sword rather than accept idolatry. Pilate again provoked needlessly, then caved under pressure. This shows both his disregard for Jewish law and his fear of mass unrest.

The Aqueduct Massacre (Josephus, c. AD 30–31)

“Pilate undertook to bring a stream of water to Jerusalem, and did it with the sacred money of the treasury… many ten thousands of the people got together, and made a clamour against him… So he ordered a great number of his soldiers to have their weapons concealed under their garments, and sent them to a place where they might surround them. He bade the Jews himself go away; but they boldly casting reproaches upon him, he gave the soldiers that signal which had been beforehand agreed on; who laid upon them much greater blows than Pilate had commanded them, and equally punished those that were tumultuous, and those that were not. Nor did they spare them in the least; and since the people were unarmed, and were caught by men prepared for what they were about, there were a great number of them slain by this means, and others of them ran away wounded. And thus an end was put to this sedition.”
—Josephus, Antiquities 18.3.2 §60–62 (c. AD 93, Loeb); cf. War 2.9.4 §175–177 (c. AD 75, Loeb)

Key Insight: This incident occurred around the same time as Jesus’ crucifixion. Pilate raided the Temple treasury for a building project, outraging the people. When they protested, he ordered disguised soldiers to massacre them. This matches the Pilate of the Gospels: willing to shed innocent blood if he feared disorder.

The Samaritan Slaughter and Recall (Josephus, AD 36)

“But the Samaritan multitude, being hindered from going up by Pilate and having many of them slain, … Vitellius… ordered Pilate to go to Rome, to answer before the emperor to the accusations of the Samaritans. So Pilate, when he had tarried ten years in Judea, made haste to Rome… but before he could get to Rome, Tiberius was dead.**”
—Josephus, Antiquities 18.4.1 §85–89 (c. AD 93, Loeb)

Key Insight: This slaughter ended Pilate’s career. He massacred Samaritans on Mount Gerizim, and the governor of Syria intervened. Pilate was recalled to Rome in disgrace, but Tiberius died before his trial. His decade of rule left a legacy of provocation, violence, and weakness.

Key Insights Summarized:

Philo (c. AD 41–42), writing almost immediately after Pilate’s rule, confirms his reputation for brutality and corruption.
Josephus (c. AD 75–93) gives multiple episodes that illustrate Pilate’s pattern: provoke → resistance → back down or slaughter.
The Gospels’ account of Pilate condemning Jesus out of weakness and expedience fits perfectly with this record.
By AD 30, when Jesus was crucified, Pilate was already known for religiously offensive acts and brutal crackdowns.

This is the prefect who presided over the trial of Jesus.

4. Jesus Crucified Under Tiberius

Even non-Christian sources confirm the crucifixion of Jesus. One of the most important comes from the Roman historian Tacitus, writing in the early 2nd century.

“Christus, the founder of the name, had undergone the death penalty in the reign of Tiberius, by sentence of the procurator Pontius Pilatus, and the pernicious superstition was checked for a moment, only to break out once more, not merely in Judea, the home of the disease, but in the capital itself, where all things horrible or shameful in the world collect and find a vogue.”
—Tacitus, Annals 15.44 (c. AD 115, Loeb)

Key Insights:

Tacitus confirms that Jesus was executed in the reign of Tiberius, by the governor Pontius Pilate.
Tacitus calls Christianity a “pernicious superstition,” showing his hostility, yet he still records the fact of Jesus’ death.
He says the movement was “checked for a moment” — Rome thought crucifixion had ended it. Instead, it “broke out once more” and even reached Rome itself.
For Romans, crucifixion was supposed to erase a man’s memory forever. But in the case of Jesus, it became the foundation of a worldwide movement.

5. Mass Revolts vs. Jesus’ Isolation

In the decades before and after Jesus’ crucifixion, Rome responded to uprisings in Judea with mass crucifixions and bloodshed.

4 BC: After the Death of Herod the Great

“Varus sent part of his army into the country, to seek out the authors of the revolt; and when they were discovered, he punished some of them that were most guilty, and some he dismissed. Now the number who were crucified on this account were two thousand.”
—Josephus, War 2.5.2 §75 (c. AD 75, Loeb)

Key Insight: Rome crucified 2,000 Jews at once after Herod’s death, using mass execution to terrify the nation.

AD 6: The Revolt of Judas the Galilean

“Yet was there one Judas, a Gaulonite, of a city whose name was Gamala, who, taking with him Saddok, a Pharisee, became zealous to draw them to a revolt, who both said that this taxation was no better than an introduction to slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty. … This bold attempt at innovation brought the nation to ruin.”
—Josephus, Antiquities 18.1.1 §4–6 (c. AD 93, Loeb)

Key Insight: Judas called taxation slavery and stirred revolt. Josephus says this “brought the nation to ruin.” Later, his sons were crucified by Rome, showing the empire’s relentless vengeance against such movements.

AD 30–31: Pilate’s Aqueduct Massacre

“…many ten thousands of the people got together, and made a clamour against him… he gave the soldiers that signal which had been beforehand agreed on… Nor did they spare them in the least… there were a great number of them slain by this means, and others of them ran away wounded.”
—Josephus, Antiquities 18.3.2 §60–62 (c. AD 93, Loeb)

Key Insight: Pilate slaughtered crowds of unarmed Jews when they protested his misuse of Temple funds.

AD 36: Pilate’s Samaritan Slaughter

“But the Samaritan multitude, being hindered from going up by Pilate and having many of them slain, … Vitellius… ordered Pilate to go to Rome, to answer before the emperor to the accusations of the Samaritans. So Pilate, when he had tarried ten years in Judea, made haste to Rome… but before he could get to Rome, Tiberius was dead.**”
—Josephus, Antiquities 18.4.1 §85–89 (c. AD 93, Loeb)

Key Insight: Pilate massacred Samaritans on Mount Gerizim in AD 36. The bloodshed was so severe that the governor of Syria removed Pilate from power.

AD 44–46: The Revolt of Theudas

“…a certain magician, whose name was Theudas, persuaded a great part of the people to take their effects with them, and follow him to the river Jordan… However, Fadus… sent a troop of horsemen out against them; who, falling upon them unexpectedly, slew many of them, and took many of them alive. They also took Theudas alive, and cut off his head, and carried it to Jerusalem.”
—Josephus, Antiquities 20.5.1 §97–99 (c. AD 93, Loeb)

Key Insight: Theudas and his followers were destroyed. He was beheaded, and many were killed or captured.

AD 66–70: The Jewish War

“So the soldiers… nailed those they caught, one after one way, and another after another, to the crosses, by way of jest; when their multitude was so great, that room was wanting for the crosses, and crosses wanting for the bodies.”
—Josephus, War 5.11.1 §446 (c. AD 75, Loeb)

Key Insight: During the siege of Jerusalem, crucifixion became a grotesque spectacle. So many were executed that they ran out of wood for crosses.

Jesus’ Crucifixion in Contrast

Against this backdrop, the crucifixion of Jesus in AD 30 stands out as unique.

In times of revolt, Rome crucified thousands at once.
Yet in Jesus’ case, only he was crucified.
His followers were not executed; they were scattered and spared.

The Gospels emphasize how alone he was at the end:

“And they all left him and fled.” (Mark 14:50, c. AD 70)
“Then all the disciples left him and fled.” (Matthew 26:56, c. AD 80s)
“The Lord turned and looked at Peter… And he went out and wept bitterly.” (Luke 22:61–62, c. AD 70–90)
“My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?” (Mark 15:34, c. AD 70)

How many were there?

At minimum: 3–4 named women (Mary Magdalene, Mary the mother of James/Joses, Salome or the mother of Zebedee’s sons), plus the beloved disciple.
Likely range: 4–5 people for sure, possibly up to a dozen if Luke’s “all his acquaintances” implies more.

Key Insight: Unlike Judas the Galilean, Theudas, or the rebels in the Jewish War, Jesus died alone, abandoned by nearly everyone. Rome crucified thousands, but on that Friday Pilate crucified one man, and in that one death the movement lived on.

Reflection Questions

Why crucify only Jesus?
- Rome’s normal practice was to crush movements with mass executions. Why do you think Pilate singled out Jesus but let his followers go free?
What if all the disciples had died with him?
- How might the early Christian movement have been different if Jesus’ closest followers had been rounded up and killed as well? Would the message have spread? Would we even be talking about it today?

6. Roman Disgust for Crucifixion

For Romans, crucifixion was not only brutal; it was considered the most degrading, shameful punishment possible. It was designed for slaves, rebels, and the lowest criminals — never for Roman citizens.

Cicero on Crucifixion (70 BC)

“To bind a Roman citizen is a crime, to scourge him is an abomination, to slay him is almost an act of murder; to crucify him is—what? There is no fitting word that can possibly describe so horrible a deed.”
—Cicero, Against Verres 2.5.66 (c. 70 BC, Loeb)

“But the very mention of the cross should be far removed not only from a Roman citizen’s body, but from his mind, his eyes, his ears.”
—Cicero, Against Verres 2.5.168 (c. 70 BC, Loeb)

Key Insight: Cicero said crucifixion was so vile that it should not even be mentioned in polite Roman society. For a Roman citizen, the cross was unthinkable.

Seneca on Crucifixion (c. AD 65)

“Can anyone be found who would prefer wasting away in pain dying limb by limb, or letting out his life drop by drop, rather than expiring once for all? Can any man be found willing to be fastened to the accursed tree, long sickly, already deformed, swelling with ugly weals on shoulders and chest, and drawing the breath of life amid long-drawn-out agony?”
—Seneca, Epistle 101.14 (c. AD 65, Loeb)

Key Insight: Seneca captures the drawn-out torture of crucifixion — a slow, humiliating, agonizing death that deformed the body and crushed the spirit.

The Alexamenos Graffito (late 1st-3rd century AD)

Scratched into the plaster wall of a building on the Palatine Hill in Rome, directly connected with the imperial palace, is the earliest surviving caricature of Christian worship. The structure is usually called the Paedagogium because it may have housed imperial page boys — though some scholars think it functioned as barracks or service quarters. Whatever its exact purpose, it was part of daily life around the emperor’s residence.

The graffito, dated between the late first and third centuries, depicts a man with hands raised in prayer before a crucified figure with a donkey’s head. Beneath it is scrawled:

“Alexamenos worships his god.”

Key Insight: This is the earliest known depiction of the crucifixion of Jesus. It was meant as mockery: to Romans, worshipping a crucified man was ridiculous, even contemptible. The donkey’s head was a common insult — suggesting stupidity and folly. This graffito shows that Roman ridicule of the cross was alive and well by the early centuries.

Why This Matters for Christianity

Crucifixion was meant to erase memory, to obliterate a person’s honor and legacy.
Yet Christianity placed the crucifixion of Jesus at the very center of its message.
What Romans thought too shameful to speak of, Christians proclaimed as the very power of God.
The fact that Christians endured this shame and scorn only strengthens the historical case that they truly believed Jesus was risen and exalted.

7. Modern Skepticism of the Gospel Accounts

Skeptics such as Bart Ehrman argue that the Gospels are filled with contradictions and discrepancies. Ehrman often highlights 30–40 examples, while harsher critics expand the list to 70 or more. These examples are used to shake confidence in Scripture, especially among students encountering them for the first time.

Here are the 10 most significant contradictions skeptics emphasize:

Macro-Level Contradictions (Big Picture)

Birth Narratives & Genealogies (Matthew vs. Luke):
- Matthew: Jesus born under Herod the Great (d. 4 BC). Wise men visit. Family flees to Egypt. Joseph’s father is Jacob.
- Luke: Jesus born during the census under Quirinius (AD 6). Shepherds visit. Family returns to Nazareth. Joseph’s father is Heli.
- This creates both a 10-year difference in dating and a different ancestry for Joseph.
Trips to Jerusalem (Synoptics vs. John):
- Synoptics: One final climactic trip to Jerusalem → ministry about 1 year.
- John: At least three Passovers → ministry about 3 years.
Passover Meal & Crucifixion Timing:
- Synoptics: Jesus eats the Passover meal on Thursday night. Arrested that night. Crucified on Friday — the first day of Passover (15th of Nisan).
- John: Jesus is crucified on Friday — the Day of Preparation (14th of Nisan), at the hour the lambs were slaughtered. In this account he does not eat the Passover meal.
- Both agree it was Friday. The disagreement is whether that Friday was Passover itself (Synoptics) or the day before Passover (John).
Cleansing of the Temple:
- Synoptics: At the end of Jesus’ ministry, sparking his arrest.
- John: At the beginning of his ministry, right after the wedding at Cana.
Post-Resurrection Instructions:
- Matthew 28: Jesus directs disciples to Galilee.
- Luke 24 / Acts 1: Jesus tells them to stay in Jerusalem.
- John 20–21: Jesus appears in both Jerusalem and Galilee.

Micro-Level Contradictions (Narrative Details)

Jairus’ Daughter (Mark 5:22–23 vs. Matthew 9:18):
- Mark: Jairus says his daughter is “at the point of death.” She dies later.
- Matthew: Jairus says she is “already dead.”
Centurion’s Servant (Matthew 8:5–7 vs. Luke 7:1–7):
- Matthew: The centurion comes personally to Jesus.
- Luke: The centurion never comes; he sends Jewish elders.
The Call of the First Disciples (Mark 1:16–20 vs. Luke 5:1–11):
- Mark: Jesus calls fishermen while they cast nets — they follow immediately.
- Luke: Jesus first performs the miraculous catch of fish.
Blind Men near Jericho (Mark 10:46 vs. Matthew 20:29–30):
- Mark: Jesus heals one blind man (Bartimaeus).
- Matthew: Jesus heals two blind men.
The Women at the Tomb (Mark 16:5 vs. Luke 24:4 vs. John 20:12):

Mark: One young man (angel).
Luke: Two men in dazzling apparel.
John: Two angels seated where the body had been.

Key Insights

These contradictions are real — we don’t deny them.
They demonstrate that the Gospels are independent voices, not colluded copies.
They arose in different places and times (Galilee, Jerusalem, Asia Minor, Rome), sometimes decades apart.
Despite these differences, they all converge on the same core story:
- Jesus was baptized by John.
- He preached and clashed with leaders.
- He was crucified under Pilate.
- His followers proclaimed him risen.

8. The Synoptic Problem, Gospel Dating, and the Centrality of the Passion

After hearing the skeptic’s case, it’s important to understand how the Gospels actually came together and why their differences make them stronger as historical witnesses, not weaker.

The Synoptic Problem: How the Gospels Relate

Scholars call Matthew, Mark, and Luke the “Synoptic Gospels” because they share so much in common. Most agree:

Mark was written first.
Matthew and Luke used Mark plus their own unique material.
They also shared a second source (called “Q” by many scholars), a collection of Jesus’ sayings.
John is completely independent, with 90% unique content.

This means the story of Jesus rests on at least five independent streams of tradition: Mark, Q (the “double tradition” below), Matthew’s unique material, Luke’s unique material, and John.

Key Insight: The differences skeptics point to show the Gospels did not copy from one master story. They arose independently from multiple witnesses and communities — and yet they converge on the same core events.

Clear Examples of Shared Wording

Even though the Gospels are independent, sometimes the overlap is so close it proves Matthew and Luke had Mark in front of them.

Example 1: Healing of Peter’s Mother-in-Law

Mark 1:30–31 – “Simon’s mother-in-law lay ill with a fever… He came and took her by the hand and lifted her up, and the fever left her, and she began to serve them.”
Matthew 8:14–15 – “He saw Peter’s mother-in-law lying sick with a fever. He touched her hand, and the fever left her, and she rose and began to serve him.”
Luke 4:38–39 – “Simon’s mother-in-law was ill with a high fever… He stood over her and rebuked the fever, and it left her, and immediately she rose and began to serve them.”

Key Insight: Mark and Matthew are almost word-for-word; Luke is close with only slight variation. This is the kind of passage that shows literary dependence.

Example 2: Feeding of the 5,000

Mark 6:41 – kai labōn tous pente artous kai tous duo ichthuas (“and taking the five loaves and the two fish…”)
Matthew 14:19 – kai labōn tous pente artous kai tous duo ichthuas (“and taking the five loaves and the two fish…”)
Luke 9:16 – labōn de tous pente artous kai tous duo ichthuas (“and taking the five loaves and the two fish…”)

Key Insight: Even if you can’t read Greek, you can see the phrase labōn tous pente artous kai tous duo ichthuas — “taking the five loaves and the two fish” — is virtually identical in all three accounts. This shows Matthew and Luke were drawing from Mark (or a common source) directly.

Gospel Dating: Skeptical Assumptions vs. Earlier Evidence

Critical scholars usually date the Synoptics after AD 70. Why? Because Jesus predicts the destruction of Jerusalem, and they assume prophecy is impossible — so the Gospels must have been written after the fact.

But there are strong reasons to believe the Gospels were written earlier:

Paul’s Letters (c. AD 50s): Paul already quotes sayings of Jesus that appear in the Gospels, showing the traditions were circulating decades earlier.
- 1 Corinthians 7:10–11 – “To the married I give this charge (not I, but the Lord): the wife should not separate from her husband… and the husband should not divorce his wife.”
  - Echoes Mark 10:11–12 / Matthew 19:6: “Whoever divorces his wife and marries another commits adultery… What God has joined together, let not man separate.”
- 1 Corinthians 9:14 – “In the same way, the Lord commanded that those who proclaim the gospel should get their living by the gospel.”
  - Echoes Luke 10:7 / Matthew 10:10: “The laborer deserves his wages.”
- 1 Corinthians 11:23–25 – “The Lord Jesus on the night when he was betrayed took bread… ‘This is my body… This cup is the new covenant in my blood.’”
  - Echoes Luke 22:19–20 / Matthew 26:26–28 / Mark 14:22–24: “This is my body, which is given for you… This cup is the new covenant in my blood.”
Key Insight: Paul is not inventing these sayings. He introduces them as “from the Lord” and assumes his churches already know them. Paul treated these sayings as accurate, authoritative, and widely recognized decades before the written Gospels were finalized.
The 1 Corinthians 15 Creed (early 30s):
- “Christ died for our sins… he was buried… he was raised on the third day… he appeared to Cephas, then to the Twelve…”
- Bart Ehrman (agnostic NT scholar): “An early tradition, probably going back to the early 30s CE, just a few years after Jesus’ death.” (Did Jesus Exist?, 2012, p. 132).
- Gerd Lüdemann (atheist NT scholar): “The elements in the tradition are to be dated to the first two years after the crucifixion of Jesus.” (The Resurrection of Jesus, 1994, p. 38).
- Key Insight: Even skeptics admit this creed goes back to the early 30s. It confirms the Gospel core: Jesus’ death, burial, resurrection, and appearances.
The Christ Hymn (Philippians 2:6–11, early 30s):
- “He humbled himself by becoming obedient to the point of death, even death on a cross. Therefore God has highly exalted him and bestowed on him the name that is above every name.”
- James D.G. Dunn (critical scholar): “A tradition formulated and used in the worship of the earliest church, probably within a few years of the crucifixion.” (Christology in the Making, 1980, p. 114).
- Key Insight: Like the 1 Cor 15 creed, this hymn dates to the early 30s. Christians were already singing about Jesus’ crucifixion and exaltation as Lord.
The Ebionites (a heretical Christian group):
- Early church fathers reported that the Ebionites, who fled to Pella around AD 70, were already altering Matthew’s Gospel to suit their theology.
- That means Matthew had to exist before AD 70 — which also pushes Mark earlier.

Key Insight: The skeptical dating rests on rejecting prophecy, not historical evidence. When we look at Paul’s letters, the early creed in 1 Corinthians 15, the Christ Hymn in Philippians 2, and the Ebionites tampering with Matthew before AD 70 — the evidence shows that the Gospels and their message were already circulating within living memory of Jesus’ death.

Unity Despite Diversity

Later, John’s Gospel (c. AD 90s) was written from a different community and geography, with 90% unique material.
And yet John confirms the same core truths as the Synoptics: Jesus was crucified, raised, and exalted as Lord.

Key Insight: The diversity of the Gospels is striking, but their agreement on the essentials is even more powerful. Independent voices, written in different decades and places, converge on the same unshakable core.

The Passion as the Center of Every Gospel

Despite their differences, all four Gospels converge on one point: Jesus’ death and resurrection are the heart of the story.

Gospel	% of Book on Last Week	Where Passion Focus Begins	% of Book from That Point
Matthew	36% (ch. 21–28)	Ch. 16 (“Sign of Jonah,” first passion predictions)	51% (ch. 16–28)
Mark	34% (ch. 11–16)	Ch. 8 (first passion prediction)	55% (ch. 8–16)
Luke	27% (ch. 19–24)	Ch. 9 (“sets his face toward Jerusalem”)	65% (ch. 9–24)
John	39% (ch. 12–21)	From the start (“Lamb of God,” 1:29; “Destroy this temple”)	100%

Key Insight: Up to two-thirds of the Synoptics, and virtually all of John, is oriented toward Jesus’ death and resurrection. No matter their differences, the cross is central in every Gospel.

9. The Burial Question

Skeptics like Bart Ehrman argue that Jesus’ body was probably left on the cross to rot or thrown into a common grave. They emphasize that part of the shame of crucifixion was being denied burial. But when we examine both the archaeology and the Jewish context, the burial of Jesus becomes historically plausible — even likely.

Archaeological Evidence

Out of hundreds of thousands of crucifixions in the Roman world, four sets of skeletal remains confirm that some victims were buried:

Yehohanan (Jerusalem, before AD 70):
- Found in 1968 in a family tomb at Giv’at ha-Mivtar, Jerusalem.
- Heel bone pierced by an iron nail, with legs crushed (crurifragium).
- Confirms Jewish crucifixion victims could be buried quickly, as Jewish law required, with legs broken to hasten death before sundown.
- Significance: Matches exactly the Gospel detail in John 19:31–32 — Jewish law demanded burial the same day.
Skeleton 4926 (Fenstanton, England, AD 130–360):
- Discovered in 2017 in a Roman cemetery.
- Heel bone pierced by a nail.
- First confirmed crucifixion victim in Roman Britain.
- Significance: Shows burial of crucifixion victims also happened outside Judea.
Gavello, Italy (1st–2nd century AD):
- Heel bone with hole, no nail preserved.
- Poorer preservation, but consistent with crucifixion.
- Significance: Suggests burial after crucifixion in northern Italy.
Mendes, Egypt (Roman era):
- Skeleton with hole in foot bone and above the knee, indicating nails and leg trauma.
- Legs were crushed.
- Significance: Confirms practices of nailing and leg-breaking extended beyond Judea.

Heel bone and nail from the ossuary of Yehohanan. Israel Museum

Skeleton 4926 with nail through heel bone. University of Cambridge

Key Insight: Though rare in the archaeological record, these four finds prove crucifixion victims were sometimes buried — including Jews in Jerusalem before AD 70.

Why the Evidence Is Rare

Romans crucified thousands across the empire — Josephus alone records mass crucifixions of 2,000 in 4 BC and so many in AD 70 that there was no room for the crosses or crosses for the bodies. Yet only four skeletons with crucifixion marks have been identified.

Why so few?

Most victims were tied with ropes rather than nailed. Rope leaves no trace on bone.
Many who were nailed were pierced through soft tissue (hands, wrists, ankles) rather than through bone, so no permanent mark was left.
Nails were valuable; Romans often pulled them out and reused them.
Bodies of the crucified were often left exposed or thrown into shallow graves where bones did not preserve.

Key Insight: The four skeletons we have are unique cases where the nail pierced bone (creating visible holes). They prove crucifixion victims could be buried — and that some were. The rarity of finds reflects the method of crucifixion, not its improbability.

Jewish Law and Tradition

Deuteronomy 21:22–23 — “His body shall not remain all night upon the tree, but you shall bury him the same day.”
Dead Sea Scrolls (11Q Temple, 4QpNahum): Apply this law directly to crucifixion.
m.Sanhedrin 6:5: “Anyone who delays burial to the next day has transgressed a commandment.”
Rabbi Moses ben Nahman (1194–1270): Even the worst criminal deserves burial: “Do not leave his body hanging… someone who is hanged is more accursed and degraded than anyone else.”
Targum Pseudo-Jonathan: “It is an affront to God to crucify a man… bury him.”

Key Insight: Burial of executed criminals was a matter of Jewish law. Roman governors in Judea often made concessions to Jewish customs, especially in Jerusalem, to avoid unrest.

Jesus’ Unique Situation

In Jewish revolts, Rome crucified thousands at once — no one could be buried properly.
In Jesus’ case, he was crucified alone.
The Gospels note his disciples had fled, and only a handful of women and “the disciple whom he loved” stood by.
With one man to bury, and with Joseph of Arimathea’s intervention (a wealthy, respected figure), a same-day burial was both possible and consistent with Jewish law.

Key Insight: The combination of archaeological finds, Jewish law, and the fact that Jesus was crucified as a lone figure — not in a mass uprising — makes his burial historically credible.

10. Conclusion: The Unshakable Core

Even the most skeptical historians agree that certain facts about Jesus can be known with near certainty. These are not matters of faith, but of historical consensus:

Jesus was a Galilean Jew who lived in the early first century.
He had siblings, and his primary language was Aramaic.
He was baptized by John the Baptist.
He became a teacher of an apocalyptic worldview, proclaiming that God’s kingdom was at hand.
He gathered disciples.
He was handed over to the Roman authorities during the governorship of Pontius Pilate.
He was crucified.
He died by crucifixion.
Afterward, his followers believed they saw him risen from the dead.

Bart Ehrman (agnostic scholar):

“One of the most certain facts of history is that Jesus was crucified on orders of the Roman governor of Judea, Pontius Pilate.” (The New Testament: A Historical Introduction, 2011, p. 163).

Gerd Lüdemann (atheist scholar):

“It may be taken as historically certain that Peter and the disciples had experiences after Jesus’ death in which he appeared to them as the risen Christ.” (The Resurrection of Jesus, 1994, p. 38).

Why This Matters

Unity across Christian traditions.
Roman Catholic, Eastern Orthodox, and Protestant Christians may differ in many areas, but all agree on these essentials. The death and resurrection of Jesus are the shared foundation of the faith. This is enough to unite Christians across traditions.
Engagement with the unaffiliated and skeptical.
Even using only atheist consensus, we have enough to demonstrate that Christianity is rooted in real history. Jesus was crucified under Pilate, and his followers truly believed they saw him alive again. This gives us a credible basis for dialogue with the unaffiliated, agnostics, and atheists.

Key Insight: The earliest Christians did not persuade the world with abstract arguments, but with the visible impact of their faith on their communities. They cared for the poor, rescued abandoned children, tended the sick, and loved one another as family. The greatest apologetic was not simply what they believed about Jesus, but how those beliefs changed their lives.

And the same is true today. The unshakable core — Jesus crucified, buried, risen, and exalted — continues to change lives and communities. It is enough for our faith, enough for Christian unity, and enough to show the world that this faith is historically reliable and still alive.

The First Critics of Christianity: From Donkeys to Satire

September 23, 2025 / Jason Conrad / 1 Comment

In the earliest centuries, Christianity was not first met with philosophical argument or careful analysis. It was mocked. Before the treatises of Celsus or Porphyry, the first criticisms were graffiti, slanders, and satire. These sneers are important because, even in ridicule, they confirm what outsiders saw in Christians — especially that Christians openly worshiped Christ as God.

Josephus and the Donkey-Head Libel (c. AD 93–95)

The Egyptian writer Apion accused the Jews of worshiping a donkey. Josephus, writing under Domitian around AD 93–95, preserved this insult in Against Apion so he could expose its absurdity.

“Apion, however, was bold enough to foist upon us a most shameless calumny about our temple, alleging that the Jews kept in it the head of an ass, an object of worship, and that the priests of the temple used to swear oaths by it. To support this, he pretended that, when Antiochus Epiphanes entered the sanctuary and carried off the treasures, he discovered the head of an ass made of gold and worth a great deal of money.” (Against Apion 2.80, Loeb)

Josephus ridicules the idea:

“This is a most ridiculous invention, for how could any man who had once entered the temple and looked at its construction and fittings have accepted such a lie, or how could any person who knew the temple rites and customs have believed it? For Apion was an Egyptian, and it is the height of impudence for a man who worships dogs and monkeys and goats to reproach us for allegedly reverencing asses.” (Against Apion 2.81, Loeb)

He then appeals to history itself, noting that when Antiochus plundered the temple he found only vessels of gold, never any idols:

“In fact, when Antiochus entered the sanctuary and found no representation of animals at all, but only bare walls, pillars, and a lampstand of gold and a table and libation vessels, and all the offerings required by the law, he carried them off.” (Against Apion 2.82–83, Loeb)

Key insights:

The donkey-head charge began as anti-Jewish propaganda, but because Romans often confused Jews and Christians, it easily transferred to Christians.
Josephus’s detailed rebuttal shows this accusation was well known across the empire, serious enough to require public correction.
This slander would not disappear. In time, it resurfaced in the Alexamenos graffito and in later accusations against Christians themselves.

The Alexamenos Graffito (late 1st–3rd century AD, Palatine Hill, Rome)

The graffito, dated between the late first and third centuries, depicts a man with hands raised in prayer before a crucified figure with a donkey’s head. Beneath it is scrawled:

“Alexamenos worships his god.”

Key insights:

This combines the old donkey libel with the shame of the cross — a double insult.
But its testimony is even more valuable: it confirms that Christians were recognized not just as followers of a teacher but as people who worshiped Christ as God. The figure of Alexamenos is not admiring Jesus’ teachings — he is worshiping.
Outsiders mocked the absurdity of worshiping someone crucified, but in their laughter they preserved one of the most important truths: by the late 1st or early 2nd century, Jesus was already the object of divine worship among Christians.

Lucian of Samosata and The Passing of Peregrinus (c. AD 165–170)

By the mid-2nd century, Christianity was visible enough that it caught the attention of professional satirists. Lucian of Samosata (c. 120–after 180), a Syrian writing in polished Greek, made a career out of ridiculing philosophers, cults, and public figures.

In The Passing of Peregrinus, Lucian lampoons a Cynic philosopher who briefly associated with Christians before turning to Cynicism and later burning himself to death at the Olympic Games. In mocking Peregrinus, Lucian gives us one of the most vivid pagan portraits of Christianity in his own day.

Peregrinus Among the Christians (§11)

“It was then that he [Peregrinus] learned the wondrous lore of the Christians, by associating with their priests and scribes in Palestine. And — how else? — in short order he made them all look like children, for he was prophet, cult-leader, head of the synagogue, and everything, all by himself. They spoke of him as a god, accepted him as a lawgiver, and made him their leader, and took him for a prophet, next after that one whom they still worship, the man who was crucified in Palestine because he introduced this new cult into the world. They were all incredibly attentive to him; he interpreted and explained their books, and wrote many of his own, and they revered him as a lawgiver, a master, and a great man.” (Peregrinus 11, Loeb)

Key insights:

The story begins in Palestine. Lucian uses synagogue terms — “priests,” “scribes,” “head of the synagogue” — which Christians themselves did not use in this period. This shows either that Jewish-Christian congregations still retained synagogue-like terminology, or that Lucian, as an outsider, simply described them using Jewish categories he understood. Either way, it reflects the ongoing Jewish roots of Christianity in Palestine.
Lucian sneers that Peregrinus made Christians “look like children,” ridiculing them as gullible. But notice the force of his complaint: Christians were a people who listened to teachers, honored leaders, and gave them space to explain the Scriptures.
The heart of the satire comes in the line: “They spoke of him as a god, accepted him as a lawgiver, and made him their leader, and took him for a prophet.” Lucian laughs at their naïve devotion, but the passage shows how seriously Christians took spiritual leadership.
Yet he adds the crucial qualification: Peregrinus was only “next after that one whom they still worship.” This is powerful. Even in ridicule, Lucian confirms that Jesus was worshiped as God — not simply admired as a wise teacher.
Lucian says Peregrinus “interpreted and explained their books.” This is an outsider’s confirmation that Christians had authoritative Scriptures by AD 165, which were read aloud and taught in their assemblies.

Christian Support from Asia Minor (§12)

“Indeed, people came even from the cities of Asia, sent by the Christians at their common expense, to help and defend and encourage the hero. They show incredible speed whenever anything of this sort is undertaken publicly; for in no time they lavish their all. So it was then too: the venerable Peregrinus was in want of nothing, all these things being provided in abundance. Certain of their officials, called presbyters and readers, came from the province, bringing him letters and presenting him with gifts and money. And much was said then also of his dignity and of his extraordinary influence among the Christians.” (Peregrinus 12, Loeb)

Key insights:

The geography now shifts to Asia Minor (modern Turkey), the powerhouse of Gentile Christianity. Here the terminology changes: Lucian refers not to “priests and scribes” but to presbyters (elders) and readers (lectors) — technical titles that match what we find in Christian sources. This shows the diversity of Christian leadership structures across regions.
Christians supported Peregrinus “at their common expense.” This reveals communal, organized giving: congregations across cities pooled resources as one body.
The striking phrase, “for in no time they lavish their all,” is one of the clearest pagan testimonies to Christian generosity. Lucian is mocking, but his words confirm that Christians were known for urgency and sacrificial giving. They did not hesitate; they poured out resources quickly, as though generosity was their reflex.
Peregrinus “was in want of nothing.” This confirms the effectiveness of Christian charity. Outsiders may have laughed at their eagerness, but they could not deny that Christians took care of their own.
By mentioning presbyters and readers, Lucian accidentally shows us that by the mid-2nd century, Christian churches already had structured leadership and liturgical offices.
He notes Peregrinus’s “extraordinary influence.” To Lucian, this made Christians gullible; to us, it shows their deep loyalty and respect for leaders who taught the Scriptures faithfully.

Lucian’s General Description of Christians (§13)

“The poor wretches have convinced themselves, first and foremost, that they are immortal and will live forever. Therefore they despise death, and many of them willingly give themselves up. And then their first lawgiver persuaded them that they are all brothers, the moment that they transgress and deny the Greek gods and begin worshiping that crucified sophist and living by his laws. So they despise all things equally and regard them as common property. And without any clear evidence they receive such doctrines on faith alone. And when once this has been done, they think themselves secure for all eternity. Accordingly, if any charlatan and trickster, able to profit by occasions, comes among them, he soon acquires sudden wealth by imposing upon simple folk.” (Peregrinus 13, Loeb)

Key insights:

Lucian now speaks not about Peregrinus but about Christians as a whole. This is his general description of the movement.
He says they “despise death, and many of them willingly give themselves up.” This is crucial evidence. It shows that by AD 165 Christians across the empire were famous for their courage in persecution and their willingness to face execution rather than renounce their Lord. It confirms the ongoing empire-wide legal standard: since Trajan’s policy (AD 112), Christians could be executed anywhere if accused and refusing to sacrifice. Lucian’s words confirm both the policy and the Christians’ reputation for meeting it with fearless resolve.
He mocks their brotherhood: “they are all brothers.” Yet this testifies to their radical equality, where social divisions of class, ethnicity, and gender were dissolved in Christ.
He sneers, “they regard all things as common property.” To him, it was foolishness. But this is one of the most important pagan confirmations that the communal life of Acts 2–4 — “they had all things in common” — was still being practiced more than a century later. Outsiders still saw Christians as people who shared freely with one another.
The sharpest ridicule comes when he says, “without any clear evidence they receive such doctrines on faith alone.” This points directly at the heart of Christianity: belief in realities that could not be demonstrated by philosophy — the resurrection of Christ, his divinity, and heaven itself. To Lucian, this was gullibility; to Christians, this was faith.
He continues, “they think themselves secure for all eternity.” What he mocks as arrogance is one of the most precious features of early Christianity: the assurance of salvation. Christians lived with confidence that eternal life was guaranteed through Christ.
Finally, he says tricksters could profit among them. This confirms their openness and inclusivity. They welcomed outsiders generously, sometimes at the risk of being deceived.

The Prison Scene (§§16–17)

“For after he [Peregrinus] had been apprehended on a charge, which I need not dwell on, he was put in prison. Then it was that he was much in the public eye; and then it was that the Christians, regarding the incident as a disaster for themselves, left nothing undone to rescue him. Then was seen the extraordinary zeal of these people in all that concerns their community; and they showed incredible speed whenever anything of the kind occurred. From the very break of day aged widows and orphan children might be seen waiting about the prison; and their leading men even bribed the guards, and slept inside with him. Then elaborate meals were brought in; and their sacred writings were read aloud; and Peregrinus was called a new Socrates by them. Then there was actually talk of trying to procure his release from the authorities, though this did not succeed. After this, when he had been freed, he again transgressed and was excommunicated from their community.” (Peregrinus 16–17, Loeb)

Key insights:

Christians regarded Peregrinus’s imprisonment as “a disaster for themselves.” This shows their communal identity: when one member suffered, the whole body felt the pain.
Lucian notes their “extraordinary zeal” and “incredible speed.” Again, Christians are portrayed as people who acted immediately and sacrificially in response to persecution.
From dawn, widows and orphans gathered outside the prison. The most vulnerable members were visibly part of the Christian movement, and they joined the community in solidarity with the suffering.
“Leading men” bribed guards and even slept inside with Peregrinus. Outsiders laughed at this as naïve, but it reveals Christians’ willingness to risk money, safety, and exposure to protect one another under the empire’s hostile laws.
They brought elaborate meals and read aloud from their Scriptures. This detail is striking: even in prison, Christian life revolved around fellowship and the Word. This matches what we see in the New Testament (1 Tim. 4:13) and in Justin Martyr’s description of worship (c. 155), where the Scriptures were always read aloud. Lucian’s sneer confirms this practice was well known.
He says they called Peregrinus a “new Socrates.” He exaggerates, but the comparison shows how Christian martyrdom was framed — even by outsiders — as akin to the noble deaths of philosophers who died for truth.
Finally, Lucian says Peregrinus was later excommunicated. This confirms that Christians were not endlessly gullible; they had boundaries and mechanisms of discipline to protect their unity.

Conclusion: Mockery that Confirms

From Josephus’s donkey libel (AD 93–95), to the Alexamenos graffito in Rome (late 1st–3rd century), to Lucian’s satire (AD 165–170), we see how Christianity appeared to its earliest critics.

They mocked Christians for worshiping Christ as God — especially a crucified man.
They sneered at their brotherhood and radical sharing of goods.
They ridiculed their faith without proof and their assurance of salvation.
They derided their generosity and openness as gullibility.
And above all, they laughed at their willingness to face death.

Yet in trying to humiliate them, these critics have given us one of the clearest portraits of the early church: a people marked by Scripture, brotherhood, generosity, courage, and worship of Christ. The very things their enemies thought laughable were the very things that gave the church its strength.

Conversion Forbidden, Courage Unstoppable: Severus and the Early Church

September 19, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

The assassination of Commodus on December 31, AD 192 plunged Rome into civil war. In what became known as the Year of the Five Emperors (AD 193), power passed rapidly between Pertinax, Didius Julianus, Pescennius Niger, and Clodius Albinus. Finally, Septimius Severus—an African-born general from Leptis Magna—emerged victorious. He would rule for nearly two decades (193–211).

For Christians, nothing new is recorded under these brief emperors—only the continued, by now ancient, tradition that those accused of the name and refusing to deny it could be put to death. This tradition reached back to Nero’s precedent, when Christians were first condemned in Rome.

Once Severus consolidated power, however, a new wave of persecution broke out. By his tenth year (AD 202/203), we find evidence across Africa and Egypt of Christians martyred, catechumens executed, and great teachers forced to reckon with Rome’s hostility. And although only one late source names it directly, the tradition survives that Severus had issued a law forbidding conversions to Judaism and Christianity.

The Edict, Plainly Stated

Historia Augusta, Life of Severus 17.1 (Loeb):

“He forbade anyone to become a Jew, and he enacted severe penalties against those who attempted to convert to Judaism and Christianity.”

This is our sole explicit witness to the edict. The Historia Augusta was written in the 4th century and is often unreliable. But the law it describes explains why, at precisely this time, catechumens and teachers were executed from Carthage to Alexandria.

Eusebius: A Wave of Persecution

Eusebius, Church History 6.1.1–2 (Loeb):

“When Severus had been emperor for ten years, he stirred up persecution against the churches, and illustrious testimonies of martyrdom were given at that time. At Alexandria the great teachers of the faith were most distinguished, and in other regions also a great many received crowns of martyrdom with all kinds of tortures and punishments. At that time Origen, a young man, devoted himself with all earnestness to the divine word, while his father Leonidas received the crown of martyrdom.”

Here Carthage and Alexandria are linked. In North Africa, women and slaves were led to the arena. In Egypt, a father was executed, leaving his son to become the greatest theologian of early Christianity.

The Martyrs of Carthage: Perpetua, Felicitas, and Saturus (North Africa, AD 203)

The most vivid testimony of Severus’ persecution comes from the Passion of Perpetua and Felicitas. Its uniqueness lies in the fact that it is partly autobiographical—the first-person diary of Perpetua herself, later woven together with Saturus’ vision and an eyewitness account of their deaths.

When her father begged her to deny Christ, Perpetua answered with a simplicity Rome could not overcome:

“Father, do you see this little pitcher? Can it be called by any other name than what it is? … So too I cannot call myself anything else than what I am, a Christian.” (Passion 3–4)

She was imprisoned with several other catechumens. Among them was Saturus, a Christian teacher who had not been arrested at first but chose to surrender himself so he could share their chains. His voluntary imprisonment made him a model of pastoral courage, and in Perpetua’s visions he appears as her guide.

At first, Perpetua struggled with the darkness and the crowding of prison, but her greatest fear was for her baby:

“I was horrified, for I had never experienced such darkness. Oh, terrible day! The crowding of the mob, the harsh treatment by the soldiers, the extortion of the jailers. Then I was distressed by anxiety for my baby.” (Passion 3–5)

Eventually she was allowed to nurse her son in prison:

“Then I was allowed to nurse him in prison, and I recovered my strength, and my prison became to me a palace, so that I would rather have been there than anywhere else.” (Passion 5)

Later the baby was given into the care of her family. Though she grieved, she found freedom to face martyrdom without distraction:

“I endured great pain because I saw my infant wasted with hunger … Then I arranged for the child to stay with my mother and brother. For a little while I took care of the child in prison, but later I gave him up. And immediately the prison became a place of refreshment to me, and my anxiety for the child no longer consumed me.” (Passion 6)

That is the last we hear of her son, who survived, raised by his grandmother. The absence of any mention of her husband is striking. Whether she was widowed or separated we do not know; the editor of the Passion was not interested in her social status, but in her confession of Christ.

Perpetua’s visions gave her courage. She saw a narrow bronze ladder stretching to heaven, lined with swords and hooks, with a dragon lurking at its base. Saturus climbed first, and she followed, treading on the dragon’s head and entering a garden where a shepherd gave her milk turned into a cake, and all around said “Amen” (Passion 4).

Her fellow prisoner Felicitas faced her own trial. She was a slave woman, eight months pregnant when arrested. Roman law forbade executing pregnant women, and she feared she might be separated from her companions. She prayed to give birth before the day of the games, and her prayers were answered. When mocked by a jailer for her cries in labor, she replied:

“Now I myself suffer what I suffer, but then another will be in me who will suffer for me, because I am to suffer for him.” (Passion 15)

At last came the day of execution:

“The day of their victory dawned, and they marched from the prison into the amphitheater, as if into heaven, with cheerful looks and graceful bearing. Perpetua followed with shining step as the true spouse of Christ. When the young gladiator trembled to strike her, she guided his hand to her throat, for it was as if such a woman could not be slain unless she herself were willing.” (Passion 18, 21)

Rome called it punishment; the Christians called it victory. The amphitheater was meant to shame them before the crowd, but Perpetua, Felicitas, and Saturus walked into it as though into heaven.

Tertullian of Carthage (North Africa, c. 197–220)

Before the main outbreak of persecution under Severus, another Carthaginian gave voice to the church in Latin: Tertullian. A lawyer by training and a fiery Christian apologist, he addressed his works to Roman officials, governors, and pagan audiences who misunderstood the church. His writings prove that Christians in Africa were already living under suspicion and facing punishment years before Severus’ edict of 202/203.

In his Apology (c. AD 197), addressed to the provincial governors and magistrates of North Africa, Tertullian insists that Christians are everywhere:

Apology 37 (Loeb):

“We are but of yesterday, and we have filled every place among you—cities, islands, fortresses, towns, marketplaces, the very camp, tribes, companies, palace, senate, forum; we have left nothing to you but the temples of your gods.”

Persecution was already a reality. Christians were blamed for every disaster:

Ad Nationes 1.7:

“If the Tiber rises as high as the city walls, if the Nile does not rise into the fields, if the heavens give no rain, if the earth quakes, if there is a famine or a plague, the cry at once is, ‘The Christians to the lion!’”

And yet, persecution only multiplied them:

Apology 50:

“We multiply whenever we are mown down by you: the blood of Christians is seed.”

Later, in To Scapula (written around AD 212 to Scapula, the proconsul of Africa), he warned Rome’s governor directly:

To Scapula 5 (Loeb):

“Kill us, torture us, condemn us, grind us to dust; your injustice is the proof that we are innocent. … The more often you mow us down, the more we grow; the blood of Christians is seed.”

Tertullian’s writings show that persecution was not sudden but constant. By the time Severus issued his edict, the soil had already been watered with blood—and, as Tertullian argued, that blood was the seed of growth.

Clement of Alexandria (Egypt, c. 190–203+)

Meanwhile in Alexandria, the church had established a tradition of Christian teaching known as the catechetical school. Its master was Clement of Alexandria, a philosopher-turned-Christian who wrote in Greek to the city’s educated elite.

Clement’s trilogy of major works shows the breadth of his teaching:

Protrepticus (Exhortation to the Greeks):

“Leave the old delusion, flee from the ancient plague; seek after the new song, the new Logos, who has appeared among us from heaven. He alone is both God and man, the source of all our good.” (Protrepticus 1.5)

Paedagogus (The Instructor):

“The Word is all things to the child: father and mother, tutor and nurse. ‘Eat my flesh,’ He says, ‘and drink my blood.’ Such is suitable food for children, the Lord Himself made nourishment, love, and instruction.” (Paedagogus 1.6)

Stromata (Miscellanies):

“The true gnostic is one who imitates God as far as possible: he rests on faith, is founded on love, is educated by hope, and is perfected by knowledge. He has already attained the likeness of God, being righteous and holy with wisdom.” (Stromata 7.10)

On martyrdom, he wrote plainly:

“Many martyrs are daily burned, confined, or beheaded before our eyes, so that not only in ancient times but also among ourselves may one see such examples, being set forth in their thousands.” (Stromata 4.4)

And on wealth and charity:

Who Is the Rich Man That Shall Be Saved? 27:

“Wealth is not to be thrown away. It is a material for virtue, if it be rightly used. Riches are called good if they are distributed well; for they can become instruments of righteousness. Let the rich man do good, let him give liberally, let him share willingly, and he will be perfect.”

For Clement, charity was not about ascetic rejection but about transformed stewardship. Wealth was a tool, not a curse—its danger was in clinging to it selfishly, its virtue in giving it freely. He presented charity as a spiritual discipline: rational, cheerful, and loving generosity for the good of others.

When Severus’ persecution reached Alexandria around AD 202, Clement fled the city and took refuge in Cappadocia, never to return. Leadership of the Alexandrian school passed to the teenage Origen. But Clement’s writings remained a legacy: in the empire’s intellectual capital, he had given Christianity an intellectual defense, a moral handbook, and a vision of charity rooted not in fear but in love.

Origen and Leonidas (Alexandria, Egypt, AD 202/203)

When Leonidas, Origen’s father, was executed, Origen was only about seventeen years old. He was the eldest of seven children, and his family’s property was confiscated. He suddenly found himself destitute, responsible for his widowed mother and six younger siblings.

Eusebius, Church History 6.2.2–3 (Loeb):

“Leonidas, the father of Origen, was beheaded. Origen was eager to accompany him and to die as a martyr, but his mother prevented him by hiding all his clothes and thus compelled him to remain in the house. And he wrote to his father in prison, saying: ‘Take heed not to change your mind on our account.’”

Eusebius, Church History 6.3.9–11 (Loeb):

“Leonidas would often, when Origen was sleeping, uncover his breast and reverently kiss it, as though it were already sanctified by the divine Spirit within him. He educated his boy not only in general studies but above all in the Holy Scriptures.”

To support his family, Origen opened a school of grammar and literature, teaching pagans by day and catechumens by night. He lived with radical austerity, sleeping on the ground and fasting, so he could provide for his mother and siblings. In time, wealthy patrons like Ambrose of Alexandria also supported him, funding secretaries to copy his works.

When Clement fled, Origen inherited the catechetical school. This “school” (didaskaleion) was not simply a building but a tradition of Christian teaching in Alexandria, begun by Pantaenus, a Stoic philosopher turned Christian. Now, still in his teens, Origen became its master. From there he wrote commentaries on nearly every book of the Bible, debated pagan philosophers, and composed On First Principles, the first systematic theology in Christian history.

The persecution that took his father’s life launched his own.

Hippolytus of Rome (Italy, c. 200–215)

In Rome, the church was codifying its order even under threat. Hippolytus, writing in Greek, preserved the earliest liturgy and church order that has survived.

Apostolic Tradition (On Ordination, ch. 3):

“Let the bishop be ordained after he has been chosen by all the people. … Let all lay hands on him and pray, saying: ‘O God, pour forth the power of your Spirit upon this your servant, whom you have chosen to be shepherd of your people.’”

Apostolic Tradition (On Baptism, ch. 21):

“Do you believe in God the Father Almighty? … Do you believe in Christ Jesus, the Son of God, who was born … crucified … and rose again … and will come to judge the living and the dead? … Do you believe in the Holy Spirit, and the holy Church, and the resurrection of the flesh? … And so he is baptized a third time.”

Apostolic Tradition (On the Eucharist, ch. 4):

“We give you thanks, O God, through your beloved Son Jesus Christ, whom you sent to us as Savior and Redeemer … and when he had given thanks, he said: ‘This is my body, which is for you.’ … Remembering therefore his death and resurrection, we offer to you this bread and this cup, giving thanks to you.”

From the same hand we also have the Refutation of All Heresies, in which he exposed pagan astrology and Gnostic sects:

Refutation 4.37:

“If everything is under the control of fate, then let no one be blamed for sins, nor praised for virtues. But if this is absurd, then their teaching is false. For man has been made free by God.”

Refutation 9.7:

“There are those who, under the name of Christ, corrupt the truth by their deceit. But we have the tradition from the apostles, delivered through the succession of bishops, and we guard it in the Church by the Holy Spirit.”

Hippolytus shows us that in Rome itself—at the empire’s heart—Christians were not retreating underground but continuing to baptize, ordain, and celebrate the Eucharist. At the very time Severus forbade conversions, Rome’s church was still welcoming new converts and defending its doctrine.

Minucius Felix (Rome or North Africa, c. 197–210)

Octavius is the earliest surviving Christian apology written in elegant Latin. It is framed as a dialogue between Caecilius, a pagan, and Octavius, a Christian, with Minucius himself as arbiter.

On slanders against Christians, Caecilius charges:

Octavius 9:

“It is said that in your sacred rites you slay an infant and drink its blood, and that after the banquet you join in incestuous unions in shameless darkness. These are the fables you believe of us—things which you would not even believe of your own enemies.”

Octavius replies with a portrait of Christian life:

Octavius 31–32:

“They love one another before they know one another; they call one another brother and sister, and with reason. They are ready even to die for one another. … We neither keep our religion hidden, for our life is made known by its teachings, nor are we silent, since we are always being accused.”

On worship:

Octavius 33:

“We do not worship the images you make, for we know they are made of stone and wood. … Our sacrifice is a pure prayer proceeding from a pure heart.”

On persecution:

Octavius 35:

“Do you think that we are to be pitied, who are counted as your enemies? When we are slain, we conquer; when we are struck down, we are crowned; when we are condemned, we are acquitted.”

Minucius shows us Christianity in Rome’s own idiom: clear, concise, legal Latin rhetoric. He captures both the accusations Christians faced in Severus’ time and the moral beauty of their reply—love, openness, prayer, courage.

Bardaisan of Edessa (Syria/Mesopotamia, c. 200–222)

Far from Rome and Carthage, in the eastern frontier city of Edessa, the philosopher Bardaisan defended Christianity in Syriac against astrology and fatalism. His Book of the Laws of Countries, preserved by his disciples, is a dialogue on fate, free will, and culture.

On free will:

Laws of Countries 617 (Wright trans.):

“The constellations do not compel a man either to be righteous or to be a sinner, nor does fate constrain him to be rich or poor. But every man, according to his own will, approaches what is right, and departs from what is evil.”

On cultural diversity:

Laws of Countries 619:

“The same stars shine everywhere, yet laws differ among the Parthians, the Romans, and the Syrians. If fate compelled, all would live the same way. But men live according to their laws, and these laws are the fruit of free will.”

On the universality of Christianity:

Laws of Countries 622:

“The new law of our Lord is not written on stone but on the heart. Because of it, men from every nation have renounced their former customs and are ready to suffer and even to die rather than transgress it.”

On martyrdom:

Laws of Countries 623:

“This law has not only been written and spoken, but it is practiced. For in all places and in every land, men and women, young and old, endure persecution for the sake of this law, and they do not deny it.”

Bardaisan’s “law” is not Roman statute or Jewish Torah, but the gospel of Christ written on the heart. He stresses that this law is already global: Romans, Syrians, Parthians alike live by it, and all are ready to suffer for it. From the eastern frontier of the empire, Bardaisan shows us Christianity as a universal faith that conquers fatalism with freedom, and unites nations in one confession.

Conclusion

The reign of Septimius Severus (AD 193–211) was decisive for Christianity.

The edict: remembered in the Historia Augusta, forbidding conversion.
The martyrs: Perpetua, Felicitas, and Saturus in Carthage; Leonidas in Alexandria.
The writers:
- Tertullian (Carthage) — lawyer turned apologist, addressing governors and magistrates, insisting that persecution was constant and blood was seed.
- Clement (Alexandria) — philosopher turned teacher, whose writings shaped Christian virtue, charity, and knowledge before he fled persecution.
- Origen (Alexandria) — teenage prodigy, shaped by his father’s death, who built the greatest Christian school of the ancient world.
- Hippolytus (Rome) — presbyter preserving baptismal, eucharistic, and ordination rites, proving the church’s order survived in the capital.
- Minucius Felix (Rome/Africa) — polished Latin lawyer refuting slander and showing Christian innocence and love.
- Bardaisan (Edessa) — philosopher on the frontier, proclaiming the gospel as the new law written on the heart, freely obeyed in every nation.

By Severus’ reign, Christian voices were speaking from every corner of the empire. Rome tried to choke Christianity at its source—conversion—but instead gave the church martyrs, apologists, and theologians whose words and courage still inspire today.

Multiplying by Mission: Session 2 at Mission Lake

September 14, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

40% Growth Then, 5% Growth Now — What We Must Learn Anew

1. Review from Session 1

Last week we saw that even atheist and skeptical scholars agree on seven undisputed letters of Paul. These are the earliest Christian writings we possess, and they form the backbone of our historical knowledge of the first generation of the church. But that raises a crucial question: Can we be confident that the words we read in these letters today are the same words Paul actually wrote? Before we move forward in the Roman timeline, we need to look closely at how these letters were preserved.

2. Comparing Paul to Other Ancient Authors

When we compare the manuscript tradition of Paul’s letters with other works from antiquity, the results are striking:

Author	Work	Date Written	Earliest Copy	Time Gap
Josephus	Jewish War	75–79 AD	9th century	~800 years
Tacitus	Annals	~100 AD	~850 AD	~750 years
Pliny the Younger	Letters	~100–112 AD	~850 AD	~750 years
Suetonius	Lives of the Caesars	~121 AD	9th century	~700–800 yrs
Paul the Apostle	7 Undisputed Letters	48–64 AD	~175–200 AD (P46)	~125–150 yrs

Historians accept Josephus, Tacitus, Pliny, and Suetonius without hesitation, despite enormous gaps between the originals and our earliest copies. Yet Paul’s letters — with the shortest gap of all — are often treated with suspicion. That double standard says more about modern skepticism than it does about the evidence.

3. What Manuscripts Do We Actually Have?

When we talk about manuscripts here, remember: we are focusing only on the seven undisputed letters of Paul (Romans, 1–2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians, Philemon). If we were counting the entire New Testament, the totals would be much larger.

Approximate counts by language for these seven letters:

Greek: ~900 manuscripts.
Latin: 3,000–4,000+ manuscripts.
Coptic: 200–300 manuscripts.
Syriac: 200–300 manuscripts.
Other languages (Armenian, Gothic, Ethiopic, etc.): ~500 combined.
(By comparison, the entire New Testament is supported by over 5,800 Greek manuscripts, 10,000+ Latin, and another 10,000+ in other languages. But here our lens stays on the seven letters.)

Bart Ehrman, an agnostic scholar, concedes:

“We have more manuscripts of the New Testament than any other book from antiquity—many thousands. And many of these manuscripts date from quite early times.” (Misquoting Jesus, 2005, p. 88)

The Earliest Manuscript: P46

Papyrus 46 (P46), dated AD 175–225, is one of the earliest and most important witnesses to the seven undisputed letters. Originally 104 leaves; 86 survive.

Contents include:

Romans 5:17–16:27 (Romans 1–5:16 missing)
1 Corinthians 1:1–15:58 (chapter 16 missing)
2 Corinthians 1:1–9:6 (chapters 9:7–13:13 missing)
Galatians: fully preserved
Philippians: fully preserved
1 Thessalonians: fully preserved
Philemon: likely in the missing final leaves
Also present: Hebrews, Ephesians, Colossians, 2 Thessalonians.

This shows that by around AD 200, less than 150 years after Paul’s death, his letters were already being circulated as a collection, copied and bound together.

Manuscripts Between 200 and 325 AD

Other papyri confirm copying before the great codices:

P30 (c. 225–250): 1 Thessalonians 4:12–5:18.
P65 (c. 200–250): 1 Thessalonians 1:3–2:13.
P87 (c. 250–300): Philemon 13–15, 24–25.

These show that Paul’s letters were copied across regions before Constantine.

The Great Codices (after 325 AD)

Codex Vaticanus (c. 325–350): Preserves nearly the whole NT. Missing are 1–2 Timothy, Titus, Philemon, part of Hebrews, Revelation. Most likely due to physical loss.
Codex Sinaiticus (c. 330–360): Contains all 7 undisputed letters.

Though copied in different regions, they strongly agree with earlier papyri like P46.

Earliest Translations

Old Latin: The Freisinger Fragment (VL 64, late 2nd or early 3rd c.) preserves Romans 15:3–13.
Coptic (Sahidic): Papyrus Bodmer XIX (early 3rd c.) preserves Romans 1:1–2:3; 3:21–4:8; 5:8–13; 6:1–19.
Syriac: By the early 4th c., Paul’s letters circulated in Syriac. Aphrahat (c. 280–345) quotes them; the Peshitta included them.

So within 200–300 years of Paul’s life, his letters were available in Greek, Latin, Coptic, and Syriac.

4. What About Textual Variants?

For the seven undisputed letters, scholars count 7,000–8,000 variants. If we included the NT as a whole, the number would be much higher.

Most are trivial.

“Most of the textual changes in our manuscripts are completely insignificant.” (Ehrman, Misquoting Jesus, 2005, p. 208)

Examples of insignificant variants:

Romans 12:11 — “Serve the Lord” vs. “Serve the Spirit.”
Galatians 1:3 — “God our Father” vs. “God the Father.”

The Five Most Significant Variants in the Undisputed Letters

1. Romans 8:1
Short: “There is therefore now no condemnation for those who are in Christ Jesus.”
Long: “… who walk not according to the flesh but according to the Spirit.”
The longer phrase is almost certainly borrowed from verse 4 — a case of scribal harmonization. Either way, the chapter teaches both truths: freedom from condemnation and Spirit-led living.

2. 1 Thessalonians 2:7
“We were gentle among you” (ēpioi).
“We were like children among you” (nēpioi).
The difference hangs on a single Greek letter (eta vs. nu). Both readings make sense in context: Paul could be stressing either his gentleness or his childlike humility toward the Thessalonians.

3. Galatians 2:12
With the phrase: “… before certain men came from James…”
Without the phrase: “… before certain men came…”
Some manuscripts omit “from James,” likely to soften the perceived conflict between Paul and the Jerusalem leadership. The confrontation with Peter remains central in either reading.

4. 1 Corinthians 14:34–35
“Women should keep silent in the churches. For they are not permitted to speak, but should be in submission, as the Law also says. If there is anything they desire to learn, let them ask their husbands at home. For it is shameful for a woman to speak in church.”

In some manuscripts, these verses appear after verse 33.
In others, they are moved after verse 40.
In several, scribes marked the passage with symbols, signaling doubt about its original location.

This passage also creates tension with 1 Corinthians 11:5, where Paul assumes women are praying and prophesying aloud. Some scholars think the verses were originally a marginal note that later entered the text. Regardless, scribes preserved them — they did not erase what they weren’t sure about.

5. Romans 5:1
“We have peace with God…” (echomen, indicative).
“Let us have peace with God…” (echōmen, subjunctive).
A single vowel changes the sense from statement to exhortation. Both are ancient readings, and both are consistent with Paul’s theology — either declaring peace as a fact or urging believers to live in that peace.

Conclusion on Variants: Variants are real, but they are not a threat. None overturn Paul’s teaching. Our faith does not rest on the exact form of a single word — it rests on the total message Paul delivered about Christ. And that message comes through with clarity across the manuscript tradition.

5. Internal Evidence from Paul’s Own Letters

Even within the NT, Paul’s letters show awareness of being circulated and read widely:

1 Corinthians 1:2 — “…with all those who in every place call on the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, both their Lord and ours.”
2 Corinthians 1:1 — “…with all the saints who are in the whole of Achaia.”
Galatians 1:2 — “…to the churches of Galatia.”
2 Corinthians 10:10 — “‘His letters are weighty and strong, but his bodily presence is weak, and his speech of no account.’”
Even Paul’s opponents recognized his “letters” (plural) as influential.

But the most striking evidence comes from 2 Peter 3:15–16:

“And count the patience of our Lord as salvation, just as our beloved brother Paul also wrote to you according to the wisdom given him, as he does in all his letters when he speaks in them of these matters. There are some things in them that are hard to understand, which the ignorant and unstable twist to their own destruction, as they do the other Scriptures.”

This is extraordinary. The text not only names Paul directly, but refers to “all his letters” — a collection already known to the wider church — and explicitly places them alongside “the other Scriptures.”

The question then becomes: when was 2 Peter written?

If it is genuine (written by Peter before his martyrdom in AD 64), then Paul was still alive at the time, and his letters were already being gathered and treated as Scripture while he was still writing them. Notice the Greek verbs: Peter says Paul “wrote” (past tense) but also “he speaks” (present tense) in his letters, suggesting Paul was still actively writing. This would also imply that Peter himself, an Aramaic-speaking Jew, likely worked through a secretary (an amanuensis) to produce a polished Greek letter, as was common. Peter explicitly mentions Silvanus serving this role in 1 Peter 5:12. If Silvanus could serve for 1 Peter, then another amanuensis could easily explain the high-quality Greek of 2 Peter.
If it is not genuine but an early 2nd-century pseudepigraphon, it still proves that by that time Paul’s letters were being universally read and revered as Scripture. A forger could not have successfully passed off such a claim unless the churches already accepted Paul’s writings as Scripture and already knew them as a collection.

Either way, the conclusion is the same: 2 Peter 3:15–16 gives us decisive evidence that Paul’s letters were recognized as authoritative Scripture very early — whether during Paul’s own lifetime or within a generation after his death.

6. Early Christian Witness (95–180 AD)

Clement of Rome (c. 95 AD):

“Take up the epistle of the blessed Paul the Apostle. What did he write to you at the time when the Gospel first began to be preached? Truly, he wrote to you in the Spirit concerning himself, and Cephas, and Apollos, because even then you had formed parties.” (1 Clement 47)

Clement writes as if the Corinthians still physically possessed Paul’s letter — either the original or a faithful copy preserved in their church. His command to “take it up” makes no sense otherwise. Clement himself was also clearly familiar with the letter, meaning he too had access to a copy in Rome. Within one generation of Paul, his letters were present in multiple churches, available for reference and correction.

Ignatius of Antioch (c. 110 AD):

“You are associates in the mysteries with Paul, who was sanctified, who gained a good report, who is right blessed, in whose footsteps may I be found when I attain to God, who in every letter makes mention of you in Christ Jesus.” (To the Ephesians 12.2)

Ignatius assumes that the Ephesian Christians knew Paul’s letters well — they had them in their possession, whether in original form or in copies kept in the church. Ignatius himself had also read them, since he confidently appeals to “every letter” Paul wrote. This shows that by the early 2nd century Paul’s writings were already circulating widely and were accessible to multiple communities at the same time.

Polycarp of Smyrna (c. 110–140 AD):

“And when he was absent, he wrote you letters, which, if you study them, you will be able to build yourselves up in the faith that has been given you.” (To the Philippians 3.2)

Polycarp presumes that the Philippians still had Paul’s letters in their possession — originals or faithful copies carefully preserved in the church. And Polycarp himself had clearly read them too, since he urges them to “study” what he also knew. The fact that he treats these writings as ongoing sources of instruction shows they were viewed not as temporary notes but as enduring Scripture.

Theophilus of Antioch (c. 180 AD):

“And in another place, Paul says: ‘If you confess with your mouth that Jesus is Lord, and believe in your heart that God raised Him from the dead, you shall be saved.’” (To Autolycus 3.14, citing Romans 10:9)

Theophilus directly cites Paul’s words and calls them Scripture. This shows that by the late 2nd century Paul’s letters were not only preserved but already recognized as carrying the authority of the Word of God.

Irenaeus of Lyons (c. 180 AD):

“And Paul, too, says: ‘There is one God, the Father, who is above all, and through all, and in us all.’ And again, ‘There is one Lord Jesus Christ, by whom are all things, and we by Him.’” (Against Heresies 3.12.12, citing 1 Corinthians 8:6)

Across Against Heresies, Irenaeus cites all seven undisputed Pauline letters — Romans, 1–2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians, and Philemon. He names Paul explicitly, weaving his words into theological arguments, treating them as binding Scripture. Irenaeus knew them; the churches he wrote to knew them; and he expected his readers to recognize the authority of Paul’s letters immediately.

7. Reconstructing Paul’s Letters from Quotations

Between Clement of Rome (c. 95 AD) and Irenaeus of Lyons (c. 180 AD), every one of Paul’s seven undisputed letters is quoted or referenced. Even if all manuscripts had been lost, the content of Paul’s letters could still be reconstructed from these citations.

It is true that the Fathers sometimes paraphrased or quoted from memory, so not every line would be preserved word-for-word. But the essential message, theology, and teaching of Paul is fully present.

Bart Ehrman’s central challenge is this: since our earliest manuscript of Paul’s letters (P46) comes from around AD 175–225, how can we know the text was copied accurately in the first 100–150 years?

Ehrman himself concedes the point this way:

“Strictly speaking we can never know anything like this with 100% certainty. … we can’t know with absolute complete certainty what was said in each and every passage of the NT. … But that doesn’t mean that we cannot know with relative certainty what is said in most parts of the New Testament.” (The Accuracy of Paul’s Letter to the Galatians, ehrmanblog.org)

We agree: we cannot have mathematical certainty. We do not have the originals. There were surely variants in the earliest copies, maybe even more than in later ones. But the evidence we do have shows the same pattern century after century: variants exist, but they rarely affect meaning, and none change the core of Paul’s message.

And the positive case is strong:

The time gap between Paul’s writing and our earliest surviving copies is remarkably short compared to other ancient works that historians accept without hesitation.
The number of manuscripts is massive and unparalleled, giving us a wide base of comparison.
The variants that do appear rarely affect meaning, and none overturn any core doctrine of the Christian faith.
The writings of the Church Fathers confirm stability, since every one of Paul’s letters is quoted by the end of the 2nd century, providing an independent line of evidence alongside the manuscripts.
Most importantly, there is no plausible way the text could have been altered wholesale. By the end of the 2nd century, Paul’s letters had been copied and carried across the Roman world — from Rome to Corinth, from Antioch to Alexandria, from Asia Minor to North Africa. They were quoted in Greek, translated into Latin, Coptic, and Syriac, and cited by leaders as far apart as Clement in Rome, Ignatius in Syria, and Irenaeus in Gaul. To change Paul’s words in any significant way, someone would have had to gather up every copy, alter them in exactly the same fashion, and redistribute them across dozens of cities and multiple languages — without leaving any trace of disagreement. That never happened. The geographic spread of manuscripts and quotations itself is evidence of the stability of the text.

Taken together, this evidence shows that what we read in Paul’s letters today is the same message the earliest Christians received, studied, and preserved as Scripture.

8. Canon Lists and Heretical Canons

The Muratorian Fragment (c. 170–200 AD)

“As to the epistles of Paul, they themselves make clear to those desiring to understand which ones they are. First of all, he wrote to the Corinthians, addressing them in two letters. Then to the Ephesians, to the Philippians, to the Colossians, to the Galatians, to the Thessalonians — twice, and to the Romans. It is plain that he wrote these letters for the sake of instruction. There is yet another addressed to Philemon, one to Titus, and two to Timothy in affection and love. These are held sacred in the esteem of the Church and form part of the universal Church’s discipline and teaching.” (Muratorian Canon, lines 47–59)

The Muratorian list is the earliest surviving canon catalog. It carefully names nearly every Pauline letter — including all seven undisputed ones — and defends them as “sacred” and as part of the “universal Church’s discipline.” By around AD 180, Paul’s letters were not only being read but were already being formally recognized and defended as Scripture.

Marcion’s Canon (c. 140 AD)

Marcion, a heretic who rejected the Old Testament and much of Christianity, still accepted Paul as the true apostle. His canon included ten Pauline letters.

Ehrman comments:

“Marcion’s canon shows that the letters of Paul were already being collected and circulated as a group by the early second century.” (Lost Christianities, 2003, p. 104)

Even heresy confirms Paul’s letters were a recognized collection.

9. John’s Long Life

Irenaeus testifies that John lived until the reign of Trajan (Against Heresies 3.1.1). If John was a young man when he followed Jesus, he could have lived well into his 80s or 90s — stretching the apostolic witness into the closing years of the 1st century and the dawn of the 2nd.

Richard Bauckham notes:

“The Beloved Disciple… may well have been quite young during Jesus’ ministry. This possibility makes good sense of the tradition that he lived to extreme old age.” (Jesus and the Eyewitnesses, 2006, p. 390)

Even Bart Ehrman acknowledges:

“It is certainly possible—indeed plausible—that John was very young when he followed Jesus, which would help explain the later traditions about his longevity.” (How Jesus Became God, 2014, p. 124)

John’s long life bridged the gap between the first generation of apostles and the church of the 2nd century, anchoring the transmission of apostolic teaching.

10. Conclusion to Part 1

By the end of the 2nd century, Paul’s letters were:

Collected together in manuscripts like P46.
Quoted extensively by church leaders across the empire.
Preserved faithfully despite persecution.
Formally recognized in canon lists.
Respected even by heretics who tried to twist them.

The earliest Christians treated Paul’s writings not as casual correspondence but as sacred Scripture. They copied them carefully, spread them across the empire, quoted them as authoritative, and defended them in the face of challenges.

We do not have the originals. We cannot claim 100% certainty on every word. But the evidence — manuscripts, variants, patristic quotations, canon lists, and the geographic spread of witnesses — gives us extraordinary confidence that the letters we read today are the same message the earliest Christians received and preserved: the gospel of Christ through His apostle Paul.

Julius Caesar and the Jews

Now that we have seen why we can trust the preservation of Paul’s letters, we can step back into the wider Roman world where Christianity was born. To understand the setting of Jesus’ life and the early church, we begin with Julius Caesar and the unique place of the Jewish people in the empire.

1. Jewish Support for Julius Caesar (47–44 BC)

The Jews were not a marginal group in Caesar’s world — they were a significant presence across the Mediterranean, and their loyalty mattered.

During Caesar’s campaign in Egypt around 47 BC, Antipater, the father of Herod the Great, brought 3,000 Jewish troops to aid him:

“When Caesar had settled the affairs of Syria, he made his expedition against Egypt… Antipater brought three thousand armed men, partly Jews and partly foreigners. This force was very helpful to Caesar.” (Antiquities 14.8.1 §190)

Not long after, during Caesar’s campaign in Asia against Parthian-aligned forces, another 3,000 Jews under Hyrcanus II, the high priest, rallied to his side:

“The Jews in Asia also came to his assistance, being about three thousand armed men, and joined themselves to him. They did this, not only out of the goodwill they bore him, but also by the command of Hyrcanus the high priest, who at that time was in great friendship with Caesar.” (Antiquities 14.10.22 §295)

And when Caesar was assassinated in 44 BC, the Jews demonstrated their devotion in a way that astonished Roman observers:

“The Jews also mourned for him, and they even crowded about his house for many nights together bewailing their loss.” (Antiquities 14.10.1 §213)

The picture is consistent: the Jews fought for Caesar in Egypt, aided him in Asia against the Parthian threat, and grieved deeply at his assassination. Caesar, in turn, rewarded them richly and secured their privileges in the empire.

2. Size of the Jewish Population (1st century BC–1st century AD)

Why did Caesar value Jewish loyalty so highly? Quite simply, because the Jews were numerous, organized, and strategically placed across the empire.

Josephus emphasizes their strength in Rome itself:

“As for the Jews, they had already increased in numbers so greatly that it would have been hard to expel them from the city.” (Antiquities 14.7.2 §110)

Elsewhere, he insists their influence stretched across the entire Mediterranean world:

“There is not any city of the Grecians, nor any of the barbarians, nor any nation whatsoever, whither our custom of resting on the seventh day hath not come, and by which our fasts and lighting up lamps, and many of our prohibitions as to our food, are not observed.” (Against Apion 2.39 §282)

Philo of Alexandria, writing just after the time of Jesus, painted the same picture of their global dispersion:

“Countless myriads of Jews are in every region… in Asia and Europe, in the islands and mainland, in the East and the West.” (Embassy to Gaius §281, c. AD 41)

By the 1st century AD, Jews made up an estimated 7–10% of the Roman Empire — millions of people. Their largest concentrations were along the eastern frontier near Parthia, Rome’s greatest military rival. For Caesar, Jewish loyalty meant not just local support in Judea, but stability along the empire’s most contested border.

3. Caesar’s Decrees in Favor of the Jews (47–44 BC)

Julius Caesar did not merely thank the Jews with kind words; he issued a series of formal decrees guaranteeing their freedoms across the empire. Josephus preserves several of them in Antiquities 14, showing just how far Caesar was willing to go to secure Jewish loyalty.

Sabbath protection:

“It is not permitted to bring them before the tribunals on the Sabbath day, nor to require them to bear arms or to march, or to labor, on the Sabbath day.” (Antiquities 14.10.6 §213)

Right of assembly:

“They shall be permitted to assemble together according to their ancestral laws and ordinances, and to do so unhindered.” (Antiquities 14.10.8 §216)

Exemption from temple tribute taxes:

“They shall not be required to pay taxes on the sacred money which they send to Jerusalem, nor on their sacred offerings.” (Antiquities 14.10.8 §§213–216)

Provincial enforcement: Caesar repeated these protections in letters to governors in Asia Minor and Cyrene, instructing them to allow the Jews “to observe their own laws, and to enjoy the sacred money they collect for Jerusalem.” (Antiquities 14.10.8 §§223–225; 14.10.10 §235)

Taken together, these decrees amounted to a charter of Jewish privilege under Rome. Judaism was legally recognized, protected from interference, and granted rights unmatched by most other groups in the empire.

This made Judaism unique: an ancient religion formally safeguarded by Caesar’s laws. But it also created a problem for the future — because once Christianity emerged, the question would become: Does this new movement share in Jewish protections, or is it something new and therefore illegal?

4. Rome’s Respect for Ancient Religions

Why was Rome willing to tolerate the Jews? The answer lies in how Romans thought about religion. They admired what was old and distrusted what was new.

Pliny the Elder wrote in the 1st century AD:

“What is ancient is more holy; what is new is suspect.” (Natural History 28.3)

Tacitus, writing around 100 AD, echoed:

“Whatever their origin, the antiquity of their rites gives them credit.” (Histories 5.5)

Judaism, with its ancient laws and Scriptures, commanded a respect that protected it. Christianity, however, was seen as new — and therefore dangerous. Already, the seeds of conflict were planted.

5. Augustus: The Divine Son (27 BC–AD 14)

After Caesar’s assassination, his adopted son Octavian rose to power as Caesar Augustus. He carried his father’s legacy further, presenting himself as divine.

Suetonius records:

“He added the title ‘Son of a God’ to his name.” (Divus Augustus 94.1)

Augustus himself, in his Res Gestae (completed AD 14), boasts:

“After my death… the Senate decreed that my name should be included in the hymns of the Salii and be consecrated as a god.” (§35)

And the Priene Inscription (9 BC) celebrated him in language that should sound familiar to Christians:

“Since Providence… has filled [Augustus] with virtue so that he might benefit mankind… sending him as a Savior (sōtēr)… The birthday of the god Augustus was the beginning for the world of the good tidings (euangelion) that have come through him.” (OGIS 458)

Mark’s Gospel begins deliberately:

“The beginning of the gospel of Jesus Christ, the Son of God.” (Mark 1:1)

This was not just theology. It was a direct counter-claim to Rome’s imperial ideology.

6. Herod the Great and Mass Cruelties (37–4 BC)

Into this Roman world of Caesar’s decrees and Augustus’s divine claims came Herod the Great, Rome’s client king in Judea. He ruled from 37 BC until his death in 4 BC.

Josephus paints Herod as a man driven by paranoia and ruthless violence:

“His whole life was a continual scene of bloodshed; even his own sons were not spared.” (Antiquities 17.6.5 §§191–192)

“He gave orders to kill a great number of the most illustrious men of the whole Jewish nation.” (Antiquities 17.6.5 §204)

Among Herod’s victims was Hyrcanus II, the very same high priest who had once supported Julius Caesar and had brought troops to his aid. The execution of Caesar’s old ally showed that loyalty to Rome did not guarantee survival under a client king’s suspicion.

It is in this context that Matthew records Herod’s order to slaughter the infants in Bethlehem:

“Then Herod, when he saw that he had been tricked by the wise men, became furious, and he sent and killed all the male children in Bethlehem and in all that region who were two years old or under, according to the time that he had ascertained from the wise men.” (Matthew 2:16)

Some modern critics question this account because Josephus does not mention it. But considering what Josephus does report — the executions of Herod’s own sons, the planned massacre of Jerusalem’s leaders, and his general record of bloodshed — the killing of children in a small village is tragically consistent with his character. For Josephus, who focused on political and military events, such an atrocity may not have been considered significant enough to record. For Matthew, it carried theological and prophetic weight.

This also helps us with the dating of Jesus’ birth. Since Herod died in 4 BC, and Matthew describes Jesus as up to two years old at the time of the slaughter, most historians conclude that Jesus was born around 6 BC.

When Herod died, Judea erupted in revolt. The Roman governor Publius Quinctilius Varus marched swiftly from Syria to suppress it. His response was brutal:

“Varus… crucified about two thousand of those that had been the authors of the revolt.” (Jewish War 2.5.2 §75)

The roads around Jerusalem lined with crosses, the infants of Bethlehem slaughtered at a king’s command — these were the realities of the world into which Jesus was born.

7. The Census and Judas the Galilean (AD 6)

In AD 6, Rome removed Archelaus, Herod’s son, and made Judea a Roman province under direct rule. A census for taxation was ordered.

Josephus says:

“Coponius, a man of the equestrian order, was sent by Caesar to govern the Jews, and he had the power of life and death put into his hands by Caesar.” (Antiquities 18.1.1 §2)

A Galilean named Judas stirred rebellion:

“Judas of Galilee… said that this taxation was nothing less than slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty.” (Antiquities 18.1.6 §4)

Josephus describes their conviction:

“They say that God alone is their ruler and lord… and they do not value dying any more than living.” (Jewish War 2.8.1 §§117–118)

And he marks this moment as the beginning of a movement that would plague Rome for decades:

“This was the beginning of great disturbances.” (Antiquities 18.1.8 §27)

Jesus was about 12 years old at this time. He grew up in Galilee, the very region where Judas had raised his banner of revolt, and where memories of Rome’s response — arrests, crucifixions, suppression — were seared into the minds of families.

8. Rome Never Forgets (AD 46–48)

Rome did not forgive rebellion quickly. Even decades later, the family of Judas was hunted down. During the procuratorship of Tiberius Alexander (AD 46–48), two of Judas’s sons were captured:

“Two of his sons, James and Simon, were taken and crucified.” (Antiquities 20.5.2 §102)

This shows Rome’s long memory. Not only rebels, but their families were targeted. Even after Jesus’ crucifixion, Judas’s line was still being crucified.

9. Other Revolts, Other Crosses (1st century AD)

It is important to remember that Judea was not the only province to resist taxation. Tacitus records that in AD 21, the Gauls protested a census:

“The Gauls… declared they were being reduced to slavery under the guise of a census and taxation.” (Annals 3.40)

And in AD 60–61, the Britons under Boudica rose up violently against Rome’s abuses and tribute demands:

“The Britons… outraged by abuses and tribute, rose in fury to throw off the Roman yoke.” (Annals 14.31)

But there was a difference. For Gauls and Britons, taxation was political slavery. For Jews, taxation was also a theological affront. To pay tribute to Caesar was to confess him as lord, something only God could be. That is why resistance in Judea carried such intensity — it was not just about politics, but about worship.

10. Conclusion to Part 2

From Caesar’s decrees to Augustus’s divine titles, from Herod’s paranoia to Varus’s mass crucifixions, from Judas the Galilean’s revolt to Rome’s relentless vengeance, the Jewish world into which Jesus was born was dominated by imperial propaganda, oppressive taxation, and violent suppression.

The first Christians grew up in this environment. They knew what Rome demanded: loyalty, taxes, sacrifice, even worship. They also knew what Rome did to those who resisted: crosses by the thousands.

So when they proclaimed Jesus as Lord and Savior, they were not speaking safe religious words. They were directly challenging the claims of Caesar himself.

Faith in the Age of Commodus: From Senate Martyrs to Catacomb Worship

September 13, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

When Marcus Aurelius died in AD 180, the Roman world changed. For nearly a century the empire had been governed by what historians often call the “five good emperors”: Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius. Each was chosen by adoption, trained for years, and admired for discipline and stability. But Marcus broke the pattern. He left the empire to his son, Commodus — a move that ancient writers say marked the decline of Rome’s golden age.

Executions in the Imperial Household

At the very end of Marcus’ reign, even members of the imperial household were executed. Dio Cassius records:

“Many others, however, who adopted foreign customs were persecuted, and great numbers of them perished. And, in particular, those who were accused of atheism were executed. Among these were several of those who belonged to the imperial household.” (Roman History 72.4, Loeb)

The Romans used the charge of atheism not in our modern sense of denying all gods, but of rejecting the gods of Rome. Jews and Christians were the ones most often branded as atheists, because they refused to sacrifice to the gods and the emperor. The fact that Dio says members of the imperial household were executed strongly suggests that Christianity had already reached into Caesar’s own palace — and that believers there paid with their lives.

This makes what followed under Commodus all the more striking.

The Character of Commodus

Dio Cassius, who lived through Commodus’ reign, offers us a vivid portrait:

“Commodus was not naturally wicked, but, on the contrary, as guileless as any man that ever lived. His great simplicity, however, together with his cowardice, made him the slave of his companions, and it was through them that he at first, out of ignorance, missed the better life and then was led on into lustful and cruel habits, which soon became second nature.” (Roman History 72.1, Loeb)

Herodian likewise describes Commodus as a man given over to entertainment and self-indulgence:

“He showed no interest in military campaigns nor in the hardships of war; he devoted his entire attention to the amusements of the circus and the theater, delighting in gladiatorial spectacles and contests with wild beasts.” (Roman History 1.15.9, Loeb)

This is the emperor who styled himself Hercules, fought in the arena, and renamed Rome after himself. Ancient authors despised him as cruel and debased.

And yet — Christians found unexpected favor in his reign.

A Turning Point for Christians

Eusebius tells us:

“In the time of Commodus, our affairs took an easier turn. By the grace of God the emperor’s concubine, Marcia by name, who was highly honored by him, was friendly to the Christians. She rendered many favors to our brethren, for she requested the emperor to grant the release of those who had been condemned to labor in the mines of Sardinia. And he readily granted her request.” (Church History 5.21, Loeb)

Think of the contrast: under Marcus, Christians in the imperial household were executed; under Commodus, a member of the imperial household — his concubine Marcia — became the protector of Christians, winning freedom for many. The palace went from being a place of death to a place of refuge.

Eusebius’ Perspective

Eusebius interprets Marcia’s intervention as proof that the whole situation of Christians “took an easier turn” under Commodus. But this is the same mistake he had made when describing Hadrian. In Church History 4.9, he claimed that Hadrian’s rescript lessened persecution, when in fact it only required Christians to be executed after formal accusation and trial. The legal status of Christianity never changed.

So too under Commodus: while individual figures like Marcia could grant relief, the “ancient law” still condemned Christians once accused. As the case of Apollonius shows, the empire’s hostility remained intact.

The Case of Apollonius

Eusebius also preserves the case of Apollonius, a Christian senator:

“At this time Apollonius, a senator who was well learned and of great distinction, came forward as a champion of the faith. Accused by one of his servants, he gave an eloquent and philosophical defense of Christianity before the Senate. Yet he was not permitted to go free, but in accordance with an ancient law that no Christian who had once been brought before the tribunal should be dismissed unpunished, he was condemned and executed.” (Church History 5.21, Loeb)

Apollonius was not a slave or artisan, but a senator — a member of Rome’s ruling elite. This alone shows how far Christianity had spread in just 150 years. Yet even his status could not shield him from the law.

What Did “Ancient Law” Mean?

Eusebius says Apollonius died under an “ancient law.” For Romans, a law could be called ancient (vetus or antiqua) if it had been established by earlier emperors or the Senate and had been observed continuously. It did not require centuries of distance. Cicero used vetus in the 1st century BC to describe laws less than a hundred years old. By Apollonius’ time, Nero’s precedent (AD 64) was already more than a century old — plenty of time for it to be viewed as antiqua lex.

This fits perfectly with Trajan’s rescript to Pliny (c. 112). When Pliny asked how to handle Christians, Trajan didn’t invent a new rule; he assumed the principle was already established. His ruling — “They are not to be sought out, but if accused and proven guilty, they must be punished” — shows that the criminality of Christianity itself was a recognized policy across the empire. By Commodus’ day, the Senate could legitimately call this an “ancient law.”

So the martyrdom of Apollonius was not local prejudice. It was the outworking of a Roman legal culture that had, since Nero, considered Christians criminal by definition.

Christianity in High Places — and Under Empire-Wide Law

By Commodus’ reign, Christianity had a paradoxical position. On the one hand, it had entered the palace: Marcia secured the release of prisoners. It had entered the Senate: Apollonius confessed Christ before Rome’s rulers. On the other hand, the very same Senate invoked the ancient law that bound them to execute Christians once accused.

This shows why skeptical historians are mistaken to portray persecution as local and sporadic. The record of Apollonius proves otherwise: Christianity had been treated as a crime throughout the empire since Nero’s precedent. Trajan’s rescript only confirmed what was already assumed to be Roman policy. By calling it an “ancient law,” the Senate in Commodus’ day acknowledged that Christians had been subject to execution for generations.

The stories we possess come from certain places — Lyons, Smyrna, Rome, Bithynia — but the law itself was empire-wide. Every Christian in every province lived under its shadow.

And yet, Christians did not retreat into silence. Even while the empire branded them criminals, they carved out spaces where their hope was made visible. Nowhere is this clearer than in the catacombs of Rome, which became both burial grounds and gathering places for a people who lived under constant threat.

What Are Catacombs?

Catacombs are underground burial galleries dug out of the soft volcanic stone (tufa) beneath Rome and other cities. They began as family tomb networks, but by the late 2nd century Christians began using them extensively. Unlike pagan necropoleis, which were mostly above ground, catacombs gave Christians a way to bury their dead together and to mark their faith with symbols of hope — the fish, the anchor, the Good Shepherd.

They were not secret hideouts (as legend sometimes imagines) but cemeteries that doubled as gathering spaces. Christians would hold memorial meals (refrigeria) on the anniversaries of a martyr’s death, or gather to pray and read Scripture. These underground spaces gave Christianity a physical presence in Rome that was both practical and symbolic.

Who Was Domitilla?

The Catacomb of Domitilla takes its name from Flavia Domitilla, a noblewoman of the Flavian dynasty (the same imperial family as Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian). Ancient sources say she was exiled by Domitian, possibly for sympathy with Jews or Christians.

Her property outside Rome became the site of one of the largest Christian cemeteries. This link to the Flavian family shows that Christianity was not only present among the poor but was also connected, even from the 1st century, with Roman aristocracy.

The Unique Chamber in Domitilla

Within the Catacomb of Domitilla is a chamber unlike any other known space from this early period — the so-called hypogeum of the Flavians:

Architectural design: benches carved into the walls on three sides, allowing 30–40 people to recline for meals.
Decoration: Christian frescoes on the plastered walls — symbols like the fish, the Good Shepherd, and biblical scenes.
Function: communal banquets for the dead (refrigeria), and likely the Eucharist as well.

This is the earliest surviving space adapted for Christian assembly. Before this, house churches left no archaeological trace distinct from other homes. The Domitilla chamber is different: it was carved and decorated in ways that mark it as intentionally Christian.

Here, during the same years Apollonius stood in the Senate and Marcia interceded in the palace, Christians were gathering underground in spaces designed for their worship and remembrance.

Christian Authors and Contested Writings

The reign of Commodus also coincided with one of the richest bursts of Christian literature in the 2nd century. While some believers were dying under law and others were carving chambers in the catacombs, Christian teachers were laying down the intellectual and theological foundations of the faith.

Irenaeus of Lyons

Irenaeus had been born in Asia Minor, most likely in Smyrna, where as a youth he had listened to Polycarp, the disciple of the apostle John. Later he moved west to Gaul, where he served as a presbyter in Lyons. After the persecutions of AD 177 that left his community devastated and their bishop Pothinus martyred, Irenaeus returned from a mission in Rome and was chosen as the new bishop of Lyons.

It was from this place of pain and resilience that he composed one of the most important works in Christian history. Its title was “Detection and Overthrow of Knowledge Falsely So-Called” — what we call Against Heresies. Unlike earlier apologists (Justin Martyr, Athenagoras), who wrote defenses to pagan rulers, Irenaeus aimed his work inward: to protect Christians from the flood of Gnostic sects and rival “gospels” circulating in his day.

He begins by describing the danger:

“They set forth their own compositions, boasting that they have more gospels than there really are. But in truth they have not gospels which are not full of blasphemy. For indeed there can be no more or fewer than the number of the gospels we have declared.” (Against Heresies 3.11.9, Loeb)

On Persecution

“The suffering of the righteous… is not new, but has been foreshown by the prophets, and fulfilled in Christ, and is now being fulfilled in the Church.” (Against Heresies 5.30.1, Loeb)

Here he interprets martyrdom itself — the loss of his own flock — as fulfillment of God’s plan. Persecution was not failure, but continuity with Christ.

On the Unity of the Church

“The Church, though dispersed throughout the whole world, even to the ends of the earth, has received from the apostles and their disciples this faith… She likewise believes these things as if she had but one soul and the same heart, and she proclaims them, and teaches them, and hands them down with perfect harmony, as if she possessed but one mouth. For, although the languages of the world are dissimilar, yet the import of the tradition is one and the same.” (Against Heresies 1.10.2, Loeb)

Even after his own community was ravaged, Irenaeus could insist that the church was one body, one voice, one heart across the world.

On the Fourfold Gospel

“It is not possible that the Gospels can be either more or fewer in number than they are. For, since there are four zones of the world in which we live, and four principal winds, while the Church is scattered throughout all the world… it is fitting that she should have four pillars, breathing out immortality on every side.” (Against Heresies 3.11.8, Loeb)

Against those who produced “more gospels,” Irenaeus anchored the church to the fourfold Gospel.

On Apostolic Continuity

“For it is a matter of necessity that every Church should agree with this Church [Rome], on account of its preeminent authority… The blessed apostles, then, having founded and built up the Church, committed into the hands of Linus the office of the episcopate… and now, in the twelfth place from the apostles, Eleutherus holds the inheritance of the episcopate.” (Against Heresies 3.3.2–3, Loeb)

This list of bishops, written during Commodus’ reign, was a defiant declaration: the church had unbroken succession from the apostles, while heretical sects had none.

On Christian Generosity

“The Jews were constrained to a regular payment of tithes; but Christians, who have received liberty, assign all their possessions to the Lord, bestowing joyfully and freely not the lesser portions of their property, since they have the hope of better things; like that poor widow who cast all her living into the treasury of God.” (Against Heresies 4.18.2)

This illustrates the distinctive spirit of the early church: while Roman officials often accused Christians of atheism or secrecy, their actual way of life was one of generosity, freely giving to the Lord and to the poor.

In Irenaeus we see the Christian mind under Commodus: scarred by persecution, yet confident in Scripture, united across the world, rooted in apostolic succession, and marked by radical generosity.

The Muratorian Fragment

The Muratorian Fragment, written around AD 180 in Rome, is our earliest surviving canonical list. It is preserved in a damaged Latin manuscript, so the very beginning and end are missing, but what remains is invaluable. It shows that by Commodus’ reign, the church already recognized a core New Testament canon.

On the Gospels

The opening lines are broken, but it clearly names Luke and John as the third and fourth Gospels — which implies Matthew and Mark were already listed. It says:

“The third book of the Gospel is that according to Luke… The fourth Gospel is that of John, one of the disciples.”

This affirms what Irenaeus said about the fourfold Gospel: no more, no fewer.

On Acts

“The Acts of all the apostles have been written in one book. Luke so comprised them for the most excellent Theophilus, because the several events took place when he was present.”

Acts was treated as authoritative history, alongside the Gospels.

On Paul’s Letters

“The blessed apostle Paul himself, following the order of his predecessor John, writes only to seven churches by name… But although he writes twice to the Corinthians and Thessalonians for correction, it is yet shown — one Church is recognized as being spread throughout the whole earth.”

Paul’s letters are described in a symbolic sevenfold pattern (like Revelation’s seven churches), but the list also included Philemon, Titus, and Timothy.

On Catholic Epistles and Revelation

The fragment accepts Jude and two letters of John. It recognizes the Apocalypse of John, and even mentions the Apocalypse of Peter — though it notes that some in the church did not want it read publicly.

On Spurious Works

The fragment draws a sharp line against forgeries:

“But the Epistle of Paul to the Laodiceans, and another to the Alexandrians, forged in Paul’s name for the heresy of Marcion, must be rejected… neither may gall be mixed with honey.”

This shows the church was not passively receiving every book that claimed apostolic authorship — it was testing and rejecting fakes.

On the Shepherd of Hermas

“But Hermas wrote the Shepherd quite recently, in our times, in the city of Rome, while his brother Pius was occupying the bishop’s chair. And therefore it ought indeed to be read; but it cannot be read publicly to the people in church, either among the prophets, whose number is complete, or among the apostles.”

This is remarkable. It shows that Roman Christians in Commodus’ day valued Hermas, but they knew it was recent and therefore not apostolic Scripture. It was good for private devotion, not for the public canon.

Why the Muratorian Fragment Matters

The Muratorian Fragment proves that by Commodus’ reign, the church already:

Recognized the four Gospels as the only Gospels.
Affirmed Acts, Paul’s letters, Revelation, and several Catholic Epistles.
Debated a few books (like the Apocalypse of Peter).
Rejected outright forgeries tied to heretical groups.
Distinguished between useful writings (like Hermas) and canonical Scripture.

Canon formation was not a 4th-century invention; it was already well advanced in the 2nd century.

Theophilus of Antioch

Theophilus, bishop of Antioch until about AD 183, was the earliest Christian writer to use the word “Trinity” (trias). Earlier Christians (like Justin Martyr) had spoken in triadic ways — Father, Son, and Spirit — but Theophilus is the first whose writings explicitly use the term.

On the Trinity

“In like manner also the three days which were before the luminaries are types of the Trinity (trias), of God, and His Word, and His Wisdom… The first is God, the second is the Son, the third is the Spirit of prophecy.” (To Autolycus 2.15)

This is one of the earliest explicit triadic statements: Father, Son, and Spirit named together.

On Scripture

“But if you will give yourself to a more exact study of the Scriptures, you will learn from them more accurately concerning God and His Christ, and concerning all things that are revealed.” (To Autolycus 2.9)

On Creation

“God, having His own Word internal within His own bowels, begat Him, emitting Him along with His own Wisdom before all things. He had this Word as a helper in the things that were created by Him, and by Him He made all things.” (To Autolycus 2.10)

On Idolatry

“Do not wonder if the truth is belabored by the lie; for first the lie is more ancient, but truth appeared later. For the truth always conquers, and falsehood is overcome.” (To Autolycus 1.14)

These words capture the apologetic spirit of Commodus’ era: Christians accused of atheism for rejecting idols, yet proclaiming Christ as the eternal Word, and the Spirit as the Spirit of prophecy.

Gnostic Rivals — The Gospel of Judas and Other Apocrypha

At the same time that orthodox leaders were defending the apostolic faith, rival groups were producing their own “gospels” and “acts.”

Irenaeus described one such group, the Cainites:

“They declare that Judas the traitor was thoroughly acquainted with these things, and that he alone, knowing the truth as no others did, accomplished the mystery of the betrayal. They produce a fictitious history which they style the Gospel of Judas.” (Against Heresies 1.31.1, Loeb)

For centuries this was our only evidence for the Gospel of Judas. Then, in the late 20th century, a Coptic manuscript was discovered in Egypt. Its contents matched Irenaeus’ account exactly.

In the text, Jesus mocks the disciples’ prayers:

“When he came to his disciples … they were gathered together and offering a prayer of thanksgiving over the bread. When he approached, he laughed.” (Gospel of Judas 33)

And to Judas, he offers a shocking commendation:

“You will exceed all of them. For you will sacrifice the man that clothes me.” (Gospel of Judas 56)

This bizarre inversion makes Judas the hero, praised for helping to discard Jesus’ human body. The discovery confirmed Irenaeus was right: the Gnostic “gospel” glorified the betrayer and denied Christ’s true incarnation.

Other apocrypha from this period were equally strange:

Apocryphal Gospels (30+ known by this time)

Gospel of Judas — Judas exalted for “sacrificing the man that clothes me.”
Gospel of Truth — Valentinian meditation redefining salvation as knowledge.
Gospel of the Egyptians — cited by Clement of Alexandria; ascetic in tone.
Gospel of Peter — fragment portrays a docetic Christ whose body feels no pain.
Gospel of the Hebrews — fragments used among Jewish-Christian groups.
Infancy Gospel of Thomas — boy Jesus curses playmates and strikes them dead, then raises them again.
Protoevangelium of James — elaborates Mary’s miraculous birth and childhood.
Gospel of the Ebionites — fragments depict a vegetarian Jesus, denying his divinity.
Gospel of the Nazarenes — fragments cited by Jerome.

Apocryphal Acts

Acts of Peter — includes the “Quo Vadis” scene; Peter crucified upside down.
Acts of Paul and Thecla — Thecla survives fire and beasts, preaches, baptizes herself.
Acts of John — Jesus leaves “no footprints,” appears in shifting forms.
Acts of Andrew — legendary missionary journeys and martyrdom of Andrew.
Acts of Thomas — missionary work in India, includes the famous “Hymn of the Pearl.”

Apocryphal Apocalypses

Apocalypse of Peter — visions of heaven and hell; debated in some churches.
Apocalypse of Paul — visionary journeys that became very popular later.
Apocalypse of Adam — Gnostic cosmology denying the Creator God.
Apocalypse of Zephaniah — Jewish-Christian apocalypse with angelic visions.

Other Gnostic Treatises Already Circulating

Gospel of Mary — Mary Magdalene as the revealer of secret knowledge. “Peter said to Mary, ‘Sister, we know that the Savior loved you more than the rest of women. Tell us the words of the Savior which you remember…’” (Gospel of Mary 10)
Apocryphon of John — a Gnostic retelling of Genesis, portraying the Creator God as an ignorant “demiurge.” “And he [the demiurge] said, ‘I am a jealous God, and there is no other god beside me.’ But by announcing this, he indicated to the angels who attended him that another God does exist.” (Apocryphon of John)
Teachings of Silvanus — wisdom text urging the pursuit of knowledge as the highest good.

By the year 200, at least 50–60 apocryphal works were already circulating — dozens of gospels, multiple acts, several apocalypses, and a growing shelf of Gnostic treatises. Some exalted Judas, others denied Jesus’ humanity, others turned Mary Magdalene into the revealer of hidden truth, and still others recast the Creator God as a blind and ignorant impostor.

Against this avalanche of counterfeits, the defenses of Irenaeus, the canon list of Rome, and the clarity of Theophilus stand out all the more. And archaeology has confirmed that they were not exaggerating. The rediscovery of the Gospel of Judas proved Irenaeus was right: the heretics really did produce “fictitious histories” that glorified the betrayer and denied Christ.

Conclusion

Commodus was assassinated in AD 192, strangled in his bath after twelve years of misrule. His death plunged Rome into the bloody “Year of the Five Emperors.” For the empire, his reign was remembered as a disgrace. But for Christians, Commodus’ years were remembered as a respite — a surprising turn from death in the palace to protection in the palace.

What began as a persecuted movement among the poor now had defenders in Caesar’s own household, a senator willing to declare Christ before Rome’s highest assembly, believers carving out rooms in the catacombs as their first communal spaces, and teachers like Irenaeus and Theophilus shaping the canon of Scripture and even the very word “Trinity” — all while the shadow of an “ancient law” reminded believers that the empire still considered them criminals.

Commodus’ reign thus marks a turning point: the faith of Jesus Christ was no longer hidden at the margins but had reached the heart of the empire, the underground corridors of Rome, and the contested battlefield of competing gospels — with the apostolic church proving itself the reliable guardian of the truth.

Multiplying by Mission: Session 1 at Mission Lake

September 8, 2025September 8, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

40% Growth Then, 5% Growth Now — What We Must Learn Anew

Opening & Welcome

Good evening, everyone, and welcome to our first session of Multiplying by Mission.

My name is Jason Conrad. I live here in South Carolina with my wife Jen and our family. By profession, I serve as a district leader with CVS Health, overseeing nearly twenty stores and hundreds of employees. My background is in healthcare and leadership — I hold both a Doctor of Pharmacy (PharmD) and a Master of Business Administration (MBA) — and I’ve spent many years leading in that field.

But alongside that, my deepest calling is teaching God’s Word and the history of His church. I also hold a Bachelor’s degree in Biblical Studies and a Master of Divinity, with a focus on the New Testament, early Christian history, and how the first believers lived out their faith in the Roman Empire.

Back in 2000, I moved to South Carolina to help start Christ Central Institute. From the very beginning, I’ve believed in the vision of equipping leaders and serving communities through Christ Central. I’ve been teaching for years in the church, and I’ve seen again and again how knowing our history strengthens our faith.

This series has a big title: Multiplying by Mission — 40% Growth Then, 5% Growth Now — What We Must Learn Anew.

The State of Christianity in the World Today

Christianity is still the largest global religion, but the landscape is shifting. According to Pew Research Center (The Future of World Religions: Population Growth Projections, 2017–2021 updates):

Metric	Christianity	Islam	Unaffiliated
2020 Total Share	28.8%	25.6%	24.2%
2010–2020 Growth	+5.7%	+20.7%	+11.4%
Primary Growth Areas	Africa, Asia	Africa, Asia, MENA	North America, Europe, East Asia

Now compare that with the first three centuries of the church. Sociologist Rodney Stark, in his book The Rise of Christianity (HarperCollins, 1996), famously calculated Christianity’s growth at about 40% per decade. Stark wasn’t writing as a theologian but as a sociologist, showing how a small sect could realistically have expanded to millions within three centuries. His analysis demonstrates that Christianity’s explosive rise is historically plausible, not legendary.

AD 40: ~1,000 Christians
AD 100: ~7,000–10,000
AD 150: ~40,000
AD 200: ~200,000
AD 250: ~1,000,000
AD 300: ~6,000,000
AD 350: ~30,000,000 (roughly half the empire)

If today’s church grew at that same rate, 2.3 billion Christians would become nearly the entire global population by AD 2070.

This is why our series is called Multiplying by Mission. The first Christians multiplied by 40% a decade. Today, we grow at 5%. The question before us is: what did they know that we must learn anew?

What Would It Take to Grow Like That Again?

So what would it take for us to recover that kind of momentum? Here’s one way to think about it:

Source	Target % per Decade	How to Get There
Retention of Christians	+10%	Keep 75–80% of all who enter the church — whether raised Christian or converted as adults — through discipleship, mentoring, apologetics, and community
Evangelism of Unaffiliated	+15%	Reconnect ~20% of “nones” each decade through service, digital outreach, hospitality, and apologetics
Combined Total	25% per decade	Significant growth, but still below the early church’s ~40% per decade

Now, you might be wondering: is 75–80% retention even possible? Today in America, only about half of kids raised Christian stay Christian as adults — and many adults who convert later in life also drift away. Retention is not just about keeping youth; it’s about keeping everyone who enters the church.

In the early church, retention had to be much higher across the board. Why? Because persecution weeded out nominal believers, catechesis trained converts before baptism, and Christian community bound people together in ways far stronger than what we often see today.

And this doesn’t even include conversions from other religions like Islam or Hinduism, or the natural increase from Christian birth rates. When you factor those in, the growth potential could push even higher.

The 18-Year-Old in the Classroom

Picture an 18-year-old. She’s grown up in church her whole life. She’s been told the Bible is true, and she’s never really faced serious doubt.

She graduates high school and heads to university. She signs up for “Introduction to the New Testament” — thinking it’ll be an easy A.

What she doesn’t realize is that the professor is one of the most famous Bible scholars in the world today. He’s written or edited more than 30 books, several bestsellers. He’s the author of the textbook used in universities across the country. He used to be a devout evangelical Christian — but he lost his faith. In his own words: “I no longer go to church, no longer believe, no longer consider myself a Christian.”

Now picture her in a lecture hall with 400+ students. Many grew up in church. Many think this will reinforce what they already know.

Instead, the professor walks in with humor, confidence, and command of the text — and begins by dismantling assumptions: contradictions, manuscript problems, alleged forged letters, the problem of suffering, and arguments against miracles.

By the end of the semester, she isn’t angry. She isn’t hostile. She’s just unsure. On a survey, she checks “unaffiliated.”

That’s the world we live in. Christianity is growing slowly in much of the West, and defections are common. This is why this class matters.

The Seven Tactics of Skeptical Professors

1. The Apollonius of Tyana Comparison

“I sometimes begin my undergraduate classes in New Testament studies by telling my students that I am going to describe a person to them, and they have to tell me who it is. I then talk about a man who lived some time ago, who was said to have been miraculously born, who taught his followers, did miracles to confirm that he was a son of God, convinced many people that he was divine, and then at the end of his life ascended to heaven. When I ask them who this sounds like, they invariably say Jesus. But the person I’m describing is Apollonius of Tyana.”
— Bart D. Ehrman, Did Jesus Exist? (2012), p. 211

2. Textual Variants in the New Testament

“Not only do we not have the originals, we don’t have the first copies of the originals… What we have are copies made later — much later… And these copies all differ from one another, in many thousands of places… there are more variations among our manuscripts than there are words in the New Testament.”
— Bart D. Ehrman, Misquoting Jesus (2005), pp. 10–11

3. Contradictions in the Gospels

“In the Gospel of Mark, Jesus says, ‘Whoever is not against us is for us’ (9:40). In Matthew he says, ‘Whoever is not with me is against me’ (12:30). Did Jesus say both things? Could he really mean both? Isn’t there a contradiction here?”
— Bart D. Ehrman, Jesus Interrupted (2009), p. 41

“In Mark’s account, Jairus comes to Jesus and tells him that his daughter is near death… In Matthew’s version… Jairus comes to Jesus and tells him that his daughter has already died. Which is it?”
— Jesus Interrupted, pp. 39–40

4. Authorship and Pseudonymity

“Of the thirteen letters that go under Paul’s name in the New Testament… Six of them are widely regarded as pseudonymous… That leaves seven letters that virtually all scholars agree Paul actually wrote.”
— Bart D. Ehrman, Forged (2011), p. 106

5. The Problem of Suffering

“For me the problem of suffering is the reason I lost my faith… For many people who inhabit this planet, life is a cesspool of misery and suffering. I came to a point where I simply could not believe there is a good and kindly disposed Ruler who is in charge of it. That is why I left the faith.”
— Bart D. Ehrman, God’s Problem (2008), p. 2

6. The Limits of History and Miracles

David Hume, writing in 1748, is often quoted as if he “disproved” miracles. In his Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding (Section 10), he wrote:

“A wise man… proportions his belief to the evidence. A miracle… is a violation of the laws of nature… and the proof against a miracle… is as strong as any argument from experience can be.”

Bart Ehrman echoes the same line:

“Historians, by the very nature of their craft, cannot show whether miracles happened… History can only establish what probably happened in the past. And miracles, by definition, are the least probable events.”
— Bart D. Ehrman, How Jesus Became God (2014), p. 229

But Hume also admitted:

“No testimony is sufficient to establish a miracle, unless the testimony be of such a kind, that its falsehood would be more miraculous than the fact which it endeavors to establish.”

So even Hume acknowledged that miracles are not impossible — if the evidence is strong enough.

7. Student Reactions

“Most of my students have never heard this before… They discover that we don’t have the original copies of any of the biblical books but only copies made centuries later, all of which have been altered.”
— Bart D. Ehrman, Misquoting Jesus (2005), p. 10

“I came into this class a Christian; I don’t know if I can still call myself that.”
— Misquoting Jesus, p. 11

Discussion and Reflection

Which of these seven tactics strikes you the hardest?
Why do you think so many 18-year-olds leave their first semester doubting their faith?

The Seven Undisputed Letters of Paul

Now here’s where things get really important. We’ve just seen how skeptical professors use tactics to shake students. But this is where atheists and Christians agree.

For more than 150 years, across the entire scholarly spectrum, critics and believers alike have affirmed that at least seven letters of Paul are authentic. These are not in dispute. They are the bedrock of New Testament studies.

These seven letters are:

Galatians
1 Thessalonians
1 Corinthians
2 Corinthians
Romans
Philippians
Philemon

Bart Ehrman writes:

“There is no doubt that Paul wrote Galatians, Romans, 1 and 2 Corinthians, 1 Thessalonians, Philippians, and Philemon.”
(Forged, 2011, p. 112)

Richard Carrier agrees:

“The seven letters generally agreed upon as authentic… are sufficient to reconstruct the basic outline of Paul’s theology and missionary activity.”
(On the Historicity of Jesus, 2014, p. 510)

And this consensus is not new. In the mid-1800s, the German scholar Ferdinand Christian Baur, founder of the Tübingen School of criticism, argued that only four Pauline letters were authentic: Galatians, 1 & 2 Corinthians, and Romans. Even Baur, one of the most radical critics of his time, accepted those. Over time, scholarship expanded that number to seven. For more than 150 years now, across skeptical and believing scholarship alike, the consensus has held firm at these seven letters.

The Skeptic Consensus of Early Christian Literature

AD 30 — Crucifixion of Jesus
AD 31–33 (31–35 by skeptical allowance) — Paul’s conversion and the earliest Christian creeds (1 Cor 15; Phil 2)
AD 48–50 — Galatians
AD 50–51 — 1 Thessalonians
AD 53–54 — 1 & 2 Corinthians
AD 56–57 — Romans
AD 60–61 — Philippians, Philemon
AD 70 — Gospel of Mark
AD 80 — Matthew, Luke
AD 90 — Acts
AD 90–95 — John
AD 95–100 — Revelation, 1–3 John, 1 Clement, Didache
AD 70–110 — All the rest of the New Testament writings

What We Gain from the Seven Letters

1. Resurrection proclaimed almost immediately
“For what I received I passed on to you as of first importance: that Christ died for our sins according to the Scriptures, that he was buried, that he was raised on the third day according to the Scriptures, and that he appeared to Cephas, and then to the Twelve. After that, he appeared to more than five hundred… Then he appeared to James, then to all the apostles, and last of all he appeared to me also.”
— 1 Corinthians 15:3–7

2. Paul’s conversion shockingly early
“…But when God… was pleased to reveal his Son in me so that I might preach him among the Gentiles, my immediate response was not to consult any human being. I did not go up to Jerusalem to see those who were apostles before I was, but I went into Arabia. Later I returned to Damascus. Then after three years, I went up to Jerusalem to get acquainted with Cephas…”
— Galatians 1:15–18

“Then after fourteen years, I went up again to Jerusalem, this time with Barnabas. I took Titus along also.”
— Galatians 2:1

Together, these two passages account for 17 years after Paul’s conversion. If Galatians was written by AD 48–50, Paul’s conversion falls between AD 31–33 — skeptics stretch to AD 35 at the latest.

3. Persecution unbroken since AD 30

Persecution runs as an unbroken line from the cross itself, through Paul’s own life before and after conversion, and into the churches he planted.

Jesus was crucified under Pontius Pilate (the Roman state itself initiating persecution, AD 30).
Paul confesses himself a persecutor:
“For you have heard of my previous way of life in Judaism, how intensely I persecuted the church of God and tried to destroy it.” — Galatians 1:13
“For I am the least of the apostles and do not even deserve to be called an apostle, because I persecuted the church of God.” — 1 Corinthians 15:9
“…as to zeal, persecuting the church; as to righteousness under the law, faultless.” — Philippians 3:6
Persecution continued after Paul’s conversion:
“You became imitators of God’s churches in Judea, which are in Christ Jesus: You suffered from your own people the same things those churches suffered from the Jews, who killed the Lord Jesus and the prophets and also drove us out.” — 1 Thessalonians 2:14–15

This shows that from AD 30 onward, persecution was a constant reality — first in Jesus’ death, then in Paul’s own role as persecutor, and then in the sufferings of the churches themselves.

4. Paul quoting Jesus traditions already circulating

Paul’s letters contain direct echoes of Jesus’ words — traditions that match the Gospels, even though they were written earlier:

The Lord’s Supper
“For I received from the Lord what I also passed on to you: The Lord Jesus, on the night he was betrayed, took bread, and when he had given thanks, he broke it and said, ‘This is my body, which is for you; do this in remembrance of me.’ In the same way, after supper he took the cup, saying, ‘This cup is the new covenant in my blood; do this, whenever you drink it, in remembrance of me.’”
— 1 Corinthians 11:23–25
(Matches Matthew 26:26–28; Mark 14:22–24; Luke 22:19–20)
On Divorce
“To the married I give this command (not I, but the Lord): A wife must not separate from her husband. But if she does, she must remain unmarried or else be reconciled to her husband. And a husband must not divorce his wife.”
— 1 Corinthians 7:10–11
(Matches Mark 10:11–12; Luke 16:18)
On Ministry Support
“In the same way, the Lord has commanded that those who preach the gospel should receive their living from the gospel.”
— 1 Corinthians 9:14
(Matches Luke 10:7: “The worker deserves his wages.”)

These passages show that Jesus’ words were already circulating and authoritative decades before the Gospels were written.

5. Jesus worshiped as divine

The Christ Hymn of Philippians 2:6–11 is structured as a chiasm — a mirror-like pattern where the descent of Christ is matched by his exaltation:

Chiastic Structure (Philippians 2:6–11):

A – Divine Lord
“Being in the form of God… equality with God”
B – Loss of all recognition
“Did not consider equality with God something to hold tightly… emptied himself”
C – Common name
“Taking the form of a servant… born in human likeness”
D – Obedient to death
“He humbled himself… even death on a cross”
C′ – Highest name
“God gave him the name that is above every name”
B′ – Universal recognition
“Every knee will bow… every tongue confess”
A′ – Divine Lord
“Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father”

This hymn shows that within the very first generation, Christians were already worshiping Jesus as divine Lord. The wording echoes Isaiah 45, where every knee bows to Yahweh — now applied to Jesus.

6. Transformed lives
“Do not be deceived: Neither the sexually immoral nor idolaters nor adulterers nor men who have sex with men nor thieves nor the greedy nor drunkards nor slanderers nor swindlers will inherit the kingdom of God. And that is what some of you were. But you were washed, you were sanctified, you were justified in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ and by the Spirit of our God.”
— 1 Corinthians 6:9–11

7. Missionary movement
“From Jerusalem and all the way around to Illyricum, I have fully proclaimed the gospel of Christ… It has always been my ambition to preach the gospel where Christ was not known, so that I would not be building on someone else’s foundation… But now that there is no more place for me to work in these regions… I plan to do so when I go to Spain.”
— Romans 15:19–24

Conclusion

From the seven undisputed letters — writings atheists and Christians alike affirm — we know:

Jesus was crucified.
The resurrection was proclaimed immediately.
Paul converted within just a few years.
Persecution has been unbroken since AD 30.
Jesus was worshiped as divine.
Eyewitnesses were consulted.
Lives were transformed.
The mission was global from the start.

Even on skeptical terms, the core of Christianity stands firm.

Reinforcement: Blog & Podcast

For further study, students are encouraged to listen to and read supplemental content on Jason’s Living the Bible podcast and blog:

Podcast: When Atheists and Christians Agree: The 7 Undisputed Letters of Paul (May 26, 2025).
Podcast: Christianity Before Paul: The Traditions He Inherited (May 28, 2025).
Blog Post: Christianity’s Unstoppable Growth in the First 300 Years.

These reinforce today’s themes: the growth of Christianity, the consensus on Paul’s letters, and the firm historical core of the faith even on skeptical terms.

Marcus Aurelius and the Martyrs: Stoic Resignation vs. Christian Resurrection

September 5, 2025October 28, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

When Antoninus Pius died in AD 161, the throne passed to his adopted son Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. For the first eight years he ruled jointly with Lucius Verus; after Verus’ death in 169, Marcus reigned alone until 180.

Marcus is remembered as the philosopher-emperor. His Meditations, written in Greek during military campaigns, are one of the most famous works of Stoic philosophy. They counsel calm acceptance of death and resignation to the fleeting nature of life.

Yet in these same decades, Christians were being persecuted across the empire. They too left writings — apologies, theological treatises, and martyrdom accounts. These voices allow us to set Stoicism and Christianity side by side in the years of plague and persecution.

Marcus Aurelius on Life and Death

In the Meditations, written in the 170s during the wars on the Danube frontier, Marcus constantly reminded himself of life’s brevity:

“Of man’s life, his time is a point, his substance a flux, his sense dull, the fabric of his body corruptible, his soul spinning round, his fortune dark, his fame uncertain. Brief is all that is of the body, a river and a vapour; and life is a warfare and a sojourning in a strange land; and after-fame is oblivion.” (2.17, Loeb)

“Consider how swiftly all things vanish — the bodies themselves into the universe, and the memories of them into eternity. What is the nature of all objects of sense, and especially those which attract with pleasure or affright with pain or are blazed abroad by vanity — how cheap they are, how despicable, sordid, perishable, and dead.” (9.3, Loeb)

He urged himself not to despise death but to welcome it, since dissolution is as natural as birth or growth:

“Do not despise death, but welcome it, since nature wills it like all else. For dissolution is one of the processes of nature, just as youth and age, growth and maturity, teeth and beard and grey hairs and procreation and pregnancy and childbirth, and all the other natural operations which the seasons of life bring. To be not only not resisted but welcomed by the wise man is no less fitting.” (9.3, Loeb)

For Marcus, death was inevitable dissolution into the cosmos; memory itself was destined to fade into nothing. Stoicism offered dignity and calm acceptance, but no hope beyond the grave.

Justin Martyr: Death Cannot Harm Us

At the very same time in Rome, the Christian philosopher Justin Martyr was writing his apologies to the emperor. In his First Apology, written about 155–157, Justin described how Christians worshiped:

“And on the day called Sunday, all who live in cities or in the country gather together to one place, and the memoirs of the apostles or the writings of the prophets are read, as long as time permits. Then, when the reader has ceased, the president verbally instructs, and exhorts to the imitation of these good things. Then we all rise together and pray, and, as we said before, when our prayer is ended, bread and wine and water are brought, and the president in like manner offers prayers and thanksgivings, according to his ability, and the people assent, saying Amen; and there is a distribution to each, and a sharing with those who are absent, and to those who are not present a portion is sent by the deacons. And they who are well to do, and willing, give what each thinks fit; and what is collected is deposited with the president, who succors the orphans and widows and those who, through sickness or any other cause, are in want, and those who are in bonds and the strangers sojourning among us, and in a word takes care of all who are in need. But Sunday is the day on which we all hold our common assembly, because it is the first day on which God, having wrought a change in the darkness and matter, made the world; and Jesus Christ our Savior on the same day rose from the dead. For He was crucified on the day before that of Saturn (Saturday); and on the day after that of Saturn, which is the day of the Sun, having appeared to His apostles and disciples, He taught them these things, which we have submitted to you also for your consideration.” (First Apology 67, Loeb)

While Marcus mused on life’s futility, Christians were meeting every week to proclaim eternal life through Christ’s resurrection and to share the Eucharist as a pledge of incorruption, with their offerings supporting the poor, the sick, the imprisoned, and strangers.

In the same work, Justin explained why Christians did not fear persecution:

“We are accused of being atheists. But we are not atheists, since we worship the Creator of the universe… Him we reasonably worship, having learned that He is the Son of the true God Himself, and holding Him in the second place, and the prophetic Spirit in the third… For though beheaded, crucified, thrown to wild beasts, in chains and in fire, we do not renounce our confession; but the more such things happen, the more others in turn become believers.” (First Apology 13, Loeb)

In his Dialogue with Trypho, written in the 160s, Justin emphasized that the soul does not perish with the body:

“For not as common opinion holds, the soul dies with the body. We say that souls survive, and that those who have lived virtuously shall dwell in a better place, while those who have done wickedly shall suffer a worse fate, and that the unjust are punished with everlasting fire.” (Dialogue 5, Loeb)

And in his Second Apology, probably written after Marcus came to power, Justin summed it up in one line:

“You can kill us, but cannot hurt us.” (Second Apology 2, Loeb)

The Martyrdom of Justin

Justin’s philosophy became confession, and his confession became death. In about 165 he and six companions were brought before the prefect Junius Rusticus in Rome. The Acts of Justin’s Martyrdom, preserved in Greek, record the trial.

Rusticus commanded them to sacrifice:

“Approach and sacrifice, all of you, to the gods.”

Justin replied:

“No one in his right mind gives up piety for impiety.” (ch. 5–6, Loeb)

Rusticus pressed him:

“If you are scourged and beheaded, do you believe you will go up to heaven?”

Justin answered:

“I hope that if I endure these things I shall have His gifts. For I know that all who live piously in Christ shall have abiding grace even to the end of the whole world.” (ch. 6, Loeb)

The prefect pronounced sentence:

“Let those who have refused to sacrifice to the gods and to obey the command of the emperor be scourged and led away to suffer the penalty of capital punishment according to the laws.”

And so, the account concludes:

“The holy martyrs, glorifying God, went out to the customary place, and were beheaded, and completed their testimony in confessing the Savior.” (ch. 8, Loeb)

Justin was condemned not for crimes but for refusing to renounce the name of Christ. And this was nothing new. The same policy had been in place since Nero, carried on by every emperor in one form or another.

Nero (54–68): After the fire of Rome in AD 64, Nero did something new in Roman history. Unlike any other group, he chose the entire class of people called Christians for punishment. Tacitus says they were convicted “not so much of the crime of firing the city as of hatred of the human race.” Anyone associated with the name was liable to arrest, and an “immense multitude” was executed. Their punishments were grotesque public spectacles: some torn apart by dogs while covered in animal skins, others crucified, others burned alive as torches in Nero’s gardens. This marked a turning point: from then on, Christians carried the deadly liability of the name itself.
Vespasian (69–79) and Titus (79–81): Christians in Judea perished in the Jewish War; across the empire, Jewish-practicing Christians bore the fiscus Judaicus, the humiliating tax imposed on all who “lived like Jews.”
Domitian (81–96): Remembered by Christians as a new Nero. Dio Cassius says he executed Flavius Clemens for “atheism.” Revelation, likely written in these years, calls Rome “Babylon” and portrays the beast as Nero reborn. For the church, Domitian was Nero come again.
Trajan (98–117): His rescript to Pliny set the empire-wide rule: Christians were not to be sought out, but if accused and refusing to sacrifice, they must be punished — “for the name itself.”
Hadrian (117–138): Required due process but left the liability of the name untouched.
Antoninus Pius (138–161): Reaffirmed the same: Christians could be prosecuted “merely as such.”
Marcus Aurelius (161–180): And under Marcus the pattern continued — Justin executed in Rome, Blandina and Pothinus tortured in Gaul, Speratus and companions condemned in Africa.

From Nero to Marcus, the empire’s stance was consistent: Christians were punished not for ordinary crimes but for the name of Christ.

Athenagoras of Athens: Resurrection vs. Dissolution

Written around AD 177 and addressed to Emperor Marcus Aurelius and his son Commodus, Athenagoras’ Plea for the Christians (also known as the Embassy for the Christians) is one of the most eloquent defenses of early Christian faith. A philosopher by training, Athenagoras used the very language of Greek reason to defend the Christians against the charges of atheism, immorality, and political disloyalty. He explains the Christian understanding of God, the Trinity, resurrection, and the endurance of persecution with remarkable clarity.

From Plea for the Christians (Loeb)

“Who, then, would not be astonished to hear men who speak of God the Father, and of God the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, and who declare both their power in union and their distinction in order, called atheists? For we are not atheists, since we acknowledge one God, uncreated, eternal, invisible, impassible, incomprehensible, illimitable, who is apprehended by mind and reason alone, who is surrounded by light and beauty, and spirit and power unspeakable.

We are persuaded that when we are removed from this present life we shall live another life better than the present one, heavenly, not earthly, where we shall abide near God and with God, free from all change or suffering in the soul, and not as flesh but as spirits; or, if we shall again take flesh, we shall have it no longer subject to corruption, but incorruptible.

For as we acknowledge a God, and a Son His Logos, and a Holy Spirit, united in power—the Father, the Son, and the Spirit, because the Son is the Mind, Reason, and Wisdom of the Father, and the Spirit is the effluence as light from fire—so we declare that there is a God, and that the universe came into being by His will.

And though we are beheaded, crucified, thrown to wild beasts, chains, fire, and all kinds of torture, we do not renounce our confession; but the more such things happen, the more others in turn become believers, who observe the extraordinary patience of those who suffer and reflect that it is impossible for them to be living in wickedness and pleasure. For when they see women and boys and young girls preserving the purity of their bodies for so long a time under tortures, and others who had been weak in body becoming strong through the name of Christ, they are moved to understand that there is something divine in this teaching.”
— Athenagoras, Plea for the Christians 10–12, 18 (Loeb Classical Library)

Key Insights

Contrast with Stoicism: While Marcus’ Stoicism accepted death as dissolution, Athenagoras presents death as transformation — a passage into the incorruptible life of God.

Addressed directly to Marcus Aurelius: Athenagoras wrote from Athens to the same emperor who condemned Justin, appealing for reason and justice.

First philosophical articulation of the Trinity: He names “God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit” and explains their unity and distinction.

Immortality and incorruption: Christians believe that after death, they live near God — not dissolving into the cosmos, but sharing in incorruptible life.

Persecution as proof of truth: Athenagoras insists that the courage, purity, and endurance of Christian martyrs demonstrate that their faith is divine.

Theophilus of Antioch: Immortality and Resurrection

Around AD 180, Theophilus, bishop of Antioch, wrote To Autolycus — a three-book defense of the Christian faith addressed to a learned pagan friend. His work is especially important for two reasons:

It contains the earliest known Christian use of the word “Trinity.”
It presents the Christian doctrine of creation, resurrection, and incorruptibility in contrast to Greek philosophy.

Writing from one of the great intellectual centers of the empire, Theophilus appeals both to reason and to Scripture, insisting that faith in the one God — revealed through His Word and Spirit — is the true path to eternal life.

From To Autolycus (Loeb)

“God, then, having His own Word internal within His own bowels, begat Him, emitting Him along with His own Wisdom before all things. He had this Word as a helper in the things that were created by Him, and by Him He made all things. He is called the beginning, because He rules and is Lord of all created things, fashioned by Him.

For God will raise up your flesh immortal with your soul; and then, having become immortal, you shall see the immortal, if you now believe in Him. Then you shall know that you have spoken unjustly against Him. For if you disbelieve, you shall be convinced hereafter, when you are tormented eternally with the wicked.

In like manner also the three days which were before the luminaries are types of the Trinity: of God, and His Word, and His Wisdom. But to us who bear the sign, God has given eternal life. For he who has believed and has been born again has been delivered from death and shall not see corruption.”
— Theophilus of Antioch, To Autolycus 2.10; 1.14; 2.15 (Loeb Classical Library)

Key Insights

Connection to Marcus’ world: Writing at the end of Marcus Aurelius’ reign, Theophilus gives voice to a Christianity fully confident in both reason and revelation — a faith that promises incorruptible life amid an empire obsessed with decay and death.

Earliest known use of “Trinity”: Theophilus is the first Christian writer to use the term explicitly — describing “God, His Word, and His Wisdom.”

Creation through the Word: Theophilus presents the Logos (Word) as God’s agent in creation, echoing both Genesis and John 1.

Promise of bodily resurrection: Unlike Stoicism, which saw the soul dissolve back into nature, Theophilus proclaims the raising of the flesh “immortal with the soul.”

Moral urgency of faith: Belief in God’s Word leads to immortality; unbelief results in corruption and loss.

Melito of Sardis: Christ’s Victory

During the reign of Marcus Aurelius, Melito, bishop of Sardis in Asia Minor, wrote one of the most beautiful early Christian homilies ever preserved — the On Pascha (Peri Pascha). Preached during the annual Paschal celebration, it interprets Christ’s death and resurrection as the true fulfillment of the Jewish Passover.

Melito was deeply versed in both the Scriptures of Israel and the language of Greek rhetoric. His sermon combines poetic intensity with precise theology: Christ is both God and Man, the Creator who entered His own creation, suffered, and destroyed death. In the face of Roman Stoicism’s resignation to mortality, Melito proclaimed a faith that saw the cross as cosmic victory and the resurrection as the end of corruption.

From On Pascha (Loeb)

“He who hung the earth in place is hanged. He who fixed the heavens in place is fixed in place. He who made all things fast is made fast on a tree. The Master has been insulted; God has been murdered; the King of Israel has been destroyed by the right hand of Israel… He who raised the dead is himself put to death. He who has power over the dead is himself made subject to corruption. But he is lifted up on a tree, and nailed thereon, not for any evil he had done, but for the sins of the world.” (96)

“This is He who made the heaven and the earth, and in the beginning created man, who was proclaimed through the law and the prophets, who became human through a virgin, who was hanged upon a tree, who was buried in the earth, who was raised from the dead, who ascended to the heights of heaven, who sits at the right hand of the Father, who has the power to save all things, through whom the Father acted from the beginning and forever.” (105)

“This is the Passover of our salvation. This is He who patiently endured many things in many people: This is He who was murdered in Abel, and bound as a sacrifice in Isaac, and exiled in Jacob, and sold in Joseph, and exposed in Moses, and slaughtered in the lamb, and hunted down in David, and dishonored in the prophets. This is He that was made human of a virgin, that was hanged upon a tree, that was buried in the earth, that was raised from the dead, that was taken up to the heights of heaven.” (69–71)
— Melito of Sardis, On Pascha 69–71, 96, 105 (Loeb Classical Library)

Key Insights

A Message to Rome: Preached while Marcus Aurelius ruled, Melito’s words directly contradict Stoic despair: God has entered history, conquered corruption, and opened immortality to humankind.

Christ as Creator and Redeemer: Melito proclaims that the very One who made heaven and earth is the One who was crucified — uniting creation and redemption in a single act.

The Cross as Victory: Where Stoicism saw death as natural dissolution, Melito sees it as the moment when death itself was destroyed.

The True Passover: Christ fulfills every Old-Testament figure — Abel, Isaac, Joseph, Moses, David — revealing the unity of Scripture in Him.

Poetry and Power: The sermon’s rhythm and parallelism show how early Christian preaching rivaled classical oratory yet centered on the suffering God.

The Martyrs of Lyons and Vienne (177)

In AD 177, while Marcus Aurelius was still emperor, a violent persecution erupted in the Gallic cities of Lugdunum (modern Lyons) and Vienne. The empire was ravaged by plague, and popular suspicion fell on the Christians, whom many blamed for angering the gods. The hostility grew into mob violence, imprisonment, and finally public executions in the amphitheater.

The account was written by the local churches and sent to their brothers in Asia and Phrygia; Eusebius later preserved it in his Church History (Book 5, chapters 1–3). It is one of the earliest detailed descriptions of martyrdom in the western provinces of the Roman Empire and vividly records the endurance of ordinary believers—men, women, the elderly, and slaves—who suffered joyfully for the name of Christ.

From Eusebius, Church History 5.1–3 (Loeb)

“From the very beginning they endured nobly the injuries heaped upon them by the populace, clamors, blows, dragging, despoiling, stonings, imprisonments, and all things which the enraged mob are wont to inflict upon their adversaries and enemies.

They were shut up in the darkest and most loathsome parts of the prison, stretching their feet into the stocks as far as the fifth hole, and left to suffer in this condition. Yet though suffering grievously, they were sustained by great joy through the love of Christ.

Through her [the slave girl Blandina] Christ showed that things which appear mean and obscure and despicable to men are with God of great glory. For while we all feared lest, through her bodily weakness, she should not be able to make a bold confession, she was filled with such power that the insensible and the weak by nature became mighty through the fellowship of Christ. She was hung upon a stake and offered as food to the wild beasts; but as none of them touched her, she was taken down and thrown again into prison, preserved for another contest.

Pothinus, the bishop of Lyons, being more than ninety years old and very infirm, was dragged before the judgment-seat, beaten unmercifully, and after a few days died in prison.

They were all finally sacrificed, and instead of one wreath of victory which the Lord has given, they received many; for they were victorious in contests of many kinds, and endured many trials, and made many glorious confessions.”
— Eusebius, Church History 5.1.5, 14, 17, 29, 55 (Loeb Classical Library)

Key Insights

Legacy: The courage of these Gallic believers inspired churches from Asia Minor to North Africa. It shows how far Christianity had spread—and how deeply its followers trusted in resurrection over resignation.

A Letter from the Churches: This account was written by eyewitnesses—ordinary believers, not historians—making it one of the most authentic voices from the 2nd-century church.

Suffering Across Social Lines: The martyrs included nobles, slaves, and clergy. Blandina, a young slave girl, became the central figure of courage; Pothinus, a bishop over ninety years old, died from his wounds in prison.

Joy in Suffering: The letter repeatedly says the prisoners were filled “with great joy through the love of Christ.” Their faith turned the instruments of torture into testimonies of hope.

Public Spectacle: Their deaths were staged in the amphitheater, just as Nero had done a century earlier in Rome—proof that the name itself still carried a death sentence.

Contrast with Marcus’ Philosophy: The emperor wrote that life is vapor and fame oblivion; his subjects in Lyons believed their suffering crowned them with eternal victory.

The Scillitan Martyrs (180)

In July of AD 180, only months after Marcus Aurelius’ death, twelve Christians from the small North African town of Scillium (near modern Tunis) were brought before the proconsul Saturninus at Carthage.

Their brief hearing—preserved in Latin as the Acts of the Scillitan Martyrs—is the earliest surviving Christian document in Latin, a legal transcript of their words before the Roman governor. The Christians were offered mercy if they would swear by the emperor’s genius and return to “Roman custom.” Instead, they calmly confessed their allegiance to Christ and accepted execution.

From the Acts of the Scillitan Martyrs (Loeb)

Saturninus the proconsul said: “You can win the indulgence of our lord the Emperor if you return to sound mind.”

Speratus, the spokesman for the group, replied: “We have never done wrong, we have not lent ourselves to wickedness, we have never spoken ill; but when we have received ill treatment, we have given thanks, for we pay heed to our Emperor.”

Saturninus said: “We too are religious, and our religion is simple: we swear by the genius of our lord the Emperor, and pray for his welfare, as you also ought to do.”

Speratus said: “If you will listen to me quietly, I will speak the mystery of simplicity.”

Saturninus said: “I will not listen to you when you speak evil of our sacred rites; but rather swear by the genius of our lord the Emperor.”

Speratus said: “I do not recognize the empire of this world; rather I serve that God whom no man has seen, nor can see with these eyes. I have not stolen; but whenever I buy anything I pay the tax, because I recognize my Lord, the King of kings and Ruler of all nations.”

The others with him said: “We too are Christians.”

Saturninus said: “Do you wish time to consider?”

They said: “In such a just cause there is no deliberation.”

Saturninus read from the tablet: “Speratus, Nartzalus, Cittinus, Donata, Secunda, and Vestia, having confessed that they live as Christians, and refusing, after opportunity given them, to return to Roman custom, are hereby condemned to be executed with the sword.”

And they all said: “Thanks be to God.”
— Acts of the Scillitan Martyrs (Loeb Classical Library)

Key Insights

A calm defiance of Stoic fatalism: Stoicism accepted death with indifference; the Scillitan believers accepted it with thanksgiving, certain that life eternal had already begun.

Earliest Latin Christian text: The Acts are the first known Christian writing in Latin, showing that the faith had already taken root far beyond its Greek-speaking heartlands.

Execution “for the name”: The martyrs are charged with no crime but refusal to renounce the Christian name or sacrifice to the emperor’s genius.

Civic loyalty without idolatry: Speratus insists that Christians are not rebels: they pay taxes and pray for the emperor—but cannot worship him.

Quiet confidence: Their composure is remarkable. They require no “time to consider” and meet the death sentence with “Thanks be to God.”

Empire-wide continuity: Their trial in North Africa mirrors Justin’s in Rome and the martyrs’ in Lyons—proof that by the late 2nd century, persecution for the Christian name extended from the capital to the provinces.

Stoicism and Christianity Contrasted

Marcus Aurelius (Stoicism, 170s): Life is fleeting vapor. Death is dissolution. All things vanish. After-fame is oblivion. The best that can be done is to endure with dignity and accept fate calmly.
Christians under Marcus (Justin, Athenagoras, Theophilus, Melito, the martyrs of Lyons and Vienne, and the Scillitan Martyrs, 155–180): Life is fleeting, but Christ has conquered death. The soul endures. The body will rise. Judgment is certain. Incorruption is promised. Suffering is not meaningless fate but victory with Christ. Death itself becomes thanksgiving and triumph.

This was not new in Marcus’ time. From Nero to Domitian to Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and now Marcus, Christians faced the same charge: death for the name.

Conclusion

The reign of Marcus Aurelius brought plague without and persecution within. The emperor’s Stoic meditations gave him dignity to accept dissolution. The Christians’ writings and martyrdoms gave them courage to proclaim resurrection.

From Nero to Marcus, the story was the same: Christians were executed not for ordinary crimes but for the name. The philosopher-emperor wrote that life is vapor; the martyrs declared that life is eternal in Christ.

Plague may ravage. Governors may condemn. Emperors may command. But the Christians of Marcus’ reign — and every reign since Nero — bore witness that Christ has overcome death, and in Him incorruption and eternal life have already begun.

The Church’s Voice in an Emperor’s “Peaceful” Reign

August 31, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

Antoninus Pius (AD 138–161) is remembered as one of Rome’s “Five Good Emperors.” His reign lasted twenty-three years and was marked by peace, stability, and prosperity. He earned the title Pius because of his devotion: to his adoptive father Hadrian, whose memory he defended; to Roman religion, which he honored scrupulously; and to his family. Ancient writers portray him as the model of dutifulness and justice.

But beneath this outward calm, Christianity continued to grow. For Christians, Antoninus’ reign was not simply peaceful. It was a season of both intellectual flourishing and enduring danger. Some of the earliest apologies — reasoned defenses of Christianity addressed to emperors — come from this time, as well as one of the most famous martyrdom accounts of the ancient church.

Antoninus and His Reputation

The Historia Augusta reports:

“He was called Pius for the following reason: When the Senate wanted to annul Hadrian’s decrees, he persuaded them not to do so. He supported the father of his wife Faustina, who had been accused, and obtained his pardon. He always treated his stepmother with respect and honor. And he always sacrificed to the gods, showing reverence in every way.” (Life of Antoninus Pius, 6).

This reputation for reverence and stability carried into later Roman memory. He was remembered as a benevolent emperor who avoided war, strengthened the law, and ensured financial security.

Justin Martyr: Pleading Before the Emperors

During Antoninus’ reign, the Christian philosopher Justin Martyr composed his First Apology (c. 155), addressed to Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, Lucius Verus, and the Roman Senate. Why multiple emperors? Because Antoninus had adopted Marcus and Lucius as his heirs. By addressing all of them, Justin was not only appealing to the reigning emperor but also to those who would succeed him. He wanted Christianity to be judged fairly at the highest level of Rome.

Justin’s central plea was simple: stop condemning Christians for their name alone.

“Reason requires that those who are accused should not be condemned without a trial, nor hated on account of a name. For what is the accusation? That we are called Christians. This is no crime. The charge is only that we bear a name. If any is found guilty of evil, let him be punished as an evildoer; but not on account of the name, if he is found to be guiltless.” (First Apology 4, Loeb).

He exposed the absurdity of condemning someone merely for a title:

“For from a name neither praise nor punishment could reasonably spring, unless something excellent or base in action can be shown about it. Those who accuse us of atheism, because we do not worship the same gods as you, charge us falsely; for we worship the Maker of this universe, declaring that He has no need of streams of blood and libations and incense.” (First Apology 6, Loeb).

Justin also wanted to show that Christians lived morally upright lives:

“We who once delighted in fornication, now embrace chastity alone. We who used magical arts dedicate ourselves to the good and unbegotten God. We who loved gain above all things now bring what we have into a common stock, and share with every needy one. We who hated and destroyed one another, and on account of our different customs would not live with men of a different tribe, now, since the coming of Christ, live familiarly with them, and pray for our enemies.” (First Apology 14, Loeb).

Describing Christian Worship

Before Justin, the Roman governor Pliny the Younger had reported what former Christians told him under interrogation (ca. AD 112 under Trajan):

“They declared that the sum of their fault or error had been that they were accustomed to meet on a fixed day before dawn, and to sing responsively a hymn to Christ as to a god, and to bind themselves by an oath, not to some crime, but not to commit theft, robbery, or adultery, not to break their word, and not to refuse to return a deposit when asked for it. After this it was their custom to depart, and then to assemble again to partake of food — but ordinary and innocent food.” (Pliny, Letters 10.96, Loeb).

But Justin’s First Apology is the first time a Christian himself described worship directly to the Roman emperors. His account is fuller, and deliberately meant to explain Christian practice in detail:

“On the day called Sunday, all who live in cities or in the country gather together in one place, and the memoirs of the apostles or the writings of the prophets are read, as long as time permits. Then, when the reader has finished, the president verbally instructs, and exhorts to the imitation of these good things. Then we all rise together and pray, and, as we said before, when our prayer is ended, bread and wine and water are brought, and the president in like manner offers prayers and thanksgivings, according to his ability, and the people assent, saying Amen; and there is a distribution to each, and a sharing of that over which thanks have been given, and to those who are absent a portion is sent by the deacons.” (First Apology 67, Loeb).

And on the Eucharist:

“This food is called among us the Eucharist, of which no one is allowed to partake but the man who believes that the things which we teach are true, and who has been washed with the washing for the remission of sins, and unto regeneration, and who is so living as Christ has enjoined. For not as common bread and common drink do we receive these; but in like manner as Jesus Christ our Savior, having been made flesh by the Word of God, had both flesh and blood for our salvation, so likewise have we been taught that the food which is blessed by the prayer of His word, and from which our blood and flesh are nourished, is the flesh and blood of that Jesus who was made flesh.” (First Apology 66, Loeb).

Justin left no doubt: Christians worshiped Christ as God, and their meal was not symbolic but sacred — the body and blood of Jesus.

In his Second Apology, Justin gave examples of how Christians were still executed for the name alone:

“When a certain woman, who had been made a disciple of Christ, remained with her husband for a time and tried to persuade him to live in chastity, and when he continued in licentiousness, she left him. Then, when she was about to be married to another, her former husband accused her of being a Christian. She presented a petition to delay the case until she could arrange her affairs, but her instructor in the faith was arrested and punished merely for being called a Christian.” (Second Apology 2, Loeb).

Even under Antoninus, Christians died for their confession of Christ.

Polycarp: Faithful Unto Death

At roughly the same time, Polycarp — bishop of Smyrna and disciple of the apostle John — was brought before the Roman proconsul.

When pressed to deny Christ, he famously replied:

“Eighty-six years I have served him, and he has done me no wrong. How then can I blaspheme my King who saved me?” (Martyrdom of Polycarp 9, Loeb).

The proconsul urged him to swear by Caesar:

“Swear by the fortune of Caesar; repent, and say, Away with the atheists!’ But Polycarp, with solemn countenance, looked upon all the lawless heathen in the arena, and waving his hand toward them, groaned, and looking up to heaven, said: ‘Away with the atheists.’” (Martyrdom of Polycarp 10, Loeb).

As they bound him for the fire, he prayed:

“O Lord God Almighty, Father of Thy beloved and blessed Son Jesus Christ, by whom we have received the knowledge of Thee, the God of angels and powers and every creature, and of all the righteous who live before Thee, I bless Thee that Thou hast counted me worthy of this day and hour, that I may share, among the number of the martyrs, in the cup of Thy Christ, for resurrection to eternal life both of soul and body, in the incorruptibility of the Holy Spirit.” (Martyrdom of Polycarp 14, Loeb).

Polycarp’s death under Antoninus shows that Rome still demanded worship of Caesar — and Christians who refused still died.

The Epistle to Diognetus: Citizens of Another World

From the same period comes the anonymous Epistle to Diognetus. It begins with a fictional inquirer raising the questions that many pagans asked about Christians:

“Since I see, most excellent Diognetus, that you are exceedingly anxious to learn the religion of the Christians, and are searching into it with the most careful and exact inquiry — as to what God they trust, and how they worship Him, that they all despise the world and disregard death, and neither account the acknowledged gods of the Greeks to be gods, nor observe the superstition of the Jews; and what kind of love they have for one another, and why this new race or practice has entered into life now and not before — I welcome this zeal of yours, and I beg of God, who enables both us to speak and you to hear, that it may be granted to both of us to profit by what we learn.” (Epistle to Diognetus 1, Loeb).

After dismissing both idol worship and Jewish ritual sacrifices as unworthy of God, the author explains that Christianity did not come from human speculation, but from revelation:

“When then you have freed yourself from all these things, and laid aside the error of the common talk, and are rid of the deception of the gods, and no longer suppose, like the Jews, that God has need of sacrifices — then shall you learn what is the true mystery of the Christian faith. For neither by curiosity nor by busy inquiry have we learned it, nor did we discover it through the art of men, as in some empty talk; but it has been handed down to us from the very Word of God Himself, who was sent from heaven by God to men.” (Epistle to Diognetus 4, Loeb).

And then comes one of the most moving descriptions of the Christian life in the entire second century — a vision of paradox, resilience, and heavenly citizenship:

“For Christians are not distinguished from the rest of mankind by country or by speech or by customs. For they do not dwell somewhere in their own cities, nor do they use some different language, nor practice a peculiar kind of life. This teaching of theirs has not been discovered by the thought and reflection of inquisitive men, nor do they champion any human doctrine, as some do. But while they dwell in both Greek and barbarian cities, as each has fallen to their lot, and follow the native customs in clothing and food and the other matters of daily life, yet the condition of citizenship which they exhibit is wonderful, and admittedly strange. They live in their own countries, but only as sojourners; they share all things as citizens, and suffer all things as foreigners. Every foreign country is a fatherland to them, and every fatherland is foreign.

They marry like all other men, and they beget children; but they do not cast away their offspring. They have their meals in common, but not their wives. They are found in the flesh, yet they do not live after the flesh. They spend their days upon earth, but their citizenship is in heaven. They obey the established laws, and they surpass the laws in their own lives. They love all men, and are persecuted by all. They are not known, and yet they are condemned. They are put to death, and yet they are quickened into life. They are poor, yet make many rich; they lack all things, and yet abound in all things. They are dishonored, and yet are glorified in their dishonor. They are spoken evil of, and yet are justified. They are reviled, and bless; they are insulted, and repay the insult with honor. They do good, yet are punished as evildoers. Being punished, they rejoice as though they were thereby quickened into life. The Jews make war upon them as foreigners, and the Greeks persecute them; and those who hate them cannot state the cause of their enmity.” (Epistle to Diognetus 5–6, Loeb).

This is how Christians under Antoninus saw themselves: rooted in Roman cities, yet belonging to another world; hated and persecuted, yet bringing life to others; dishonored, yet glorified; punished, yet rejoicing.

Hegesippus: Guarding the Apostolic Tradition

During Antoninus’ reign, the writer Hegesippus began preserving Christian memory in his five books of Memoirs. Sadly the work is lost, but fragments survive in Eusebius:

On the uniformity of doctrine:

“And the Church of Corinth continued in the true faith until Primus was bishop in Corinth; and I conversed with them on my voyage to Rome, and we were refreshed together in the true doctrine. And being in Rome I made a succession up to Anicetus, whose deacon was Eleutherus. And after Anicetus, Soter succeeded, and after him Eleutherus. In every succession and in every city things are as the Law and the Prophets and the Lord proclaim.” (Hist. Eccl. 4.22.1–3, Loeb).

On the family of Jesus (“desposyni”):

“There still survived of the kindred of the Lord the grandsons of Jude, who had been called his brother according to the flesh. … Domitian asked them how much property they owned; they said they had only thirty-nine plethra of land, and showed their calloused hands from farming. Asked about Christ and his kingdom, they replied that it was not earthly but heavenly and angelic, to appear at the end of the world. At this Domitian let them go, and they became leaders of the churches, both as witnesses and as of the Lord’s family.” (Hist. Eccl. 3.19–20, Loeb).

On James the Just:

“James, the brother of the Lord, succeeded to the government of the Church in conjunction with the apostles. … His knees became hard like a camel’s because of his constant worship, kneeling and asking forgiveness for the people. … They threw him down from the temple, stoned him, and finally a fuller’s club struck his head. Thus he bore witness, and they buried him by the temple, and his monument still remains.” (Hist. Eccl. 2.23, Loeb, citing Hegesippus).

On heresies after the apostles:

“Until the times of Trajan the Church continued a pure and uncorrupted virgin. But when the sacred band of apostles had closed their lives, and that generation passed away, then the conspiracy of godless error arose through the fraud of false teachers.” (Hist. Eccl. 4.22.4–7, Loeb).

Hegesippus stands as one of the earliest church historians, traveling through cities, checking successions of bishops, and insisting on continuity with the apostles.

The Rescript of Antoninus — and Why It Fails

Eusebius also preserves a decree attributed to Antoninus, which seems to restrain mob violence against Christians:

“If, therefore, the provincials are able to make a clear case against the Christians in court, let them bring charges. But it is unlawful to persecute them merely for the name. If anyone continues to harass them, let the one accused be released, even though he be found to be a Christian, and let the informer be punished.” (Church History IV.13, Loeb).

At first glance, this sounds as if Antoninus protected Christians. But the evidence of the time says otherwise.

Justin begged that Christians not be condemned for the name alone — which shows they were.
Polycarp was executed for refusing to deny Christ.
Justin’s Second Apology explicitly describes Christians punished “merely for being called a Christian.”

For these reasons, most historians conclude that Eusebius was wrong in this instance — either quoting a spurious decree or idealizing Antoninus. Whatever Antoninus may have written, Christians still died for their confession of Christ.

Conclusion

Antoninus Pius is remembered by Roman historians as the calmest, most peaceful emperor of the second century. But for Christians, his reign looked different.

Justin Martyr wrote eloquent defenses of Christianity, describing their moral life and Sunday worship — but still had to plead that Christians not be killed for the name alone.
Polycarp was executed, proving that even in a so-called peaceful reign, death was the cost of faith.
The Epistle to Diognetus portrayed Christians as citizens of heaven, foreigners in every land.
Hegesippus preserved the memory of apostolic succession and the purity of the early church.
And Eusebius’ rosy decree about Antoninus was almost certainly wrong.

Antoninus’ reign demonstrates a crucial point: even when Rome was at peace, Christians were not safe. Their very identity was enough to condemn them. Yet it was in this climate that Christianity’s first great apologists wrote, its first great martyrdom was recorded, and its distinct self-understanding emerged.

The empire might call Antoninus Pius — dutiful and devout. But for Christians, true piety meant loyalty to a greater King, even unto death.

When Hadrian Erased Jerusalem and Christians Spoke Up

August 29, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

Hadrian (AD 117–138) succeeded Trajan not as a conqueror but as a reformer. He traveled widely, reorganized law and military, and adorned the empire with monuments. Yet his vision of a unified Greco-Roman order brought him into conflict with the Jews.

Dio Cassius (c. AD 211–230) remembered him as tireless:

“He was laborious and vigilant, inasmuch as he neglected nothing, and often prevented many things from going wrong by being on the spot, and he would not accept excuses for any neglect of duty.”
— Roman History 69.6 (Loeb)

But Hadrian’s measures in Judea—especially banning circumcision, renaming Jerusalem Aelia Capitolina, and building a temple to Jupiter on the Temple Mount—ignited a war that would devastate the Jewish nation.

The Provocation: Circumcision and Aelia Capitolina

Dio Cassius records:

“At Jerusalem he founded a city in place of the one which had been razed to the ground, naming it Aelia Capitolina, and on the site of the temple of the god he raised a new temple to Jupiter. This brought on a war of no slight importance nor of brief duration. For the Jews deemed it intolerable that foreign races should be settled in their city and foreign religious rites planted there.”
— Roman History 69.12.1–2 (Loeb)

He adds:

“At this time the Jews began war because they were forbidden to mutilate their genitals. For Hadrian ordered them to desist from this practice, and thus attempted to abolish their national customs.”
— Roman History 69.12 (Loeb)

While Hadrian was still nearby, the Jews prepared in secret:

“They did not dare to fight in the open, but they occupied advantageous positions in the country and strengthened them with mines and walls, so that they might have places of refuge whenever they should be hard pressed, and might meet together under ground unseen; and they pierced these subterranean passages from above at intervals to let in air and light.”
— Roman History 69.12.3 (Loeb)

The Bar Kokhba Revolt (AD 132–135)

Once Hadrian departed, open revolt broke out under Simon bar Kosiba (Bar Kokhba), hailed by Rabbi Akiva as Messiah.

“Soon, however, all Judaea was in a ferment, and the Jews everywhere were showing signs of disturbance, gathering together, and giving evidence of great hostility to the Romans, partly by secret and partly by overt acts.”
— Roman History 69.13.1 (Loeb)

Rome responded with overwhelming force.

“Fifty of their most important outposts and nine hundred and eighty-five of their most famous villages were razed to the ground. Five hundred and eighty thousand men were slain in the various raids and battles, and the number of those that perished by famine, disease and fire was past finding out. Thus nearly the whole of Judaea was made desolate.”
— Roman History 69.14 (Loeb, Xiphilinus epitome)

Bethar: The Last Fortress of Bar Kokhba

Bethar (Betar) was the final stronghold of the revolt. Located about six miles southwest of Jerusalem, it sat high on a ridge above the Valley of Sorek.

Strategic Position: Its steep hills made it naturally defensible, and Jewish forces fortified it heavily.
Headquarters: Bar Kokhba is said to have commanded from Bethar in the final stage.
The Siege: Roman forces encircled the city. Archaeological surveys have found burn layers, ballista stones, and siege trenches.
Symbolism: Rabbinic tradition later remembered Bethar as falling on the 9th of Av, the same date both the First and Second Temples were destroyed.

Bethar became the symbol of the revolt’s futility—the last fortress where Jewish resistance was extinguished.

Rabbinic Memory of Bethar

The Jerusalem Talmud (Ta’anit 4:5–6) preserves the devastation:

“The blood flowed until horses were submerged in it up to their nostrils… And the slain of Bethar were not permitted burial until a later emperor gave permission.”

This is not the voice of a Roman chronicler but the lament of a people for whom even death did not bring rest. Bethar was remembered not merely as a defeat, but as a massacre.

Archaeology of Catastrophe

Bethar: burn layers, Roman siege trenches, and ballista stones confirm the destruction.
Caves of Refuge: in Nahal Hever and the Cave of Letters, archaeologists found skeletons, sandals, knives, jars of food, and scrolls.
Babatha Archive: 35 legal documents of a Jewish widow, sealed in leather and buried with her remains. Her last dated record is from August 132 CE—the very month the revolt broke out. After that, silence.
Letters of Bar Kokhba: papyrus and wooden tablets signed “Shim‘on ben Kosiba, Prince of Israel,” ordering supplies, threatening deserters, and requesting palm branches for Sukkot.

This was a war remembered in blood, texts, and ash.

Hadrian’s Rescript on Christians

While crushing the Jews, Hadrian issued a rescript on Christians. Preserved by Eusebius:

“If, therefore, the provincials can sustain by evidence their charges against the Christians, let them prosecute the cases, but not by mere clamour and outcry. For it is much more just, if anyone desires to make accusations, that you yourself should pass judgment.”
— Ecclesiastical History 4.9 (Loeb)

It offered no protection against charges of impiety—but it restrained mob violence.

Christian Voices in Hadrian’s Reign

This same period saw a burst of Christian literature. These writings are the first direct responses to imperial scrutiny.

Quadratus of Athens (c. 125)

Eusebius introduces him:

“After Trajan had reigned for nineteen years, Aelius Hadrian became his successor in the empire. To him Quadratus addressed a discourse, as an apology for our religion, because certain wicked men were attempting to trouble our people.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 4.3.1 (Loeb)

Quadratus’ surviving words:

“But the works of our Saviour were always present, for they were genuine: those who were healed, those who were raised from the dead, who were seen not only when they were healed and when they were raised, but were also present continually; not only while the Saviour was living, but also for a considerable time after His departure; and indeed some of them have survived even to our own time.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 4.3.2 (Loeb)

Why this claim is plausible:

Quadratus was writing c. AD 125, less than 100 years after Jesus’ ministry (c. AD 30).
People who had been children or teenagers when healed by Jesus could still be alive in their 80s or 90s. Rare, but possible in antiquity (Polycarp, for example, lived to 86).
More importantly, many were still alive who had personally known eyewitnesses — family, neighbors, or members of the earliest churches.

Commentary:
Quadratus is not arguing that Christianity is ancient like Judaism. He is arguing that it is true because it is still within memory: the miracles of Jesus left people alive long enough for their authenticity to be checked. His defense to Hadrian is: Christianity is not myth or invention — it happened in history, and its effects are still visible in living witnesses.

Aristides of Athens (c. 125–140)

Dedication:

“To the Emperor Caesar Titus Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus Pius, from Marcianus Aristides, a philosopher of Athens.

I, O King, by the inspiration of God, have come to this conclusion, that the universe and all that is in it is moved by the power of another… Wherefore I… have no wish to worship any other than God, the living and true, and I have searched carefully into all the races of men and tested them, and this is what I have found.”
— Aristides, Apology 1 (Loeb Syriac)

Survey of humanity (chs. II–XIV):

Barbarians: idol worshippers.
Greeks: immoral gods.
Egyptians: animal worship.
Jews: monotheists, but clinging to angels, sabbaths, and rituals.

Christians (full text, chs. XV–XVI):

XV.
“But the Christians, O King, reckon the beginning of their religion from Jesus Christ, who is named the Son of God most High; and it is said that God came down from heaven, and from a Hebrew virgin took and clad Himself with flesh; and that the Son of God lived in a daughter of man. This is taught in the gospel, as it is called, which a little while ago was preached among them; and you also, if you will read therein, may perceive the power which belongs to it.
This Jesus, then, was born of the race of the Hebrews; and He had twelve disciples in order that a certain dispensation of His might be fulfilled. He was pierced by the Jews, and He died and was buried; and they say that after three days He rose and ascended to heaven.
Thereupon these twelve disciples went forth into the known parts of the world, and taught concerning His greatness with all humility and sobriety. And those then who still observe the righteousness which was enjoined by their preaching are called Christians.
And these are they who more than all the nations of the earth have found the truth. For they acknowledge God, the Creator and Maker of all things, in the only-begotten Son and in the Holy Spirit; and besides Him they worship no other God. They have the commandments of the Lord Jesus Christ Himself graven upon their hearts; and they keep them, looking for the resurrection of the dead and the life of the world to come.
They do not commit adultery or fornication; they do not bear false witness; they do not covet what belongs to others; they honor father and mother; they do good to those who are their neighbors. And they judge uprightly. They do not worship idols in the likeness of man. Whatever they would not wish others to do to them, they do not practice themselves. They do not eat of the food offered to idols, for they are pure. They comfort their oppressors and make them their friends; they do good to their enemies. Their women are pure as virgins, and their daughters are modest. Their men abstain from all unlawful union and from all uncleanness, in the hope of a recompense to come in another world.”

XVI.
“They love one another. They do not turn away a widow, and they rescue the orphan. He who has gives ungrudgingly to him who has not. If they see a stranger, they take him under their roof, and they rejoice over him as over a real brother. If any one among them is poor and needy, and they have no spare food, they fast two or three days, that they may supply the needy with their necessary food.
They observe scrupulously the commandments of their Messiah; they live honestly and soberly, as the Lord their God ordered them. They give thanks to Him every hour, for all meat and drink, and other blessings.
And if any righteous man among them passes away, they rejoice and thank God, and escort his body with songs and thanksgiving as if he were setting out from one place to another.
And when a child has been born to one of them, they give thanks to God; and if it chance to die in childhood, they praise God mightily, as for one who has passed through the world without sins.
But if any one of them be a man of wealth, and he sees that one of their number is in want, he provides for the needy without boasting. And if they see a stranger, they take him under their roof, and they rejoice over him as over a brother; for they do not call them brethren after the flesh, but brethren after the Spirit and in God.
And whenever one of their poor passes away from the world, each of them, according to his ability, gives heed to him and carefully sees to his burial.
Such is the law of the Christians, O King, and such is their manner of life.”
— Aristides, Apology 15–16 (Loeb Syriac text)

Commentary:
Notice how Aristides even tells Hadrian: “and you also, if you will read [the Gospel], may perceive the power which belongs to it.” Aristides assumes the emperor could obtain and read a Christian Gospel. This shows both the confidence of Christians in their Scriptures and the public availability of the Gospel writings by Hadrian’s reign.

Epistle of Barnabas (c. 120–130)

On the covenant:

“Take heed to yourselves, and be not like some, heaping up your sins and saying that the covenant is both theirs and ours. It is ours: but in this way did they finally lose it, after Moses had already received it.”
— Barnabas 4.6–7 (Loeb)

On circumcision:

“He has abolished these things, that the new law of our Lord Jesus Christ, free from the yoke of constraint, might have its own offering not made by human hands… So we are they whom he brought into the new law… no longer bound by circumcision.”
— Barnabas 9.4–7 (Loeb)

On the temple:

“Now we say that their wretched men set their hope on the building, as though it were the house of God, and not on their God who created them. But learn how the Lord speaks, abolishing it: ‘Heaven is my throne, and the earth the footstool of my feet. What manner of house will you build for me? says the Lord.’”
— Barnabas 16.1–2 (Loeb)

Commentary:

Written at the very moment Hadrian was making Jerusalem into Aelia Capitolina.
The letter insists: the true temple is the people of God, not a building or land.
Barnabas draws a sharp break with Judaism — aligning with Hadrian’s years when Jewish identity itself was outlawed.

2 Clement (c. 120–140)

On confession and deeds:

“Let us not think it enough to call him Lord; for that will not save us. Not every one that says to me, Lord, Lord, shall be saved, but he that works righteousness. So then, brothers and sisters, let us acknowledge him by our works, by loving one another, by abstaining from slander and envy, by being self-controlled, compassionate, good.”
— 2 Clement 4.2–5 (Loeb)

On perseverance:

“If we do the will of Christ, we shall find rest; but if not, nothing will deliver us from eternal punishment, if we disobey his commandments. The scripture says: If the righteous scarcely be saved, where shall the ungodly and the sinner appear? So then, brothers and sisters, let us struggle, knowing that the contest is near and that many things are at stake.”
— 2 Clement 5.4–6 (Loeb)

On endurance in suffering:

“Blessed are they that obey these commands, though they be for a short season afflicted in the world; they shall be gathered into the immortal fruit of the resurrection.”
— 2 Clement 19.3 (Loeb)

Commentary:

2 Clement reflects the atmosphere of Hadrian’s reign: Christians under scrutiny, exhorted to prove their faith by life, not just words.
Where Aristides says to Hadrian, “See how we live,” 2 Clement says to the church, “Live so that the world sees.”

Conclusion: Two Stories

Hadrian tried to erase the Jews: banning circumcision, renaming their land, and slaughtering them by the hundreds of thousands.

Christians, already distinct, were forced out of Jerusalem along with the Jews—but the movement itself was not tied to land or temple.

The earliest imperial-facing defenses came in Hadrian’s reign: Quadratus and Aristides, written directly to emperors. Alongside them, Barnabas and 2 Clement spoke to Christian communities in the same decades, sharpening identity and urging moral seriousness.

And the core claim running through them is not philosophical speculation but a simple one: this faith works.

It changes lives.
It makes a people who fast to feed the poor, who rejoice in death, who call strangers their brothers, who endure under trial.

Rome buried cities. But the church carried forward a witness of lives transformed.

Christianity’s Unstoppable Growth in the First 300 Years

August 27, 2025September 1, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

When people think of the first centuries of the Roman Empire, they imagine a crowded religious marketplace: temples to Jupiter, processions for Isis, secret gatherings of Mithraists, ecstatic festivals for Cybele. Against this backdrop, Christianity sometimes gets cast as “just another mystery religion.” But the evidence — both Christian and pagan — tells a different story.

Christianity grew in ways no other religion did. And it grew because it was different.

A Movement That Could Not Be Ignored

By the year AD 112, the Roman governor Pliny the Younger wrote to Emperor Trajan about the rapid spread of Christianity in his province of Bithynia-Pontus:

“For many persons of every age, every rank, and also of both sexes are and will be endangered. For the contagion of this superstition has spread not only through the cities but also through the villages and the countryside.”
— Pliny, Letters 10.96 (Loeb Classical Library), written c. AD 112

Pliny’s words confirm what the New Testament had already claimed: Christianity wasn’t staying local. It had spread across cities, villages, farms, households, men and women, slave and free. This was no longer a tiny sect in Jerusalem — it was a movement Rome could not ignore.

Growth by the Numbers

Sociologist Rodney Stark, in The Rise of Christianity (1996), famously calculated that Christianity expanded at about 40% per decade — slow and steady exponential growth. Bart Ehrman, in The Triumph of Christianity (2018), adopts a similar model for illustration.

30 AD: a few dozen disciples in Jerusalem
100 AD: ~7,000–10,000
200 AD: ~200,000–300,000
300 AD: ~4–6 million
350 AD: ~30 million (roughly half the empire)

No other religion in antiquity shows a comparable curve.

Why Was Christianity Different?

1. Exclusivity

Roman religion was inclusive. You could worship Mithras in the army, Isis at home, and Jupiter in the forum. Christianity, by contrast, insisted that all other gods were false. Converts had to abandon sacrifices and festivals. Romans accused them of being “atheists” for rejecting the gods of the empire.

Judaism shared that exclusivity, but it was ethnic and national. Christianity took it further: one God for all nations.

Justin Martyr, writing in the mid-2nd century (c. AD 155), put it this way:

“We do not sacrifice to idols, for we know they are not gods but lifeless and dead. We do not worship with the multitude, but we direct prayers to the only true God.”
— Justin, First Apology 9 (Loeb/ANF)

Later in the 2nd century, Tertullian sharpened the same point in legal and political terms. Accused of disloyalty to the emperor, he replied:

“We Christians are accused of being irreligious with regard to the emperors. But let it be said: we do not worship the emperor, we will not swear by the genius of Caesar. We worship him lawfully, as a man, and pray for him. But as for the gods, we know that they are no gods.”
— Tertullian, Apology 24 (written c. AD 197, Loeb/ANF)

That phrase — “we worship him lawfully, as a man” — is carefully chosen. Christians would:

Honor the emperor in his human role (by paying taxes, obeying laws, and praying for him).
But they would not cross into idolatry by offering sacrifices or calling him divine.

This was the flashpoint of exclusivity. Christians were loyal citizens in every human way — but their refusal to honor the gods (and Caesar’s genius) made them appear dangerous, even atheistic, to Roman society.

2. Universality

Other cults were tied to particular groups: Mithraism to soldiers, Isis to Egyptian traditions, Cybele to Asia Minor. Christianity declared itself for everyone.

Paul put it in striking terms:

“There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither slave nor free, there is no male and female; for you are all one in Christ Jesus.”
— Paul, Letter to the Galatians 3:28 (written c. AD 50s, Loeb/NRSV)

Nearly a century later, Justin Martyr could make the same claim even more boldly:

“There is no people, whether Greek or barbarian, or any race whatsoever, among whom prayers and thanksgivings are not offered through the name of the crucified Jesus.”
— Justin, First Apology 46 (written c. AD 155, Loeb/ANF)

From Paul to Justin, the message is consistent: Christianity was not a local or ethnic faith. It was a movement that claimed universality — open to all nations, classes, and peoples.

3. Community and Care

This is where Christianity truly stood apart. Roman society had structures of family, guilds, and even associations — but none looked like the Christian ethic of charity.

Roman families (familia) cared for their own household, but responsibility rarely extended beyond kin and slaves.
Guilds and burial clubs (collegia) sometimes pooled resources for funerals, but their reach was limited and local.
Philosophical schools (Stoics, Epicureans, Platonists) spoke of virtue and brotherhood in theory, but offered no system of daily material support to the poor.
Mystery cults like Isis or Mithras provided rituals and camaraderie, but not hospitals or famine relief.

Christianity was different. Caring for widows, orphans, the poor, the sick, and even strangers was commanded as part of the “way of life” (Didache 1–4, c. AD 80–100).

During the plague of the 260s, Dionysius of Alexandria described the difference Christians made:

“Most of our brethren, in their exceeding love and brotherly kindness, did not spare themselves, but kept by each other, and visited the sick without thought of danger, and ministered to them assiduously, and treated them for their healing in Christ, and with them departed this life serenely happy; for they were infected by others with the disease, drawing upon themselves the sickness of their neighbors, and willingly taking over their pains.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 7.22 (Loeb Classical Library, written c. AD 310–325, quoting Dionysius’s letter from c. AD 260)

Even pagan critics noticed. Lucian of Samosata, a satirist writing around AD 170, mocked Christians for their enduring practice of brotherhood:

“The poor wretches have convinced themselves, first and foremost, that they are going to be immortal and live for all time… and then it was impressed on them by their original lawgiver that they are all brothers from the moment they are converted, and deny the gods of Greece, and worship that crucified sophist himself, and live under his laws. So they despise all things indiscriminately and consider them common property.”
— Lucian, The Passing of Peregrinus 13 (Loeb Classical Library, written c. AD 170)

And this care extended to the most vulnerable: children. In Roman society, it was common to expose unwanted infants — especially girls — leaving them to die or be taken as slaves. Philosophers like Aristotle endorsed the practice. But Christians condemned it as murder and became known for rescuing and raising exposed infants.

The Epistle of Barnabas (c. AD 130) instructed believers:

“You shall not kill a child by abortion, nor shall you destroy it after birth.”
— Barnabas 19.5 (Loeb, Apostolic Fathers)

This was radical. Christians didn’t only nurse plague victims — they took in abandoned babies, treating them as precious image-bearers of God.

And later, even Rome’s own emperor admitted it. Julian the Apostate (who tried to revive paganism after Constantine) begrudgingly confessed:

“Why do we not observe how it is their benevolence to strangers, their care for the graves of the dead, and the pretended holiness of their lives that have done most to increase atheism [i.e., Christianity]?”
— Julian, Letter to Arsacius (Loeb Classical Library, written c. AD 362)

Julian even instructed pagan priests to imitate Christian charity — because he knew it was winning hearts.

So while families cared only for their own, guilds helped only with burials, and philosophers offered only ideals, Christians made charity the center of their identity. This ethic reshaped communities across the empire.

4. Moral Demands

Pagan cults emphasized ritual. Christianity demanded a transformed life.

Pliny himself noted that Christians bound themselves by oath:

“They asserted, however, that the sum and substance of their fault or error had been that they were accustomed to meet on a fixed day before dawn and sing responsively a hymn to Christ as to a god, and to bind themselves by oath, not to some crime, but not to commit fraud, theft, or adultery, not to falsify their trust, nor to refuse to return a trust when called upon to do so.”
— Pliny, Letters 10.96 (Loeb Classical Library, written c. AD 112)

For Christians, morality wasn’t optional — it was central.

And Christian writers pointed to transformed lives as the greatest proof of all. Origen, writing in the mid-3rd century, argued:

“Their reform of life is the strongest testimony that they have come upon a truth that cannot be shaken. For who that sees the untold multitudes who have abandoned their former vices, and given themselves to a pure and sober life, does not wonder at the power that has wrought this change?”
— Origen, Against Celsus 1.67 (written c. AD 248, Loeb)

For Origen, the very existence of morally changed communities was itself evidence that Christianity was real and divine.

5. A Historical Resurrection

Skeptics sometimes argue that the resurrection of Jesus was just another version of the “dying and rising god” myths in the ancient world. But when we examine the actual stories, each one is different in crucial ways — especially when it comes to dates and eyewitnesses.

Osiris (Egyptian):

Date: 2nd millennium BC; Plutarch, On Isis and Osiris (c. AD 100).
Story: Murdered, dismembered, reassembled, becomes ruler of the underworld.
Eyewitnesses: None.
Difference: Never returns bodily to life among mortals.

Dionysus (Greek):

Date: 6th c. BC (Homeric Hymns); 4th c. BC (Orphic).
Story: Torn apart, restored; fertility cycles.
Eyewitnesses: None.
Difference: Cyclical vegetation rebirth, not historical resurrection.

Attis (Phrygian):

Date: 4th–3rd c. BC cult; Roman references 1st c. BC–4th c. AD.
Story: Castrates himself, dies under a tree; later myths say preserved from decay.
Eyewitnesses: None.
Difference: Mourning cult, not resurrection.

Adonis (Greek/Near Eastern):

Date: 7th–6th c. BC cult; Ovid Metamorphoses (AD 8); Lucian (AD 150).
Story: Killed by boar; blood gives flowers; seasonal return.
Eyewitnesses: None.
Difference: Fertility myth.

Inanna/Ishtar (Mesopotamian):

Date: Descent of Inanna (c. 1750 BC); Descent of Ishtar (7th c. BC).
Story: Dies in the underworld, restored by gods.
Eyewitnesses: None.
Difference: Cosmic myth, not history.

Romulus (Roman):

Date: Legendary founder, 8th c. BC; Livy, History of Rome 1.16 (27–9 BC); Plutarch, Life of Romulus (c. AD 100).
Story: Competing endings — (1) vanishes in a storm; (2) Proculus Julius claims vision; (3) Senators murdered him and invented tale.
Eyewitnesses: One vision, contradictory stories.
Difference: Apotheosis (becoming divine), not bodily resurrection.

Heracles (Greek):

Date: Homer (8th c. BC); Apollodorus (1st–2nd c. AD).
Story: Dies on pyre; mortal part destroyed, divine part ascends.
Eyewitnesses: None.
Difference: Apotheosis, not resurrection.

Zalmoxis (Thracian):

Date: Herodotus, Histories 4.94–96 (c. 440 BC).
Story: Hides underground for three years, reappears.
Eyewitnesses: Followers saw him reemerge, but he never died.
Difference: Retreat-and-return, not resurrection.

Melqart (Phoenician):

Date: Cult at Tyre, 9th c. BC; Greek accounts 5th c. BC onward.
Story: Annual rites of seasonal renewal.
Eyewitnesses: None.
Difference: Fertility ritual, not resurrection.

Mithras (Roman cult):

Date: Late 1st c. AD in Rome.
Story: Slays bull; Mithras never dies.
Eyewitnesses: None.
Difference: No resurrection myth at all.

Apollonius of Tyana (Greek philosopher):

Date: 1st c. AD; Philostratus, Life of Apollonius (c. AD 217–238).
Story: Three endings — (1) dies in Ephesus; (2) dies in Lindus; (3) vanishes in Crete, appears to one disciple.
Eyewitnesses: At most, one disciple in one version; others contradict.
Difference: Late, legendary, contradictory; no bodily resurrection.

Why Christianity Was Different

By contrast, the Christian proclamation was unique:

Early: The resurrection was proclaimed from the very start. Paul’s letters (c. AD 50s) are our earliest Christian writings, but in 1 Corinthians 15:3–7 he cites a creed he himself “received” from the Jerusalem church — most scholars date this creed to within five years of Jesus’ death (c. AD 30–35).
Historical: Located in Jerusalem under Pontius Pilate. Tacitus (c. AD 115) confirms: “Christus, the founder of the name, was put to death by the procurator Pontius Pilate, during the reign of Tiberius.” — Annals 15.44 (Loeb)
Even atheist or agnostic historians today agree on three facts: Jesus lived, was crucified under Pilate, and his followers soon claimed to see him alive.
Eyewitnessed: Paul lists appearances:
1. To Cephas (Peter)
2. To the Twelve
3. To more than five hundred at once (most still alive when Paul wrote)
4. To James (the brother of Jesus)
5. To all the apostles
6. Finally, to Paul himself
  Plus, we have four independent Gospels (Matthew, Mark, Luke, John, AD 65–95), each preserving distinct traditions but united in testifying to Jesus’ crucifixion, burial, and resurrection.
Bodily: Jesus left behind an empty tomb and ate with disciples; not a ghost, not apotheosis.
Transformative: These claims produced communities whose lives of charity and moral transformation astonished even critics.

Conclusion

Christianity wasn’t “just another mystery religion.”

It was exclusive like Judaism, but universal in scope.
It demanded moral transformation, not just ritual.
It built enduring communities of care unmatched in Roman society — nursing plague victims, rescuing exposed infants, treating every life as sacred.
And it proclaimed not a seasonal myth or apotheosis, but a historical resurrection, rooted in eyewitness testimony and confirmed by transformed lives.

By AD 300, Christians numbered in the millions. By AD 350, they were half the empire. What began as a small sect in Jerusalem became the movement that reshaped the world.

Slaves as Deacons, Christians on Trial: The World of Pliny and Trajan

August 24, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

Christians had already been singled out under Nero in AD 64, when they were executed as scapegoats for the great fire of Rome. Tacitus explained that this was possible because the movement was already “a pernicious superstition” spreading from Judea to Rome itself.

Under Trajan we find something new: the earliest preserved imperial correspondence about Christians. Around AD 111–113, Pliny the Younger wrote to the emperor, uncertain how to judge these people who seemed to be everywhere in his province. His letter, and Trajan’s reply, provide the first official window into how Rome defined the Christian movement: not for crimes committed, but for stubborn loyalty to Christ.

Pliny’s First Provincial Post

Pliny the Younger had served in Rome as a lawyer, senator, and consul, but in AD 111 Trajan appointed him governor of Bithynia-Pontus in Asia Minor. This was his first post outside Rome, and very early in his service he encountered Christians.

Bithynia-Pontus was no small territory. It stretched across the Black Sea coast of northern Asia Minor, covering about 50,000–80,000 square kilometers — comparable to a modern U.S. state like South Carolina or a country like Ireland. Its population likely numbered one to three million people, scattered across major cities such as Nicomedia (the capital), Nicaea, Amisus, and Sinope, as well as countless villages and rural communities.

It was a wealthy and strategically important province, close to Rome’s troubled eastern frontier. Pliny had been sent there with special imperial authority to repair corruption in the local cities and restore order to provincial finances. He wrote dozens of letters to Trajan on everything from aqueduct projects to fire safety. Among them is this extraordinary letter — the earliest Roman testimony we possess about Christians.

Pliny’s Letter to Trajan (Letters 10.96, Loeb)

“It is my rule, Sir, to refer to you all matters concerning which I am in doubt. For who is better able either to direct my hesitation or to instruct my ignorance? I have never been present at any trials of Christians; therefore I do not know what is the customary subject-matter of investigations and punishments, or how far it is usual to go. Whether pardon is to be granted on repentance, or if a man has once been a Christian it does him no good to have ceased to be one; whether the mere name, apart from atrocious crimes associated with it, or only the crimes which adhere to the name, is to be punished—all this I am in great doubt about.

In the meantime, the course that I have adopted with respect to those who have been brought before me as Christians is as follows: I asked them whether they were Christians. If they admitted it, I repeated the question a second and a third time, with a warning of the punishment awaiting them. If they persisted, I ordered them to be led away for execution; for I could not doubt, whatever it was that they admitted, that stubbornness and unbending obstinacy ought to be punished. There were others similarly afflicted; but, as they were Roman citizens, I decided to send them to Rome.

In the case of those who denied that they were or had been Christians, when they invoked the gods in the words I dictated and offered prayer with incense and wine to your image, which I had ordered to be brought for this purpose together with statues of the gods, and furthermore cursed Christ—none of which things, I am told, those who are really Christians can be forced to do—I thought they ought to be discharged.

Others, who were named by an informer, first said that they were Christians and then denied it; true, they had been of that persuasion, but they had left it, some three years ago, some more, and a few as much as twenty years. All these also worshiped your image and the statues of the gods, and cursed Christ.

They maintained, however, that the sum and substance of their fault or error had been that on a fixed day they were accustomed to meet before daylight and to recite by turns a form of words to Christ as to a god, and that they bound themselves by an oath—not for any crime, but not to commit theft, robbery, or adultery, not to break their word, and not to refuse to return a deposit when called upon to restore it. After this it was their custom to separate, and then meet again to partake of food—but ordinary and harmless food. Even this they said they had ceased to do after the publication of my edict, by which, in accordance with your instructions, I had forbidden associations.

I thought it the more necessary, therefore, to find out what was true from two slaves, whom they call deaconesses, by means of torture. I discovered nothing else but depraved, excessive superstition.

I therefore postponed the investigation and hastened to consult you. The matter seems to me to justify consultation, especially on account of the number of those in danger; for many of every age, every rank, and also of both sexes are already and will be brought into danger. For the contagion of this superstition has spread not only through cities, but also through villages and the countryside; and yet it seems possible to check and cure it. It is certain at least that the temples, which had been almost deserted, have begun to be frequented, and the sacred rites, long suspended, are again being performed, and there is a general demand for the flesh of sacrificial victims, for up till now very few purchasers could be found. From this it may easily be supposed what a multitude of people can be reclaimed, if only room is granted for repentance.”

Trajan’s Reply (Letters 10.97, Loeb)

“You have followed the right course, my dear Secundus, in examining the cases of those who had been denounced to you as Christians; for it is impossible to lay down any general rule which will apply as a fixed standard. They are not to be sought out; if they are brought before you and convicted, they must be punished. With this proviso, however—that if anyone denies that he is a Christian and proves it by worshiping our gods, he is to obtain pardon through repentance, even if he has incurred suspicion in the past.

As for anonymous accusations, they must not be admitted in any proceedings. For that would establish a very bad precedent and is not in keeping with the spirit of our age.”

Commentary on the Exchange

Pliny’s confession, “I have never been present at any trials of Christians,” shows both his inexperience and the fact that trials were already happening elsewhere. Christianity was under continual pressure across the empire, and now the problem landed on his desk.

The chilling reality is revealed in his line about “the mere name ….” To bear the name Christian was itself a death sentence. No crimes were needed. Identity alone was enough.

The procedure Pliny used shows just how brutal this was. He explains, “I asked them whether they were Christians. If they admitted it … I repeated the question a second and a third time … If they persisted, I ordered them to be led away for execution.” Imagine the horror of answering three times, knowing each affirmation sealed your fate.

He explains why: “stubbornness and unbending obstinacy ought to be punished.” His uncle, Pliny the Elder, had written:

Pliny the Elder, Natural History 28.3 (Loeb):
“There is no doubt that obstinacy (pertinacia) in every case is a kind of mental disease; and it is certainly detestable.”

Romans believed stubborn refusal to yield was itself madness. For Christians, refusing to recant was not insanity but faith. For Rome, it was intolerable.

Pliny even notes that apostates could prove themselves by worshiping Trajan’s image, since “none of which things … those who are really Christians can be forced to do.” This shows the fame of Christian commitment: even outsiders knew real Christians would never deny Christ.

He describes their worship: “on a fixed day … to Christ as to a god … by an oath … not to commit theft, robbery, or adultery … and then partake of food—but ordinary and harmless food.” This is the earliest pagan testimony to Christian worship of Jesus as divine.

Pliny adds they ceased such gatherings “after the publication of my edict … I had forbidden associations.” Christianity was caught in Rome’s general ban on private clubs. The suspicion of associations is illustrated vividly in another letter. When the city of Nicomedia asked to form a small fire brigade to deal with frequent blazes, Pliny petitioned Trajan for permission:

Pliny to Trajan (10.33): “The city of Nicomedia has been visited by frequent fires, and its narrow streets and the lack of aqueducts make this danger greater. They beg you to permit them to establish a fire brigade of 150 men. I will see to it that none but firemen are admitted into it. But still, it will be easy to keep them under control.”

Trajan flatly refused:

Trajan’s Reply (10.34a): “You are doubtless aware that societies of this sort have greatly disturbed the peace of the provinces, and particularly of your province. Whatever name we give them, and for whatever purpose they may be formed, they will not fail to degenerate into political clubs. Therefore we must not sanction the existence of such a body. It will be sufficient if private individuals bring help, and slaves too, when a fire breaks out.”

If Trajan would not allow even a fire brigade for public safety, how much less would he permit Christians to form weekly gatherings for worship.

Pliny then reports that he tried to get more information “from two slaves, whom they call deaconesses, by means of torture.” The Latin ancillae makes clear these were slaves. Roman law allowed slaves to be tortured for testimony, while free citizens were usually protected from such treatment.

What is remarkable is not only that slaves were tortured — that was routine — but that these enslaved women held the office of deacon (ministrae), functioning as ministers and leaders in their Christian community. To Rome, they were property; to the church, they were shepherds of the flock.

The Didache, written only a decade or two earlier, had instructed Christians to “appoint for yourselves bishops and deacons worthy of the Lord” (Did. 15). Now Pliny, in a completely different province, confirms the same office. This is the earliest Roman testimony that Christians had recognized offices — and it reveals something astonishing: the church entrusted even slaves, even women, with the role of deacon.

This convergence is remarkable. The Didache exhorted churches to choose deacons for their character; Pliny identifies two women who bore that title. To their fellow believers, they were leaders in worship. To Roman law, they were vulnerable bodies fit for torture. This single line in Pliny’s letter accidentally reveals the radical social reversal inside the Christian movement.

It is important to remember, however, that this is only one governor’s correspondence. Pliny was just one official among some forty provincial governors who administered Rome’s empire under Trajan. Their letters on taxation, roads, temples, and law were constant. It is reasonable to assume that similar exchanges about Christians were being carried on elsewhere, even if those letters have been lost. Trajan’s consistent instructions suggest this was not a one-off ruling, but an imperial policy applied across the empire.

Pliny also reports the movement’s scale: “many of every age, every rank, and also of both sexes … the contagion of this superstition has spread not only through cities, but also through villages and the countryside.” For a province the size of Bithynia-Pontus — with millions of inhabitants across urban and rural settings — this meant Christianity was embedded in every layer of society. He calls it a “contagion” to be “checked and cured,” echoing Tacitus who wrote that Christianity had been “checked for the moment” in Judea, but then broke out again in Rome.

Finally, Pliny admits that “the temples, which had been almost deserted, have begun to be frequented … the sacred rites … again being performed.” Christianity had already drained pagan practice. Only persecution revived it.

Trajan’s reply solidified the pattern: Christians were “not to be sought out; if … convicted, they must be punished.” Apostasy and sacrifice to the gods could secure pardon. Anonymous accusations were disallowed, but the danger remained.

And since this correspondence occurred in AD 111–113, it reflects how Christians had been treated from the beginning of Trajan’s reign in 98. For nearly two decades, the policy had been consistent: tolerated in silence, condemned if confessed.

Christian Voices Under Trajan

Ignatius of Antioch (c. 110–117)

Ignatius, Romans 6 (Loeb):
“Permit me to be an imitator of the passion of my God. If anyone has him within himself, let him consider what I long for and let him sympathize with me, knowing the things which constrain me.”

Ignatius explicitly calls Jesus “my God” and embraces death as imitation of his Lord’s passion.

Ignatius, Ephesians 20 (Loeb):
“Come together in common, one and all without exception in grace, in one faith and in one Jesus Christ … breaking one bread, which is the medicine of immortality, the antidote that we should not die but live forever in Jesus Christ.”

Ignatius shows the same worship Pliny described — but where Pliny saw superstition, Ignatius saw immortality.

Polycarp of Smyrna, Letter to the Philippians (c. 110–115)

Polycarp, Philippians 2 (Loeb):
“Stand firm, therefore, in these things and follow the example of the Lord, being strong and unchangeable in the faith, loving the brotherhood, cherishing one another, joined together in the truth, forestalling one another in the gentleness of the Lord, despising no man.”

Here Polycarp echoes the oath Pliny heard — not to crime, but to virtue.

Polycarp, Philippians 2 (Loeb):
“If we please him in this present world, we shall also receive the world to come, as he has promised us that he will raise us from the dead, and that if we live worthily of him we shall also reign with him, if indeed we have faith.”

Moral living is bound to resurrection hope and the lordship of Christ.

The Didache (c. 100–110)

Didache 1.2 (Loeb):
“The way of life, then, is this: First, you shall love God who made you; second, your neighbor as yourself; and all things whatsoever you would not have done to you, do not do to another.”

This is the oath Pliny summarized — binding oneself to moral life.

Didache 10 (Loeb):
“We give you thanks, holy Father, for your holy name which you caused to tabernacle in our hearts, and for the knowledge and faith and immortality which you made known to us through Jesus your servant. To you be the glory forever.”

Here the Eucharist is described in prayer form, matching Pliny’s “ordinary and harmless food,” but revealing its sacred meaning.

The Shepherd of Hermas (Rome, c. 100–117 for earliest layers)

Hermas, Vision 3.2.4 (Loeb):
“Those who endure cheerfully the things that happen, these are the ones who are blessed. It is they who will inherit life.”

This is the Christian redefinition of “stubbornness”: not madness, but blessedness.

Hermas, Mandate 8.6 (Loeb):
“Keep the commandments of the Lord and you will be approved and enrolled among the number of those who keep his commandments. But if you do any other thing, you will not be saved, nor your children, nor your household, since you have despised the commandments of the Lord.”

Hermas shows the seriousness of moral life, binding salvation to obedience.

Papias of Hierapolis (c. 110–130)

Eusebius, Church History 3.39.3–4 (Loeb):
“I shall not hesitate also to set down for you along with my interpretations whatsoever things I learned with care from the presbyters and stored up in memory, guaranteeing their truth. For I did not, like the multitude, take pleasure in those who spoke much, but in those who taught the truth, nor in those who related strange commandments, but in those who rehearsed the commandments given by the Lord to the faith and proceeding from the truth itself. And if by chance anyone who had been a follower of the presbyters should come my way, I inquired into the words of the presbyters, what Andrew or what Peter said, or what Philip or what Thomas or James or what John or Matthew or any other of the Lord’s disciples; and what Aristion and the presbyter John, the disciples of the Lord, say. For I did not think that what was to be gotten from the books would profit me as much as what came from the living and abiding voice.”

Eusebius, Church History 3.39.15–16 (Loeb):
“And this the presbyter used to say: Mark, having become the interpreter of Peter, wrote down accurately whatever he remembered of the things said and done by the Lord, but not however in order. For he had neither heard the Lord nor followed him, but afterward, as I said, he followed Peter, who used to frame his teaching to meet the needs of his hearers, but not as making a connected narrative of the Lord’s discourses. So then Mark committed no error while he thus wrote down some things as he remembered them; for he took thought for one thing not to omit any of the things which he had heard, nor to falsify anything in them.

So then Matthew composed the oracles in the Hebrew language, and each man interpreted them as he was able.”

Papias, bishop of Hierapolis in Asia Minor, was writing during or soon after Trajan’s reign — in the same region Pliny governed. While Pliny dismissed Christianity as a superstition to be cured, Papias was carefully preserving the traditions of the apostles. His testimony shows that Christians of this time were not inventing novelties, but guarding what they believed came from Andrew, Peter, John, Matthew, and others.

Why Rome Considered Christianity a Superstition

Pliny the Elder had explained decades earlier:

Pliny the Elder, Natural History 30.12 (Loeb):
“Among foreign rites, it is only the ancient ones that have gained recognition; the rest are held accursed.”

Judaism was tolerated because it was ancient. Christianity, though born out of Judaism, was treated as new — and therefore dangerous. Rome did not see it as a venerable faith, but as an illegitimate superstition.

Conclusion

Pliny’s letter and Trajan’s reply give us the earliest imperial window into the treatment of Christians. They were punished not for crimes but for their name, not for sedition but for stubborn loyalty.

Rome called it obstinacy; Christians called it faith. Rome called it superstition; Christians called it worship. Rome called it contagion; Christians called it life.

And because this exchange took place late in Trajan’s reign, it shows that from AD 98 to 117 the policy never wavered: Christians were not to be hunted, but if accused and refusing to recant, they must die.

At the very same time, Ignatius longed to die for “my God,” Polycarp exhorted believers to live worthily of Christ, the Didache described the Eucharist as thanksgiving through Jesus, Hermas taught endurance as the path to life, and Papias preserved the sayings of the apostles.

Even Pliny, though hostile, could not deny the truth: Christianity was everywhere — men and women, rich and poor, city and countryside. It had weakened the pagan temples. It could not be forced into silence.

The empire tried to check and cure it. But history shows that the “contagion” of Christ only spread further — carried even by slaves who bore the title of deacon, ministers and leaders in their assemblies, and by all who confessed his name three times, even unto death.

Lord and God: Domitian’s Demand and the Church’s Response

August 22, 2025August 22, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

Domitian ruled the Roman Empire from AD 81 to 96. Unlike his predecessors, he didn’t wait for the Senate to deify him after death—he demanded divine honors while still alive. In his reign, we find the clearest clash yet between the Roman emperor’s claim to absolute authority and the growing Christian conviction that Jesus alone is Lord.

We will examine how Domitian reshaped imperial religion, how Jews and Christians were affected, and how John’s Gospel and Revelation responded. Then we’ll look at Nerva, his successor, who briefly reversed these policies and allowed the apostle John to return from exile.

Imperial Title: “Lord and God” — Claimed by Domitian, Confessed by Thomas

Multiple Roman sources record that Domitian required subjects to refer to him with divine titles.

Suetonius (c. AD 69–122), a Roman biographer, writes:

“He even dictated a circular letter in the name of his procurators, beginning: ‘Our Lord and God commands that this be done.’”
— Suetonius, Life of Domitian 13.2

Cassius Dio (c. AD 155–235), a Roman senator and historian, adds:

“Domitian was not only bold enough to boast of his divinity openly, but compelled everyone to address him as Lord and God.”
— Cassius Dio, Roman History 67.4

At the same time, the Gospel of John (written c. AD 90–95, near the end of Domitian’s reign) records the only place in the New Testament where someone addresses Jesus with both titles:

“Thomas answered and said to Him, ‘My Lord and my God!’”
— John 20:28

The Greek, ho Kyrios mou kai ho Theos mou, mirrors the very language demanded of Domitian in the Greek-speaking east. In a world where Caesar was called “Lord and God” by force, John records a disciple saying it freely of Jesus.

Emperor Worship in Asia Minor

Domitian’s divine status was especially prominent in Asia Minor, the region addressed by Revelation (written c. AD 95).

Ephesus: A temple was constructed during Domitian’s reign and dedicated to him. Archaeology has recovered fragments of a colossal statue and inscriptions honoring him.
Pergamum: Already home to the first imperial cult temple in Asia (to Augustus and Roma, 29 BC), it continued to be a center of emperor worship under Domitian. Revelation 2:13 calls it “where Satan’s throne is.”
Smyrna and Sardis: Inscriptions name Domitian with divine epithets like Sebastos Theos (“August and God”). Public festivals and civic life revolved around his cult.

These local realities explain why Revelation portrays emperor worship as unavoidable and coercive.

Economic Pressure and the “Mark of the Beast”

Revelation describes a system where worship and commerce are inseparable:

“No one could buy or sell except the one who had the mark or the name of the beast.”
— Revelation 13:17 (written c. AD 95)

Participation in the emperor cult was often required for guilds, festivals, and trade. In Domitian’s Asia Minor, refusing to honor Caesar could mean exclusion from economic life, imprisonment, or worse.

The Number of the Beast and the Nero Legend

Revelation 13 ends with one of the most famous verses in the Bible:

“This calls for wisdom: let the one who has understanding calculate the number of the beast, for it is the number of a man, and his number is 666.”
— Revelation 13:18

Most scholars recognize this as gematria—a system where letters represent numbers. When “Nero Caesar” is written in Hebrew letters (נרון קסר, Neron Qesar), the total is 666. Some manuscripts of Revelation even read 616, which fits the Latin spelling “Nero Caesar” without the final n.

Because Romans themselves believed Nero was not really gone.

Suetonius: The Rumor of Nero’s Return

Suetonius (c. AD 110–120) explains that the rumor of Nero’s return never died:

“Although Nero was now dead and already missed by no one, yet in the course of many years, there were still people who dressed up like him and pretended to be him, and they met with such success that they stirred up serious disorders.”
— Suetonius, Life of Nero 57

This wasn’t harmless theater. People believed these impostors. The disturbances Suetonius describes show that Nero’s return was taken seriously enough to cause riots and uprisings.

Cassius Dio: False Neros and Domitian as a New Nero

Cassius Dio (c. AD 220) confirms the same phenomenon:

“In his time and afterward, many pretended to be Nero, and this caused great disturbances.”
— Roman History 66.19

And when he describes Domitian, Dio makes the connection explicit:

“He was a man of Nero’s type, cruel and lustful, but he concealed these vices at the beginning of his reign… Later, however, he showed himself the equal of Nero in cruelty.”
— Roman History 67.1–2

So the link is clear:

The legend of Nero’s return haunted the empire.
Domitian’s cruelty made many see him as a “new Nero.”

Why This Matters for Revelation

For John’s audience in Asia Minor, Nero was the archetype of the beast. The rumor of his return kept that fear alive. Under Domitian, those fears became present reality.

Thus, the number of the beast (666) was not a mystical code about the far future. It was a way of saying: the same spirit of persecution that lived in Nero now lives again in Domitian.

John’s Exile to Patmos

Irenaeus (c. AD 130–202), bishop of Lyons, records:

“It [Revelation] was seen no long time ago, but almost in our generation, at the end of Domitian’s reign.”
— Against Heresies 5.30.3

Eusebius (c. AD 260–340), the early church historian, confirms:

“John… was banished to the island of Patmos by the tyrant Domitian.”
— Ecclesiastical History 3.18

And John himself (c. AD 95) writes:

“I, John… was on the island called Patmos for the word of God and for the testimony of Jesus Christ.”
— Revelation 1:9

John’s exile reflects Domitian’s broader repression of religious dissent.

The Jewish Tax and Identity Pressure

Domitian enforced the fiscus Judaicus with severity.

Suetonius (writing c. AD 110–120) records:

“The tax on the Jews was levied with the utmost rigor. Those who lived like Jews without publicly admitting it were prosecuted.”
— Suetonius, Life of Domitian 12.2

This created legal confusion. Christians were caught between identities:

If they looked Jewish, they were taxed.
If they weren’t legally Jewish, they had no protections.
If they refused emperor worship, they were called atheists.

Revelation reflects this tension:

“I know the slander of those who say they are Jews and are not, but are a synagogue of Satan.”
— Revelation 2:9 (c. AD 95)

This is not anti-Jewish polemic—it’s a real-time response to legal and political accusations in Smyrna, where Jewish communities may have denounced Christians to Roman authorities.

Martyrdom: Clemens and Domitilla

In AD 95, Domitian executed his cousin Flavius Clemens and banished his wife Domitilla.

Suetonius (c. AD 110–120) writes:

“He put to death his cousin Flavius Clemens… and banished his wife Domitilla… on the most trivial of charges.”
— Suetonius, Life of Domitian 15.1

Later Christian sources, such as Eusebius (c. AD 260–340), identified them as Christian sympathizers. Whether or not that is precise, their fate shows even Rome’s elite were not spared when religious loyalty was questioned.

Did Domitian Persecute Christians?

There is no formal edict against Christians from Domitian’s reign, but the evidence suggests targeted repression:

John exiled to Patmos (c. AD 95)
Clemens executed, Domitilla banished (AD 95)
Christians accused of atheism or tax evasion

Persecution was not empire-wide, but under Domitian, Christians could be criminalized for their faith.

1 Clement — A Contemporary Voice from Rome

Around the same time, Clement of Rome (c. AD 95–96) wrote to the church in Corinth. His letter, 1 Clement, is the earliest Christian writing outside the New Testament.

Clement begins:

“Because of the sudden and repeated misfortunes and reverses that have happened to us, we have been somewhat tardy in turning our attention to the matters in dispute among you.”
— 1 Clement 1.1

This likely refers to Domitian’s persecutions in Rome. Clement adds:

“Many are in fear and distress, enduring torments and imprisonment.”
— 1 Clement 6.1

He recalls the deaths of Peter and Paul:

“Peter… endured many trials, and thus, having given his testimony, went to the place of glory.”
— 1 Clement 5.4

“Paul… having preached in the East and in the West… was martyred under the prefects.”
— 1 Clement 5.6–7

And he instructs believers to endure persecution without revolt:

“Let us submit ourselves to every decree of the rulers and authorities… For the rulers are God’s servants, and their judgment is not without purpose.”
— 1 Clement 61.1

Like Revelation, Clement reflects a church under pressure—calling for endurance, peace, and loyalty to God over Caesar.

Persecution in Revelation’s Own Words

Revelation itself (c. AD 95) bears witness to persecution under Domitian:

Smyrna:

“Do not fear what you are about to suffer… The devil is about to throw some of you into prison… Be faithful unto death.” (Rev. 2:10)

Pergamum:

“Antipas, my faithful witness… was killed among you.” (Rev. 2:13)

Philadelphia:

“You have kept my word about patient endurance… I will keep you from the hour of trial.” (Rev. 3:10)

The Martyrs Under the Altar:

“I saw under the altar the souls of those who had been slain for the word of God…” (Rev. 6:9–11)

Conquering Through Death:

“They loved not their lives even unto death.” (Rev. 12:11)

Beheaded for the Testimony:

“I saw the souls of those who had been beheaded for the testimony of Jesus.” (Rev. 20:4)

These passages are contemporary witnesses, showing the churches in Asia were suffering imprisonment, slander, and even martyrdom under Domitian.

The Broader New Testament Context

Critical and atheist scholars, who reject early Christian tradition about the dating of New Testament writings, place almost all of the New Testament (outside of Paul’s seven undisputed letters) into the very decades between Nero and Domitian (AD 65–96).

Mark is usually dated just after the destruction of Jerusalem (c. AD 70).
Matthew and Luke-Acts are typically placed in the 80s or 90s.
John’s Gospel and letters are often dated to the 90s, during or immediately after Domitian’s reign.
1 Peter, Jude, and other Catholic Epistles are also slotted into this time period.

If that critical dating is correct, then the majority of the New Testament was written in an atmosphere of persecution and repression — either Nero’s violent purges, or Domitian’s pressures on Jews and Christians alike.

And these writings don’t minimize persecution — they emphasize it.

1 Peter explicitly refers to Christians suffering not for crimes, but simply for the name “Christian”: “If anyone suffers as a Christian, let him not be ashamed, but let him glorify God in that name.”
— 1 Peter 4:16
Hebrews urges perseverance in the face of social rejection and suffering: “Recall the former days when, after you were enlightened, you endured a hard struggle with sufferings, sometimes being publicly exposed to reproach and affliction, and sometimes being partners with those so treated.”
— Hebrews 10:32–33
The Gospels repeatedly stress Jesus’ warnings that his followers would be “hated by all nations” and “delivered up to tribulation” (cf. Matt. 24:9; Mark 13:13; Luke 21:17).

Even if one accepts the most skeptical dating, the consensus of critical scholarship places much of the New Testament in a context of Roman suspicion, Jewish-Christian conflict, and persecution.

The Witness of the Didache

The Didache (“Teaching”), one of the earliest non-biblical Christian writings (c. AD 80–100), echoes the same themes of persecution and endurance:

“The world-deceiver will appear as a son of God… and the earth will be delivered into his hands… many will fall away and perish; but those who endure in their faith will be saved.”
— Didache 16.4–5

Even outside the New Testament, Christians at the close of the 1st century were being taught to expect tribulation, resist deception, and endure to the end.

Common Themes Across the First-Century Witnesses

From Paul’s letters in the 50s to Revelation, Clement, and the Didache in the 90s, one theme unites the earliest church: faith in Christ expressed through endurance and moral living.

Faith in Jesus as Lord:
Thomas confessed, “My Lord and my God” (John 20:28), words that in John’s Gospel belong to Christ, not Caesar. For Clement of Rome, writing near the end of Domitian’s reign, this same allegiance framed his encouragement to endure faithfully, even as believers in Rome suffered “torments and imprisonment” (1 Clement 6.1).
Endurance under persecution:
Paul praised the Thessalonians for imitating the persecuted churches in Judea (1 Thess. 2:14). Peter told believers not to be ashamed of the name “Christian” (1 Pet. 4:16). Hebrews reminded its readers of their “hard struggle with sufferings” (Heb. 10:32–33). Revelation called the church in Smyrna to be “faithful unto death” (Rev. 2:10). Clement honored Peter and Paul as models who suffered faithfully (1 Clement 5). The Didache urged endurance against the “world-deceiver” in the final trial (Didache 16.4–5).
Commitment to moral living:
Paul urged the churches to “live in a manner worthy of God” (1 Thess. 2:12). Hebrews stressed the “holiness without which no one will see the Lord” (Heb. 12:14). The Gospels and John’s letters call for love, purity, and obedience. Clement rebuked envy, pride, and strife as the causes of disorder, urging humility, peace, and good works (1 Clement 38–39). The Didache contrasted the Way of Life (love, generosity, self-control) with the Way of Death (greed, idolatry, violence).

Across these writings, the earliest Christians are consistent: they were not revolutionaries seeking to overthrow Rome, but a people set apart in loyalty to Christ and in moral living. They endured slander, imprisonment, and death while maintaining their baseline confession:

Jesus is Lord, not Caesar.
The church must endure suffering.
The church must live a holy, distinct life.

Nerva and the Reversal

Domitian was assassinated in AD 96. The Senate chose Nerva (r. AD 96–98) as emperor, who immediately reversed many of Domitian’s harsher policies.

Cassius Dio (writing c. AD 220) records:

“He forbade the accusation of those who were living a Jewish life without admitting it.”
— Roman History 68.1

Nerva also released those unjustly banished, likely including John, who then returned to Ephesus and lived out his final years there.

Nerva’s short reign resembles Claudius (r. AD 41–54): both followed unstable emperors, restored legal balance, and unintentionally created space for Christianity to grow.

Conclusion

Domitian demanded worship, punished dissent, and blurred the legal categories that had once sheltered Christians under Judaism. John wrote Revelation from exile in Patmos, Clement wrote from a pressured Rome, and the churches of Asia endured imprisonment, slander, and death. The Didache echoed the same warning: the “world-deceiver” would arise, but those who endured to the end would be saved.

Then came Nerva, who reversed Domitian’s harsh policies, released exiles, and brought a short reprieve. Like Claudius before him, his unexpected moderation gave the Christian movement room to breathe, to write, and to expand.

From Paul’s earliest letters to the Didache, one message ties the first-century church together:

Jesus is Lord, not Caesar.
The church must endure suffering.
The church must live a holy, distinct life.

In the end, Domitian’s title “Lord and God” died with him. But the words recorded by John endure:

“Thomas said to Him, ‘My Lord and my God.’”

Hatred of the Human Race: Rome’s First Verdict on Christianity

August 19, 2025August 19, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

When Claudius ruled the Roman Empire from AD 41 to 54, the Christian movement was still young. His reign, while not free from hostility, created an unusual window in which the church could grow rapidly across the empire. Claudius’ policies toward Jews — and Christians who were still seen as part of Judaism — meant the faith could spread along the empire’s roads, through its cities, and into its synagogues with relatively less interference from the imperial government.

But this didn’t mean the first Christians were safe. In Judea, Herod Agrippa I executed James the son of Zebedee and imprisoned Peter. Claudius himself expelled Jews from Rome — an act that affected Jewish Christians as well. Persecution was still real, but it was often local and sporadic.

Under Nero, who reigned from AD 54 to 68, everything changed. In the aftermath of the Great Fire of Rome in AD 64, Christians were no longer treated as just another branch of Judaism. For the first time, they were publicly named, legally separated from the Jewish community, and branded as a dangerous new superstition.

During Nero’s reign, Paul wrote several of his most significant letters — 2 Corinthians, Romans, Philippians, and Philemon. In them, he repeatedly testifies to Christian suffering, urging endurance and faithfulness in the face of mounting hostility. These were not abstract warnings. Paul himself was on the road to Rome, knowing he would one day stand before the emperor’s judgment seat — and, by all early accounts, be executed for the gospel he preached.

The Great Fire of Rome and the First Imperial Persecution (AD 64)

In July AD 64, a massive fire swept through Rome. Ancient sources disagree on whether Nero was responsible, but the rumor persisted. To end it, he found a scapegoat.

Tacitus, Annals 15.44 (Loeb Translation)

“To suppress the rumor, Nero fabricated scapegoats and punished with every refinement the notoriously depraved Christians (as they were popularly called). Their originator, Christ, had been executed in Tiberius’ reign by the procurator of Judea, Pontius Pilatus.

Checked for a moment, this pernicious superstition again broke out—not only in Judea, the home of the disease, but even in Rome, where all things horrible or shameful in the world collect and find a vogue.

First, those who confessed were arrested; then, on their information, a vast multitude was convicted, not so much on the charge of arson as for hatred of the human race.

Their deaths were made farcical. Dressed in wild animal skins, they were torn to pieces by dogs, or crucified, or made into torches to be ignited after dark as substitutes for daylight.

Nero provided his gardens for the spectacle, and exhibited displays in the Circus, at which he mingled with the crowd—dressed as a charioteer or mounted on a chariot.

Hence, in spite of a guilt which had earned the most exemplary punishment, there arose a sentiment of pity, due to the impression that they were being sacrificed not for the welfare of the state but to the ferocity of a single man.”
—Tacitus, Annals 15.44, Loeb Classical Library

What Did “Hatred of the Human Race” Mean?

To Roman ears, this charge meant Christians refused the social glue of Roman life.

They would not sacrifice to the gods for the welfare of the empire.
They avoided festivals, temples, and gladiatorial games.
They proclaimed divine judgment on the world, which Romans heard as contempt for humanity itself.

Christians believed they were called to love their neighbors, but their refusal to share in Rome’s civic religion was taken as proof that they despised mankind.

Suetonius, Life of Nero 16.2 (Loeb Translation)

“Punishments were also inflicted on the Christians, a sect professing a new and mischievous religious belief.”

Cassius Dio (via Zonaras, Loeb-based paraphrase)

“Nero was the first to punish the Christians, though they were guilty of no crime. Some were torn by dogs, others crucified, and others burned alive to serve as lamps at night.
The spectacle was held in Nero’s gardens. He mingled with the crowd in a charioteer’s garb. Pity arose, for it was evident they were being put to death not for the public good, but to gratify the cruelty of a single man.”

Why Christians, Not Jews, Were Targeted

Until Nero, Christians often shared in the legal protection Rome afforded to Judaism — a tolerated “ancient superstition.” But after the fire, Nero treated Christianity as a separate, unauthorized cult.

“Punishments were also inflicted on the Christians, a sect professing a new and mischievous religious belief.”
—Suetonius, Nero 16.2

“Checked for a moment, this pernicious superstition again broke out — not only in Judea, the home of the disease, but even in Rome…”
—Tacitus, Annals 15.44

Rome’s Respect for Ancient Religions but Suspicion of New Ones

“Whatever is novel in religion is forbidden; but whatever is ancient is respected — even if it be based on error.”
—Tacitus, Histories 5.5, Loeb

“Religious belief exerts enormous power over the minds of men… Ancient religions win tolerance through their antiquity; new ones are looked on with suspicion, particularly when they refuse to worship the Roman gods.”
—Pliny the Elder, Natural History 30.11, Loeb

Group	Roman View	Legal Status
Jews	Ancient superstition	Tolerated (licita)
Christians	New superstition	Unlawful (illicita)

Modern Skepticism vs. Ancient Testimony

Candida Moss, The Myth of Persecution (2013):

“The earliest Christians were not targeted for being Christians… They were targeted for their refusal to obey the laws of the land.”

Bart Ehrman, The Triumph of Christianity (2018):

“Christians were persecuted not because of their religion per se, but because they were perceived to be antisocial and subversive to Roman unity.”

But the Roman historians describe something different.

Tacitus: a pernicious superstition spreading from Judea to Rome.
Suetonius: a new and mischievous religious belief.
Cassius Dio: Christians guilty of “no crime,” yet publicly humiliated and killed.
Pliny the Elder: Rome tolerated ancient faiths, but new ones were inherently suspicious.

This was not simply scapegoating. It was the classification of Christianity as an unlawful religion — a precedent that would echo for decades.

Nero’s Persecution Compared with the Stoics

It is true that Nero also executed Stoic philosophers like Seneca and Thrasea Paetus. But there is a difference. The Stoics were influential individuals silenced for their independence. The Christians were rounded up in “a vast multitude” and condemned as a whole movement.

Nero’s persecution was not just the removal of a few dissidents. It was the criminalization of a religion.

The Precedent That Shaped the Next Half-Century

By defining Christians as a separate, new superstition, Nero set a precedent every emperor from Nero to Trajan would inherit:

Christians could no longer claim Jewish exemptions.
As a superstitio nova, Christianity was inherently unlawful.
Governors had freedom to punish Christians whenever accusations arose.

This principle explains why, fifty years later, the governor Pliny the Younger could interrogate and execute Christians simply for the name — and why Emperor Trajan confirmed that policy. What began in Nero’s gardens would be codified in imperial correspondence.

The Martyrdom of Peter and Paul

Early Christian sources agree that Peter and Paul died in Nero’s persecution.

Dionysius of Corinth: “Peter and Paul… were martyred at the same time.”
Tertullian: “After having cruelly put to death Peter and Paul…”
Eusebius: “Paul was beheaded in Rome itself, and Peter likewise was crucified under Nero.”
Acts of Paul (late 2nd c.): Paul told Nero, “You will stand before the judgment seat of God,” before being beheaded outside the city.

Other Traditional Martyrs Under Nero

Linus – Peter’s successor; said to be martyred in Rome (Liber Pontificalis).
Mark the Evangelist – tradition places his death in Alexandria during Nero’s reign.
Trophimus and Eutychus – companions of Paul; later traditions connect them to Nero’s persecution.
Processus and Martinian – Roman guards who converted and were executed (Acts of Peter and Paul).

Conclusion

Under Nero (AD 54–68), Christianity became an illegal religion — not because it was violent, but because it was new, exclusive, and refused Rome’s gods.

Roman historians confirm the scale and cruelty of the persecution.
Christian writers affirm that Peter and Paul were among the victims.
Roman law explains why Christians were targeted apart from Jews.

The precedent Nero set would outlive him. For the next half-century, Christians lived under the same vulnerability — a reality spelled out with chilling clarity in the letters of Pliny and Trajan, which we will explore in a future post.

Why Even Atheist Historians Believe in John the Baptist

August 1, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

What kind of world crucified Jesus—and why do even atheist historians agree that John the Baptist was real? This post explores the reign of Emperor Tiberius (AD 14–37) and the volatile political and religious landscape of Judea under Roman rule. It was during this time that both John the Baptist and Jesus of Nazareth were executed. And just one year later, Paul the Apostle was converted. Drawing on the writings of Josephus, Philo, and Tacitus, we’ll see how Rome responded to charismatic Jewish voices—and how their attempts to silence those voices only fueled the Christian movement.

“Now in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar…”

That line from Luke 3:1 grounds the Gospel narrative in historical time. Tiberius ruled from AD 14 to 37. The fifteenth year corresponds to AD 28 or 29. Pontius Pilate was the governor of Judea. And John the Baptist was already preaching in the wilderness.

John the Baptist: A Voice Rome Couldn’t Ignore

Historians—including secular and even atheist scholars—agree that John the Baptist is one of the most historically verifiable figures from the New Testament. Why?

He’s documented in multiple independent sources: all four Gospels and the writings of Josephus, a Jewish historian with no sympathy for Christianity.
He presents a “criterion of embarrassment”—Jesus submits to baptism by John, which would suggest moral inferiority. The early church wouldn’t have invented that.
His role fits perfectly into first-century Jewish culture, when prophetic voices were seen as potential threats under Roman occupation.
His preaching content cited by Josephus matches what the Gospel accounts share as well.

Josephus was born in AD 37, just a few years after John’s death. He would have grown up among people who had heard John preach. Here’s Josephus’s full account:

“Now some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod’s army came from God, and that it was a very just punishment for what he had done against John, who was called the Baptist. For Herod had killed this good man, who had exhorted the Jews to lead righteous lives, to practice justice toward their fellows and piety toward God, and so doing join in baptism. In his view this was a necessary preliminary if baptism was to be acceptable to God. They must not employ it to gain pardon for whatever sins they committed, but as a consecration of the body, implying that the soul was already cleansed by right behavior.

When others too joined the crowds about him because they were aroused to the highest degree by his sermons, Herod became alarmed. Eloquence that had so great an effect on mankind might lead to some form of sedition, for it looked as if they would do everything he counseled. Herod decided, therefore, that it would be much better to strike first and be rid of him than to wait until a disturbance broke out and he had to act when it was too late. Because of Herod’s suspicions, John was sent in chains to the fortress of Machaerus, which we have previously mentioned, and there put to death. The Jews, to this day, hold that the destruction of his army was a punishment sent upon Herod by God, a mark of his disapproval of what he had done against John.”
—Josephus, Antiquities 18.5.2

John was not a violent revolutionary. He called people to repentance and moral renewal. But Herod Antipas feared his influence. The people were ready to “do everything he counseled.” In a Roman client state, that was enough to warrant execution.

Pilate Provokes—and Then Bows to Pressure

Pontius Pilate, appointed by Tiberius, governed Judea from AD 26 to 36. He was known for provoking Jewish unrest. Here’s how Josephus describes one early incident, when Pilate introduced Roman standards bearing Caesar’s image into Jerusalem:

“But now Pilate, the procurator of Judaea, brought into Jerusalem by night and under cover the effigies of Caesar that are called standards. The next day this caused a great uproar among the Jews. Those who were shocked by the incident went in a body to Pilate at Caesarea and for many days begged him to remove the standards from Jerusalem. When he refused, they fell to the ground and remained motionless for five days and nights. On the sixth day Pilate took his seat on the tribunal in the great stadium and summoned the multitude, as if he meant to grant their petition. Instead, he gave a signal to the soldiers to surround the Jews, and threatened to cut them down unless they stopped pressing their petition. But they threw themselves on the ground and bared their necks, shouting that they would welcome death rather than the violation of their laws. Deeply impressed by their religious fervor, Pilate ordered the standards to be removed from Jerusalem.”
—Josephus, Antiquities 18.3.1

Thousands of Jews lay on the ground, necks exposed, ready to die. Pilate backed down. But this moment revealed his tendency to provoke until things nearly exploded.

Philo also describes Pilate’s recklessness—this time involving golden shields inscribed with the emperor’s name:

“Pilate, who had been appointed prefect of Judaea, displayed the shields in Herod’s palace in the Holy City. They bore no image—only an inscription. But when the people learned what had been done, and realized that their laws had been trampled underfoot, they petitioned Pilate to remove the shields. He steadfastly refused. Then they took the matter to Tiberius, who was indignant that Pilate had dared to offend religious sentiments and ordered him by letter to remove the shields immediately and transfer them to Caesarea.”
—Philo, Embassy to Gaius, §§299–305

Pilate was politically clumsy and religiously tone-deaf. But this is the man who would oversee the crucifixion of Jesus.

Tacitus Confirms the Crucifixion

Even Tacitus, the great Roman historian, confirms the execution of Jesus—and notes that Rome failed to stop what it had begun:

“Christus, the founder of the name, had undergone the death penalty in the reign of Tiberius, by sentence of the procurator Pontius Pilatus, and the pernicious superstition was checked for a moment, only to break out once more, not merely in Judea, the home of the disease, but in the capital itself, where all things horrible or shameful in the world collect and find a vogue.”
—Tacitus, Annals 15.44

This phrase—“checked for a moment”—reveals Rome’s belief that the crucifixion had ended the Jesus movement. But instead, it spread.

Tacitus calls Christianity a “pernicious superstition”—a key Roman legal category.

Religio vs. Superstitio: Why Rome Saw Christians as Dangerous

To the Roman mind:

Religio referred to official, ancestral, state-sponsored worship—gods like Jupiter or Mars, or the emperor himself.
Superstitio meant foreign, irrational, and unauthorized religion—often seen as destabilizing.

By labeling Christianity as a superstition rather than a religio, Tacitus reveals how Rome legally and socially marginalized the movement. It wasn’t just false—it was disruptive and subversive.

“Let the very mention of the cross be far removed not only from the body of a Roman citizen, but from his thoughts, his eyes, his ears.”
—Cicero, Against Verres 2.5.168

The cross was something to be erased from polite society. But the early Christians made it the centerpiece of their message.

AD 31: The Conversion of Paul

In AD 31, just one year after Jesus was crucified, Saul of Tarsus—a Roman citizen and a Pharisee—was converted. He would become Paul the Apostle, and his letters would one day be copied across the empire.

Conclusion: “Checked for the Moment”

When Tiberius died in AD 37, John the Baptist had been silenced, Jesus had been crucified, and Paul had been converted. Rome thought it had preserved peace. But instead, it had launched a kingdom that would spread from Judea to the capital.

Tacitus said the movement was “checked for the moment.”

But that moment didn’t last.

How the 7 Letters Show an Unbroken Continuation of Persecution Since Jesus’ Crucifixion

June 21, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

Was persecution in the early church just a myth? Some modern scholars say yes—but Paul’s seven undisputed letters tell a different story. In this post, we explore how persecution began not with Nero or later emperors, but with Jesus himself—and continued through Paul’s ministry and the churches he wrote to. Long before it was empire-wide, suffering was already the daily reality for early Christians.

Was Early Christian Persecution Exaggerated?

Some modern scholars argue that early Christian persecution wasn’t as serious as we’ve been led to believe.

Candida Moss, in her book The Myth of Persecution (2013), claims the early church exaggerated stories of suffering. She argues that persecution wasn’t common, wasn’t organized, and was often the result of Christians acting in socially disruptive ways. The title alone—The Myth of Persecution—signals her aim to minimize its significance.

Bart Ehrman, in The Triumph of Christianity (2018), similarly states that persecution before Nero was “occasional and local,” not a deliberate campaign against Christians simply for believing in Jesus. In his view, Christians were targeted for offending social norms, not for their faith itself.

But what these arguments often miss is that Christian persecution didn’t have to be empire-wide to be devastating. Early churches were fragile—small house gatherings with no legal protection. If one believer was imprisoned or beaten, the effect rippled through the whole community.

So yes, the threat was localized. But the fear was universal.

What It Meant to Live Under the Threat

Imagine you’re a Christian in Thessalonica or Corinth around AD 50.

You’re not breaking any Roman laws—at least not explicitly—but you no longer join in idol feasts, you refuse to honor Caesar as divine, and you don’t sacrifice to the gods of your city. People notice.

Your friends grow distant. Your employer stops calling. Your family worries you’re joining a cult. And then someone files a complaint. Suddenly, your name is known, and you’re vulnerable.

You live with the constant reality that you could be the next to suffer. No law needs to change for persecution to come—just a neighbor’s suspicion or a local leader’s frustration.

This is the emotional context of Paul’s letters: not paranoia, but preparation. Believers were called to stand firm, because the risk was real.

Who Was Doing the Persecuting?

Persecution of Christians didn’t begin with Paul. It began with Jesus himself.

His crucifixion was the result of a coordinated effort between Jewish religious leaders and Roman civil authority—a pattern that continued after his death.

Paul admits openly that he was once one of the primary persecutors of Christians:

“You have heard of my former conduct in Judaism, how I persecuted the church of God beyond measure and tried to destroy it.”
(Galatians 1:13, NKJV)

And he acknowledges that the same communities who killed Jesus were now attacking his followers:

“You also suffered the same things from your own countrymen, just as they did from the Judeans, who killed both the Lord Jesus and their own prophets, and have persecuted us…”
(1 Thessalonians 2:14–15, NKJV)

In the earliest phase of persecution—from the 30s to the 50s AD—it was primarily Jewish opposition, often in coordination with local Roman authorities, that brought suffering upon Christians. Paul himself was chased out of cities, beaten, and imprisoned by local powers. We do not see formal Roman policy until Nero in the 60s AD.

Nero’s persecution was a turning point. Christians, not Jews, were blamed for the fire of Rome. It marked the first time Roman authorities officially recognized Christians as distinct from Judaism—and treated them as a group worthy of punishment.

That precedent shaped the next 200 years of Christian life under Rome.

What Paul’s Seven Letters Say

The strongest evidence for early persecution doesn’t come from later legends or Christian historians. It comes from the earliest Christian writings we have: the seven undisputed letters of Paul, written between AD 48 and 60.

Let’s look at two verses from each letter—one about Paul’s own suffering, and one about suffering in the churches.

1 Thessalonians

Paul’s suffering:

“We were bold in our God to speak to you the gospel of God in much conflict.” (1 Thess. 2:2)

Church’s suffering:

“You… received the word in much affliction… For you also suffered the same things from your own countrymen.” (1 Thess. 1:6, 2:14)

Galatians

Paul’s suffering:

“I bear in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus.” (Gal. 6:17)

Church’s suffering:

“Have you suffered so many things in vain—if indeed it was in vain?” (Gal. 3:4)

Philippians (written from prison)

Paul’s suffering:

“I am in chains for Christ.” (Phil. 1:13)

Church’s suffering:

“To you it has been granted… not only to believe in Him, but also to suffer for His sake.” (Phil. 1:29)

1 Corinthians

Paul’s suffering:

“We are fools for Christ’s sake… being persecuted, we endure.” (1 Cor. 4:10–12)

Church’s suffering:

“If one member suffers, all suffer together.” (1 Cor. 12:26)

2 Corinthians

Paul’s suffering:

“From the Jews five times I received forty stripes minus one… once I was stoned… in perils often…” (2 Cor. 11:24–26)

Church’s suffering:

“As you are partakers of the sufferings, so also you will partake of the consolation.” (2 Cor. 1:7)

Romans

Paul’s suffering:

“We are accounted as sheep for the slaughter.” (Rom. 8:36)

Church’s suffering:

“If indeed we suffer with Him, that we may also be glorified together.” (Rom. 8:17)

Philemon

Paul’s suffering:

“Paul, a prisoner of Christ Jesus…” (Philemon 1)

Church’s solidarity:

“Though I am in chains… I appeal to you…” (Philemon 9–10)

What This Means for Us

These aren’t fictions. They’re not later legends.

Paul’s letters—written before the Gospels, before Nero, before any systematic Roman policy—show that suffering was already baked into the Christian experience. From the very start, to follow Christ was to risk opposition.

And Paul never wavers. He doesn’t tell churches to soften their message or flee their towns. He tells them to endure. To rejoice. To carry in their bodies the dying of Christ, that his life might be revealed in them.

Conclusion: A Legacy of Suffering

So was early persecution a myth?

The seven letters of Paul say otherwise.

They show a pattern of unbroken hostility from Jesus’ crucifixion to Paul’s chains.
The sources are early. The testimony is consistent. The cost was real.

Christianity was not born in comfort.
It was born in conflict.
And its first witnesses—like Paul—never expected it to be easy.

They expected it to be worth it.

How We Know Paul’s Letters Were Accurately Preserved

June 18, 2025June 18, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

How do we know that the Apostle Paul’s original letters—written between 48 and 64 AD—were accurately transmitted before our earliest surviving manuscript copy from around 200 AD?

In this post, we walk through internal evidence from the New Testament, quotes from early Christian leaders, and even comparisons with other ancient writings. The result is a compelling historical case for the reliable preservation of Paul’s seven undisputed letters: Romans, 1–2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians, and Philemon.

Comparing Paul to Other Ancient Authors

Before jumping into Christian sources, let’s compare Paul’s letters with other ancient texts that historians accept without controversy:

Author	Work	Date Written	Earliest Copy	Time Gap
Josephus	Jewish War	75–79 AD	9th century	~800 years
Tacitus	Annals	~100 AD	~850 AD	~750 years
Pliny the Younger	Letters	~100–112 AD	~850 AD	~750 years
Suetonius	Lives of the Caesars	~121 AD	9th century	~700–800 years
Paul the Apostle	7 Undisputed Letters	48–64 AD	~175–200 AD (P46)	~125–150 years

Paul’s letters have the shortest gap between composition and manuscript evidence—yet are often treated with far more suspicion. Why?

Internal Evidence from Paul’s Own Letters

Even during Paul’s lifetime, his letters were being circulated and discussed:

1 Corinthians 1:2
“To the church of God which is at Corinth… with all who in every place call on the name of Jesus Christ our Lord.”

2 Corinthians 1:1
“To the church of God which is at Corinth, with all the saints who are in all Achaia.”

Galatians 1:2
“To the churches of Galatia.”

These greetings show that Paul’s letters were meant for entire regions, not just local churches.

2 Corinthians 10:10
“For his letters,” they say, “are weighty and powerful, but his bodily presence is weak, and his speech contemptible.”

Even his opponents knew and discussed his letters, plural—during his lifetime.

2 Peter 3:15–16 (likely early 60s AD):
“…as also in all his epistles… as they do also the rest of the Scriptures.”

Paul’s letters were already being grouped together and treated as Scripture.

Colossians 4:16 (disputed):
“…see that it is read also in the church of the Laodiceans…”

Bart Ehrman, agnostic scholar:
“The passage in Colossians suggests that even by the time of its composition—whoever wrote it—there was a custom of circulating Christian letters.” (Forged, 2011)

Early Christian Witness (95–180 AD)

Clement of Rome (c. 95 AD)
“Take up the epistle of the blessed Paul the Apostle. What did he write to you at the time when the Gospel first began to be preached?” (1 Clement 47)

Clement assumes the Corinthians still had Paul’s letter over 40 years later.

David F. Wright (Christian historian):
“The rhetoric and theological framing of 1 Clement are unmistakably Pauline, using patterns found in Galatians and Romans—even where exact verbal citation is absent.” (Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 2014)

Ignatius of Antioch (c. 110 AD)
“You are associates in the mysteries with Paul… who in every letter makes mention of you in Christ Jesus.” (To the Ephesians 12.2)

Ignatius refers to “every letter” of Paul, indicating a corpus already known to his readers.

Michael Holmes (Christian textual scholar):
“Ignatius’s epistles are built upon the structure and tone of Paul, especially in areas such as ecclesiology and unity.” (The Apostolic Fathers, 2nd ed.)

Polycarp of Smyrna (c. 110–140 AD)
“The blessed Paul wrote letters to you… which, if you study them, you will be able to build yourselves up in the faith.” (To the Philippians 3.2)

Polycarp speaks of “letters” plural—implying either multiple communications or a collection.

Kenneth Berding (Christian professor of New Testament):
“Polycarp’s theology and phraseology… show clear mimēsis of Pauline thought—not mere influence, but conscious imitation.” (Polycarp and Paul, Brill)

Theophilus of Antioch (c. 180 AD)
“Paul says: ‘If you confess with your mouth that Jesus is Lord and believe in your heart that God raised him from the dead, you shall be saved.’” (To Autolycus 3.14, quoting Romans 10:9)

Theophilus refers to Romans as “Scripture.”

Irenaeus of Lyons (c. 180 AD)
“Paul… ‘There is one God… and one Lord Jesus Christ.’” (Against Heresies 3.12.12, quoting 1 Corinthians 8:6)

Irenaeus quotes all seven undisputed letters and explicitly names Paul.

Canon Lists and Heretical Canons

The Muratorian Fragment (c. 170–200 AD)
“As to the epistles of Paul, they themselves make clear to those desiring to understand which ones they are. First of all, he wrote to the Corinthians, addressing them in two letters. Then to the Ephesians, to the Philippians, to the Colossians, to the Galatians, to the Thessalonians—twice, and to the Romans. It is plain that he wrote these letters for the sake of instruction. There is yet another addressed to Philemon, one to Titus, and two to Timothy in affection and love. These are held sacred in the esteem of the Church and form part of the universal Church’s discipline and teaching.”

Marcion’s Canon (c. 140 AD)
The first known Christian canon was created by a heretic—and it included 10 Pauline letters.

Bart Ehrman:
“Marcion’s canon shows that the letters of Paul were already being collected and circulated as a group by the early second century.” (Lost Christianities, 2003)

The Importance of John’s Long Life

Irenaeus (c. 180 AD):
“Then John, the disciple of the Lord… lived on until the times of Trajan.” (Against Heresies 3.1.1)

Polycrates of Ephesus (c. 190 AD):
“John… being a priest, wore the high-priestly plate.”

If John was 20 years old in 30 AD, he would have been about 90 when Trajan’s reign began in 98 AD—allowing him to influence and oversee the preservation of apostolic teaching decades after Paul’s death.

Richard Bauckham:
“The Beloved Disciple… may well have been quite young during Jesus’ ministry. This possibility makes good sense of the tradition that he lived to extreme old age.” (Jesus and the Eyewitnesses, 2006)

Bart Ehrman:
“It is certainly possible—indeed plausible—that John was very young when he followed Jesus, which would help explain the later traditions about his longevity.” (How Jesus Became God, 2014)

Conclusion: Proven by Perseverance

We don’t have Paul’s original letters.
And we don’t have an unbroken chain of manuscripts from 50 to 200 AD.

But what we do have may be even more compelling:
A generation of people who lived and died for Paul’s message.

They didn’t preserve his letters in silence.
They preserved them through suffering.

They weren’t philosophers in libraries—they were men and women who had seen their lives overturned. Enemies became brothers. The immoral became upright. The fearful became fearless. And when persecution came, they didn’t flinch. They held to Paul’s gospel of Christ crucified and risen—because they had seen its power.

They copied Paul’s words because they were living what those words described.
They circulated them because they believed others could encounter the same Spirit they had.
And they called them Scripture because, to them, no other explanation made sense.

Miracles were reported. Communities of mutual love sprang up where none had existed. Even skeptics were forced to admit: something had changed.

If you’re agnostic, this doesn’t demand blind faith.

It invites a hard look at the kind of people who believed Paul’s words—and what happened when they did.

We’re not just trusting that the church preserved his letters.

We’re trusting why they preserved them.

Because those letters changed lives.

How Accurate Are Paul’s Letters? What the Manuscripts and Scholars Say

June 14, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

Manuscript Evidence for the Seven Undisputed Letters

Can we really know what Paul wrote nearly 2,000 years ago? This post explores the earliest manuscripts, key textual variants, and what even secular scholars say about the reliability of Paul’s seven undisputed letters.

Whether you approach the Bible with faith or skepticism, the transmission of Paul’s seven undisputed letters offers a rare meeting point where historians and believers find surprising agreement. These seven letters—Romans, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians, and Philemon—are universally accepted by scholars as genuine works of Paul. But can we be confident that the words we read today are the same ones Paul wrote in the 50s AD?

What Manuscripts Do We Actually Have?

Before the invention of the printing press, texts were copied by hand. That led to thousands of variations over time. But for Paul’s seven undisputed letters, we have a remarkable collection of early manuscripts and translations.

Approximate counts by language:

Greek: ~900 manuscripts
Latin: 3,000–4,000+ manuscripts
Coptic: 200–300 manuscripts
Syriac: 200–300 manuscripts
Other languages (Armenian, Gothic, Ethiopic, etc.): ~500 combined

Bart Ehrman, an agnostic scholar, says:
“We have more manuscripts of the New Testament than any other book from antiquity—many thousands. And many of these manuscripts date from quite early times.”
(Misquoting Jesus, 2005)

The Earliest Manuscript: P46

The earliest confirmed manuscript of Paul’s seven letters is Papyrus 46 (P46), dated between 175–225 AD.

It was discovered in Egypt and now resides in both Dublin and Michigan. It originally had 104 leaves, but only 86 survive.

P46 includes the following:

Romans 5:17–16:27 (chapters 1–5:16 are missing)
1 Corinthians 1:1–15:58 (chapter 16 missing)
2 Corinthians 1:1–9:6 (chapters 9:7–13:13 missing)
Galatians: fully preserved
Philippians: fully preserved
1 Thessalonians: fully preserved
Philemon: not included—likely in the missing final leaves

Brent Nongbri, a secular papyrologist, says:
“There is little doubt that additional material once followed the current end of the manuscript.”

By 200 AD, Paul’s letters were already being copied and circulated as a collection—less than 150 years after they were written.

Manuscripts Between 200 and 325 AD

To bridge the gap between Paul and the major codices of the fourth century, we have three key papyrus fragments:

P30 (c. 225–250): 1 Thessalonians 4:12–5:18
P65 (c. 200–250): 1 Thessalonians 1:3–2:13
P87 (c. 250–300): Philemon 13–15, 24–25

These fragments confirm continued copying of Paul’s letters across different regions before Christianity was legalized.

Then Come the Codices

Two of the most important Greek Bibles appear shortly after 325 AD:

Codex Vaticanus (c. 325–350): Contains all 7 undisputed letters; preserved in the Vatican Library
Codex Sinaiticus (c. 330–360): Also contains all 7; discovered at St. Catherine’s Monastery in Sinai

Despite coming from different regions, they show strong agreement with each other and with earlier papyri like P46 and P87.

Early Translations

By the early 4th century, Paul’s letters had also been translated into major Christian languages:

Old Latin (c. 250–300): Includes Romans and Galatians
Coptic (Sahidic dialect) (c. 300–325): Includes Galatians
Syriac: Citations from the letters appear by the early 4th century

This wide translation effort confirms the value and authority of Paul’s letters in diverse early communities.

What About Textual Variants?

Across all manuscripts of Paul’s seven letters, scholars estimate about 7,000–8,000 textual variants. That number may sound high—until you consider that these variants are spread across thousands of manuscripts written by hand over centuries.

More importantly, the vast majority of these variants are completely insignificant—they affect spelling, word order, or have no impact on the meaning at all.

Two Examples of Insignificant Variants:

Romans 12:11

“Serve the Lord” vs. “Serve the Spirit”
🡒 The difference is one Greek word—both emphasize faithful living and make theological sense.

Galatians 1:3

“God our Father” vs. “God the Father”
🡒 Both readings are grammatically and doctrinally acceptable. No core teaching is affected.

Bart Ehrman comments:
“Most of the textual changes in our manuscripts are completely insignificant.”
(Misquoting Jesus, 2005)

But Are There Any That Matter?

Yes, a few variants are more significant. Here are five that are often discussed:

Romans 8:1

Short: “There is therefore now no condemnation…”
Long: adds “…who walk not according to the flesh…”
🡒 The longer phrase is likely borrowed from verse 4—a case of scribal harmonization.

1 Thessalonians 2:7

“We were gentle among you” vs. “We were like children among you”
🡒 The difference hinges on a single Greek letter. Both are consistent with Paul’s tone and message.

Galatians 2:12

Some manuscripts omit “certain men from James”
🡒 Possibly removed to soften the perceived tension between Paul and the Jerusalem church.

1 Corinthians 14:34–35

These verses about women keeping silent appear in different places in some manuscripts or are marked with symbols
🡒 Their placement suggests that some early copyists were unsure of their originality.

Romans 5:1

“We have peace…” vs. “Let us have peace…”
🡒 A single vowel shifts the tone from statement to exhortation—both readings are ancient and meaningful.

Even in these cases, none of the variants creates a contradiction or changes Christian doctrine. They are precisely the kind of variations you’d expect in a vast and ancient copying tradition.

Eldon J. Epp, a respected textual critic, concludes:
“The massive number of manuscripts gives us confidence in recovering a reliable text.”
(Perspectives on New Testament Textual Criticism, 2005)

Conclusion: We Can Know What Paul Wrote

Paul’s letters were written around 50 AD. By 200 AD, we have Papyrus 46. Between 200 and 325, we have fragmentary manuscripts and early translations. By 350, we have complete codices that show strong agreement with the earlier copies.

Despite being copied by hand for centuries, the content of Paul’s seven letters remains remarkably stable.

What we read today is—by all major accounts—what Paul wrote.

When Philosophy Clashed with the Cross: Gentile Rejections of the Christ Hymn

June 9, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

In Philippians 2:6–11, one of the earliest Christian hymns declares a staggering paradox: that Jesus Christ, “being in very nature God,” humbled himself to become human and die on a cross—only to be exalted and receive divine worship. This exalted Christ Hymn wasn’t a late invention. It shaped the faith of the first Christians and the apostles themselves.

But not everyone accepted that message.

Historical evidence shows that in the first century, only four divergent movements challenged the apostolic view of Christ. Just one of them—the Nazarenes—existed before 70 AD, and they still affirmed Jesus’ divinity. The other three arose later, as responses from Jewish and Greco-Roman worlds that struggled to accept the core paradox of the Christ Hymn: that the eternal God became human and suffered.

A Quick Recap: The Jewish Divergents

The Nazarenes and Ebionites were early Jewish-Christian groups primarily based in Judea and later Pella. While the Nazarenes affirmed Christ’s divinity, the Ebionites denied it completely, rejected Paul, and altered Matthew’s Gospel to support their theology.

But outside Judea, new challenges arose—fueled by Greek philosophy, mystical speculation, and a deep discomfort with a suffering God.

Cerinthus (c. 80 AD): A Divinity Too High to Suffer

Cerinthus lived in Asia Minor and was shaped by Egyptian education, Jewish thought, and Platonic dualism. These influences led him to deny that a divine being could fully enter the material world, let alone suffer on a cross. His solution? Separate the divine “Christ” from the human Jesus.

Irenaeus – Against Heresies 1.26.1 (c. 180 AD):
“He represented Jesus as having not been born of a virgin… while Christ descended upon him at his baptism, and then departed again before the Passion.”

Epiphanius – Panarion 28.2.1–2 (c. 375 AD):
“Cerinthus… opposed the apostles… especially Paul… and said that it was not right to accept the epistles of Paul.”

Cerinthus also rejected the idea that the supreme God created the world:

Irenaeus – Against Heresies 1.26.1:
“He asserted that the world was not made by the primary God, but by a certain Power far separated from Him…”

This idea reflected Platonic thought:

Philo of Alexandria – On the Creation (c. 20 BC–50 AD):
“It is not lawful to suppose that the supreme God comes into contact with any corruptible thing.”

Plutarch – On Isis and Osiris (c. 100 AD):
“Matter… being evil, could not have been made by a good God… The world must have been fashioned by an inferior deity.”

Cerinthus even promoted false writings under apostolic names:

Eusebius – Ecclesiastical History 3.28.2 (c. 310 AD, quoting Caius of Rome):
“Cerinthus… made use of revelations which he pretended were written by a great apostle…”

Epiphanius – Panarion 28.4.1:
“Cerinthus used only the Gospel according to the Hebrews… He rejected the Apostle Paul completely.”

Most memorably, John the Apostle wanted nothing to do with him:

Irenaeus – Against Heresies 3.3.4:
“John… perceiving Cerinthus within [a bathhouse], rushed out… exclaiming, ‘Let us flee, lest even the bath-house fall down!’”

Cerinthus didn’t simply interpret Jesus differently—he broke entirely from the apostolic tradition, rejected Paul, replaced the Gospels, and rewrote the story. His system preserved a lofty divinity but could not accept that God became flesh—as the Christ Hymn declares.

Docetism (Rooted in the 80s, Expanding in the 2nd Century): Too Divine to Be Human

Where Cerinthus separated Christ from Jesus, Docetism denied Jesus’ humanity altogether. The name comes from dokein (“to seem”)—Jesus only appeared to suffer, appear in the flesh, or die.

John’s letters refute this directly:

1 John 4:2–3:
“Every spirit that confesses that Jesus Christ has come in the flesh is of God…”

2 John 7:
“Many deceivers… do not confess Jesus Christ as coming in the flesh. This is a deceiver and an antichrist.”

Docetists didn’t just reinterpret Jesus—they created new documents to promote their view. Here are three major examples:

🔹 Gospel of Peter (late 1st–early 2nd century)

“[Jesus] kept silent as feeling no pain… The Lord cried aloud, ‘My Power, my Power, you have forsaken me!’ And having said it, He was taken up.”

In this account, Jesus’ suffering is denied and his death portrayed as a moment of spiritual release. The body remains, but the divine presence departs—typical of Docetic theology.

Serapion of Antioch – Ecclesiastical History 6.12.6 (c. 190 AD):
“The writings which falsely bear their names we reject, knowing that such were not handed down to us.”

🔹 Acts of John (late 2nd century)

“Sometimes when I walked with him, I would try to touch his body, but it was immaterial… he left no footprints on the ground.”

This portrayal of Jesus as ghostlike reinforces Docetism’s core claim: Jesus’ physicality was a divine illusion.

🔹 Gospel of Judas (late 2nd century)

Though it bears the name of one of Jesus’ disciples, the Gospel of Judas radically reimagines the story of Jesus from a Gnostic and Docetic perspective. In this account, Jesus laughs at the ignorance of his disciples, praises Judas for helping him escape his fleshly prison, and teaches a cosmic creation myth where the true God is utterly separate from the material world.

Gospel of Judas 33.10–11:
“Often he did not appear to his disciples as himself, but he was found among them as a child.”

Here, Jesus is portrayed as a shapeshifter, one whose form is unstable and deceptive. This aligns with Docetic views that Jesus’ physical appearance was an illusion—not essential to his being.

Jesus then teaches that the world was created not by the high God, but by rebellious lower angels:

Gospel of Judas 47.1–9:
“Come, that I may teach you about the [secrets] no person has ever seen. For there exists a great and boundless realm… A luminous cloud appeared there. He said, ‘Let an angel come into being as my attendant.’”

Gospel of Judas 51.1–8:
“Let twelve angels come into being to rule over chaos… An angel appeared whose face flashed with fire… His name was Nebro, which means ‘rebel’; others call him Yaldabaoth. Another angel, Saklas, also came from the cloud.”

Then comes a twisted echo of Genesis:

Gospel of Judas 52.10–11:
“Saklas said to his angels, ‘Let us create a human being after the likeness and the image.’”

Here, the creation of humanity is attributed to fallen or ignorant beings—echoing Cerinthus’s own view that the world was created by a lesser, ignorant power.

Finally, Jesus tells Judas:

Gospel of Judas 56.18–20:
“You will exceed all of them. For you will sacrifice the man that clothes me.”

The crucifixion isn’t seen as atonement but escape from a fleshly shell. This is Docetism to its core.

Ignatius – Smyrnaeans 2.1 (c. 110 AD):
“He truly suffered… not as certain unbelievers say, that he suffered in appearance only.”

Ignatius – Trallians 10.1:
“Be deaf… to anyone who speaks apart from Jesus Christ… who was truly born… truly crucified…”

Conclusion: Rewriting the Story

The Nazarenes, Ebionites, Cerinthians, and Docetists are the only four divergent groups we have clear evidence for in the first century. Only the Nazarenes remained loyal to the divine Jesus of the Christ Hymn.

The other three:

Couldn’t accept the full mystery of Christ as fully divine and fully human.
Rejected the apostolic witness—especially Paul—and altered or replaced canonical texts.
Wrote their own “gospels” and “acts” to support their alternative visions of Jesus.

They didn’t represent equal versions of early Christianity. They were reactions to it—distortions of the message that had already been “handed down” and “received.”

“Who, being in the form of God… emptied Himself… became obedient to the point of death—even death on a cross. Therefore God also has highly exalted Him…”
(Philippians 2:6–9)

That is the Jesus the apostles preached. That is the Jesus the earliest believers worshiped.

Divergence from Christ’s Divinity: What the First-Century Evidence Actually Shows

June 6, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

Welcome to Living the Bible, where we examine the Bible and church history to guide our everyday living. I’m Jason Conrad.

In our previous post, we explored the Christ Hymn of Philippians 2:6–11—a poetic confession that predates Paul’s letters and proclaims Jesus’ divine pre-existence, incarnation, death, and exaltation. This hymn is powerful because it reflects what Christians were already saying and singing about Jesus before the Gospels were written.

But if this high Christology was the original belief, how soon did it face opposition? Were there really many versions of Jesus circulating in the first century, as some modern scholars suggest?

This post will take you directly to the earliest sources, not later summaries or theories. What we find is that, far from a chaotic diversity of Christianities, we see one core proclamation of a divine Christ—and only four identifiable groups that diverged from it during the first century. And even among these, only one group clearly denied Christ’s divinity.

The Nazarenes – 40s AD

Law-Observant Believers Who Affirmed Christ’s Divinity

The Nazarenes are the earliest group to diverge from the apostolic church—not in their view of Jesus, but in their insistence on continued Torah observance. They appear to be the group on the losing side of the Jerusalem Council in Acts 15:

“But some of the sect of the Pharisees who believed rose up, saying, ‘It is necessary to circumcise them and to command them to keep the law of Moses.’” (Acts 15:5)

Though the Council determined that Gentiles were not bound to keep the Law, these Jewish believers did not abandon their heritage. The name “Nazarene,” which originally applied to all Christians (Acts 24:5), gradually came to refer specifically to Jewish Christians who continued observing the Mosaic Law.

James, the brother of Jesus and leader of the Jerusalem church, likely maintained peace and inclusion with these believers. His advice to Paul in Acts 21 seems designed to show the law-observant Jewish Christians that Paul respected their customs:

“You see, brother, how many myriads of Jews there are who have believed, and they are all zealous for the law… Therefore do what we tell you: We have four men who have taken a vow.” (Acts 21:20, 23)

Even though the Nazarenes clung to the Law, they never rejected the divinity of Christ.

Jerome’s Testimony (c. 398–403 AD)

Letter 75 to Augustine:

“The adherents to this sect are known commonly as Nazarenes; they believe in Christ the Son of God, born of the Virgin Mary; and they say that He who suffered under Pontius Pilate and rose again is the same as the one in whom we believe.”

Commentary on Isaiah 8:14:

“The Nazarenes… accept Messiah in such a way that they do not cease to observe the old Law.”

Jerome—writing after the ecumenical councils of Nicaea (325 AD) and Constantinople (381 AD) had carefully defined the Church’s doctrine of Christ’s divinity—still affirms that the Nazarenes believed in “the same” Jesus. This is profoundly important: after all the theological scrutiny of the early church, Jerome still saw their Christology as sound.

Epiphanius’ Ambivalence – Panarion 29.7.5–6 (c. 375 AD)

“They are different from Jews, and different from Christians, only in the following ways. They disagree with Jews because of their belief in Christ; but they are not in accord with Christians because they are still fettered by the Law—circumcision, the Sabbath, and the rest.
As to Christ, I cannot say whether they too are misled by the wickedness of Cerinthus and Merinthus, and regard him as a mere man—or whether, as the truth is, they affirm that he was born of Mary by the Holy Spirit.”

This quote is remarkable. Epiphanius was infamous for aggressively labeling deviations as heresy. The fact that he admits he doesn’t know if the Nazarenes denied Christ’s divinity tells us a lot—if he had any evidence they denied it, he would have used it.

The Ebionites – After 70 AD

A Breakaway Group That Denied Christ’s Divinity

The Ebionites represent the earliest clearly documented group to reject the divinity of Jesus. Unlike the Nazarenes, they stripped away central elements of Christology—the virgin birth, the pre-existence of Christ, and the apostleship of Paul.

Their origins appear after the fall of Jerusalem in 70 AD, when Christians fled to Pella.

Eusebius – Ecclesiastical History 3.5.3 (c. 323 AD)

“But the people of the church in Jerusalem had been commanded by a revelation, vouchsafed to approved men there before the war, to leave the city and to dwell in a certain town of Peraea called Pella.”

Epiphanius – Panarion 29.7.7–8 (c. 375 AD)

“The Ebionites are later than the Nazoraeans, and they came after them. At first their sect began after the flight from Jerusalem, when all the disciples went to live in Pella because of Christ’s prophecy.”

So we can date the rise of the Ebionites to after 70 AD, not before. This was not just a chronological shift—it was a theological fracture. Where the Nazarenes remained within the church and affirmed Christ’s divinity, the Ebionites pulled away entirely, creating a group that:

Denied Jesus’ divinity
Rejected the virgin birth
Falsified Scripture
Rejected Paul as a false apostle

Irenaeus – Against Heresies 1.26.2 (c. 180 AD)

“They use the Gospel according to Matthew only, and repudiate the Apostle Paul, maintaining that he was an apostate from the Law.”

Origen – Commentary on Matthew 16.12 (c. 248 AD)

“The Ebionites believe that He was a mere man, born of Joseph and Mary according to the common course of nature, and that He became righteous through the progress of His moral character.”

Eusebius – Ecclesiastical History 3.27 (c. 323 AD)

“They considered Him a plain and common man… born of Mary and Joseph… justified only because of his progress in virtue.”

Epiphanius – Panarion 30.14.3 (c. 375 AD)

“They falsify the genealogical tables in Matthew’s Gospel… This is because they maintain that Jesus is really a man.”

This is key: they removed the virgin birth from Matthew, altering the Gospel to support their theology.

Epiphanius – Panarion 30.16.6–9

“They declare that [Paul] was a Greek… When he failed to get [a priest’s daughter], he flew into a rage and wrote against circumcision and against the sabbath and the Law.”

In contrast to all other groups, the Ebionites knew they were severing themselves from the apostolic church. They rejected Paul’s letters outright and manipulated Scripture to reflect their theology.

Their theology was not just a different emphasis—it was a deliberate break from the Christian movement centered around Jesus as divine.

Conclusion

This evidence confronts a popular scholarly claim: that early Christianity was a landscape of conflicting “Christianities.” What we actually see—based on the earliest surviving sources—is far more limited:

One unified apostolic church affirming Christ’s divine identity
One group (Nazarenes) that remained inside the church while emphasizing the Mosaic Law
One group (Ebionites) that, after 70 AD, openly rejected Christ’s divinity, Paul’s authority, and Gospel material

The others—Cerinthians and Docetists—will be covered in the next post, but neither appears before 70 AD. That means there is only one group we know of before 70 AD that diverged from the apostolic tradition—and they still upheld Christ’s divine nature.

Only after the fall of Jerusalem do we see the first deliberate rejection of Jesus’ divinity. And even then, it was just one group, not many.

In short: the myth of “many Christianities” in the first century is not supported by the evidence. The overwhelming testimony of early sources shows a consistent, early affirmation of Jesus as divine—proclaimed, preserved, and only slowly challenged as the church spread.

A Hymn Older Than the Gospels Calls Jesus Divine

June 1, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

One of the most repeated claims in modern New Testament scholarship is that the early church gradually elevated Jesus to divine status. The argument often follows a literary timeline: Jesus starts out as a humble, misunderstood teacher in the Gospel of Mark (dated around AD 70) and ends up boldly identified as divine in the Gospel of John (around AD 90). That evolution, we’re told, reveals how Jesus went from man to God in the minds of believers.

But that narrative collapses when we examine the earliest Christian writings.

What’s the Real Timeline?

Even if we follow the timeline laid out by non-Christian scholars, the literary progression of early Christianity looks like this:

Early creeds, hymns, and poems — AD 30–45
Paul’s seven undisputed letters — AD 48–61
The Gospels — AD 70–100

If you want to know what the first Christians believed about Jesus, you don’t start with the Gospels. And you don’t even start with Paul’s theological reflections. You start with the traditions he inherited, many of which he quotes within his letters.

One of the clearest examples is a passage in Philippians 2:6–11, widely regarded as a pre-Pauline hymn.

Philippians 2:6–11 (ESV)

Who, though he was in the form of God,
did not count equality with God a thing to be grasped,
but emptied himself, by taking the form of a servant,
being born in the likeness of men.
And being found in human form,
he humbled himself by becoming obedient to the point of death—even death on a cross.

Therefore God has highly exalted him and bestowed on him the name that is above every name,
so that at the name of Jesus every knee should bow,
in heaven and on earth and under the earth,
and every tongue confess that Jesus Christ is Lord,
to the glory of God the Father.

Why This Passage Matters

The structure and elevated language of Philippians 2:6–11 mark it as distinct from Paul’s usual prose. Nearly all scholars agree—this is not original to Paul, but a hymn he quotes from early Christian worship.

Even Bart Ehrman, a leading atheist scholar, wrote:

“This passage appears to embody an early Christian hymn… possibly dating to the 40s CE, and so within a decade or so of Jesus’ death.”
— How Jesus Became God (2014)

The late Gerd Lüdemann, also an atheist and a critical historian, wrote:

“The passage is a pre-Pauline hymn which was composed within a few years of Jesus’ death.”
— The Resurrection of Jesus (1994)

This means that before Paul ever penned his letters, Christians were already worshiping Jesus as preexistent, divine, and exalted by God.

A Chiastic Structure Reveals Its Heart

This passage follows a literary form known as a chiasm—a mirror-like pattern often used in ancient literature to center the most important idea.

Chiastic Structure:

A – Divine Lord
“Being in the form of God… equality with God”
B – Loss of all recognition
“Did not consider equality with God something to exploit… emptied himself”
C – Common name
“Taking the form of a servant… born in human likeness”
D – Obedient to death
“He humbled himself… even death on a cross”
C′ – Highest name
“God gave him the name that is above every name”
B′ – Universal recognition
“Every knee will bow… every tongue confess”
A′ – Divine Lord
“Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father”

The centerpiece is Jesus’ obedient death, which leads to a universal recognition of his lordship—a direct quotation of Isaiah 45:23, where Yahweh declares:

“To me every knee shall bow, every tongue shall swear allegiance.”

Paul deliberately applies this to Jesus, affirming that the early Christians saw him as sharing in Yahweh’s divine identity.

Jesus Didn’t Cling to Divinity—He Chose Humility

The hymn says Jesus was in the form of God (morphē theou) and had equality with God. Greek philosopher Aristotle explained the word morphē like this:

“The form (morphē) means the essence or reality of a thing—what it truly is.”
— Metaphysics 1032b1–2

So Jesus didn’t become divine—he was divine and chose to let go of that divine privilege.

Paul uses the word harpagmos, meaning “something to be seized or held onto.” Jesus didn’t need to seize equality with God—he already had it. And rather than cling to it, he let it go.

The Greek verbs “emptied himself” (ekenōsen) and “humbled himself” (etapeinōsen) are paired with the reflexive pronoun heauton (“himself”), showing that these were deliberate acts—Jesus chose to give himself.

Crucifixion: The Lowest Shame

Paul doesn’t merely say Jesus died—he highlights that it was “even death on a cross.” Crucifixion wasn’t just painful—it was socially degrading.

Seneca wrote:

“Can anyone be found willing to be fastened to the accursed tree… in long-drawn-out agony?”
— Dialogues 6.20.3

Cicero called crucifixion:

“A most cruel and disgusting punishment.”
— Against Verres 2.5.66

And again:

“The very word ‘cross’ should be far removed not only from the person of a Roman citizen but from his thoughts, his eyes, and his ears.”
— Pro Rabirio 16

That Jesus willingly chose such a death, according to the hymn, is the very reason he is exalted above all.

Jewish Parallels to Exalted Figures

Though the Christ Hymn is unique, early Jewish literature gives us conceptual background:

1 Enoch 48:2–5
“The Son of Man… was chosen and hidden… all who dwell on earth shall worship before him.”
1 Enoch 69:26–29
“The Son of Man… all the kings shall fall down and worship him.”
4Q246 (Dead Sea Scrolls)
“He shall be called the Son of God… all nations shall serve him.”
Philo
“The Logos is the image of God, by which the whole world was created.”
— On Dreams 1.239
“God made man according to the image of his own Logos.”
— Questions on Genesis 2.62

These aren’t Christian writings. They show that Jewish thinkers had already envisioned preexistent, divine-like agents who could be exalted and worshipped—yet none describe such a figure choosing to suffer like Philippians 2 does.

Final Thought: Not a Gradual Climb—A Bold Declaration

Even if we accept the consensus of non-Christian scholars, the Christ Hymn brings us closest to the earliest Christian beliefs.

Long before the Gospels were written, Christians believed Jesus:

Preexisted in divine form
Humbled himself in obedience
Was crucified in shame
And was exalted and worshipped as Lord

That’s not a slow myth in the making.

That’s the foundation of the faith—fully formed, right from the start.

Christianity Before Paul: The Traditions He Inherited

May 28, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

Was the Apostle Paul the founder of Christianity?

Some critics think so. They argue that Paul transformed the ethical teachings of Jesus into a new religion focused on worshiping Jesus himself.

But when we turn to Paul’s own writings—especially his seven undisputed letters—we find something very different. Paul repeatedly emphasizes that the core beliefs of the Christian faith were not his invention. Instead, he insists he was passing on traditions that were already established in the church before he began his ministry.

This post explores those pre-Pauline traditions and how they directly challenge the idea that Paul “created” Christianity.

The Claim: Paul Invented Christianity

Many modern scholars—especially those skeptical of the Christian faith—assert that Paul is responsible for transforming Jesus into the object of worship.

“The religion of Jesus was transformed into a religion about Jesus. This transformation was largely the work of the apostle Paul.”
— Bart D. Ehrman, Peter, Paul and Mary Magdalene (2006), p. 124

“Paul was the founder of Christianity as a new religion which broke away from Judaism… Jesus himself had no intention of founding a new religion.”
— Hyam Maccoby, The Mythmaker: Paul and the Invention of Christianity (1986), p. 15

But what does Paul say about this in his own letters?

A Pre-Existing Creed: 1 Corinthians 15:3–8

One of the most important passages in all of Paul’s letters is found in 1 Corinthians 15, where he writes:

“For I delivered to you first of all that which I also received: that Christ died for our sins according to the Scriptures, and that He was buried, and that He rose again the third day according to the Scriptures, and that He was seen by Cephas, then by the twelve. After that He was seen by over five hundred brethren at once… After that He was seen by James, then by all the apostles. Then last of all He was seen by me also, as by one born out of due time.”
— 1 Corinthians 15:3–8 (NKJV)

Paul’s use of the Greek verbs παραλαμβάνω (“I received”) and παραδίδωμι (“I delivered”) are not casual. These were technical terms for handing down authoritative teaching—especially in rabbinic Judaism.

“Paul explicitly says that he ‘received’ and ‘delivered’ the gospel, using the terminology of the transmission of tradition. This is how Jewish rabbis passed down teachings: from master to disciple.”
— E.P. Sanders, Paul: A Very Short Introduction (2001), p. 50

Even Bart Ehrman acknowledges this:

“Paul is not inventing the creed in 1 Corinthians 15:3–5; he is quoting it. The use of terms like ‘received’ and ‘delivered’ show that it was already being passed on as a tradition.”
— Ehrman, The New Testament (2016), p. 333

Multiple scholars agree that this creed originated within a few years of Jesus’ crucifixion, long before Paul’s letters were written.

“This is the earliest Christian tradition we have. It goes back at least to the early 30s—just a few years after Jesus died.”
— Ehrman, Did Jesus Exist? (2012), p. 230

“The elements in the tradition are to be dated to the first two years after the crucifixion of Jesus… not later than three years.”
— Gerd Lüdemann, The Resurrection of Jesus (1994), p. 38

“The creed in 1 Corinthians 15 must predate Paul. He’s clearly quoting an existing Christian formula.”
— Richard Carrier, On the Historicity of Jesus (2014), p. 536

The Lord’s Supper Tradition: 1 Corinthians 11:23–26

Paul also uses this same tradition language in 1 Corinthians 11, where he recounts Jesus’ words at the Last Supper:

“For I received from the Lord that which I also delivered to you…” (v. 23)

Even though Paul says he received this “from the Lord,” most scholars interpret this to mean from the Christian tradition about the Lord—not a direct revelation. The language and structure of the passage closely mirror what later appears in Luke 22, indicating that a standardized Eucharistic tradition was already being observed by early Christians before the Gospels were written.

“Paul is recounting a tradition. These were words of Jesus that had already been passed down.”
— Ehrman, The New Testament (2016), p. 333

Tradition Throughout Paul’s Letters

Paul’s other letters confirm the same pattern:

Galatians 1:9 – “If anyone preaches any other gospel than what you have received…”
Philippians 4:9 – “What you learned and received and heard and saw in me…”
Romans 6:17 – “That form of doctrine to which you were delivered…”

Paul consistently uses the language of handing on tradition—not creating it.

The Cultural Context: Jewish and Greco-Roman Parallels

This kind of tradition-based language was not unique to Paul. Both Jewish and Greco-Roman cultures emphasized the faithful transmission of teachings—often using similar terminology.

Jewish Examples

Josephus wrote: “…no one has been so bold as either to add anything to them, or to take anything from them, or to make any change in them… And these books have been handed down to us (παραδεδομένα).”
— Against Apion 1.8
Mishnah Avot 1:1 teaches: “Moses received the Torah from Sinai and handed it to Joshua, and Joshua to the elders…”

Greco-Roman Examples

Epictetus, the Stoic philosopher, said: “Have you not heard the philosophers say that certain doctrines have been handed down to us?”
— Discourses 1.9.13
Polybius, the Greek historian, commented: “I will not hand down (παραδώσω) this report unless I have verified it from multiple sources.”
— Histories 12.25e
Quintilian, the Roman rhetorician, emphasized continuity of instruction: “Our rhetorical training is drawn from principles passed down by our predecessors, and we must preserve their methods faithfully.”
— Institutio Oratoria, Preface

Whether written in Greek, Hebrew, or Latin, these texts reflect a shared cultural assumption: important knowledge is preserved by faithfully receiving and handing it on—not inventing it.

That’s exactly how Paul frames his gospel message—using the same vocabulary and logic respected by his Jewish and Gentile audiences alike.

Conclusion: The Real Origin of Christianity

Paul’s letters are the earliest Christian writings we have—but the message they proclaim is even older.

Even scholars who reject the Christian faith affirm that these traditions go back to the earliest days of the Jesus movement—before Paul’s letters, before his ministry, and even before his conversion.

And that’s where skeptical theories run into a contradiction.

Critics like Ehrman and Maccoby want to say that Paul created Christianity. But they also affirm that creeds, hymns, Eucharistic practices, and resurrection proclamations were already circulating before Paul ever wrote a letter.

That raises an important point:

If Paul is simply repeating and passing along what early Christians already believed and practiced, he was not the creator of Christianity.

What Paul gives us is not innovation, but transmission.
Not invention, but inheritance.

So if you want to know what the first Christians believed, you don’t start with the Gospels.
You don’t even really start with Paul’s letters.
You start with the creeds, poems, hymns, and traditions that Paul refers to in his letters to capture Christianity immediately after the crucifixion.

These are the oldest strands of the Christian faith—and they directly contradict the idea that Paul was its architect.
Instead, he was its most faithful messenger.

When Atheists and Christians Agree: The 7 Undisputed Letters of Paul

May 26, 2025May 26, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

What if one of the most skeptical atheist scholars and one of the most influential agnostic historians both agree that seven letters in the New Testament were genuinely written by Paul? That’s not just a talking point—it’s a shared conclusion across the scholarly spectrum, and it’s a powerful starting point for understanding the roots of Christianity.

These are known as the seven undisputed letters of Paul—Galatians, 1 & 2 Corinthians, Romans, 1 Thessalonians, Philippians, and Philemon. For over 150 years, both Christian and secular scholars have agreed that these letters were authentically written by the Apostle Paul.

This includes scholars like:

Bart Ehrman, an agnostic and New Testament critic, who writes:
“There is no doubt that Paul wrote Galatians, Romans, 1 and 2 Corinthians, 1 Thessalonians, Philippians, and Philemon.”
(Forged: Writing in the Name of God, p. 112)
Richard Carrier, an atheist and vocal mythicist, who says:
“The seven letters generally agreed upon as authentic… are sufficient to reconstruct the basic outline of Paul’s theology and missionary activity.”
(On the Historicity of Jesus, p. 510)

So what’s so important about these seven letters?

They Are the Earliest Christian Writings

These letters were written before any of the four Gospels—between 48 and 61 AD, during Paul’s active ministry. They offer us the oldest surviving descriptions of Jesus, the earliest theological explanations of his death and resurrection, and references to traditions already circulating among the first Christian communities.

Galatians Contains a 17-Year Timeline

One of the most important letters—Galatians—includes Paul’s autobiographical testimony. In chapters 1 and 2, he describes events spanning at least 17 years, including his own conversion, early preaching, and eventual meeting with Peter and James, the brother of Jesus.

When you line up Paul’s dates with the widely accepted crucifixion date of 30 AD, Paul’s conversion likely happened between 31 and 33 AD—that is, within 1 to 3 years of Jesus’ death.

This makes Paul not only a first-generation Christian, but someone who was contemporaneous with Jesus’ earliest followers, directly connected to the events and people we read about in the Gospels.

Paul Already Knew and Quoted Jesus’ Teachings

Even though Paul wrote before the Gospels were compiled, his letters contain direct echoes of Jesus’ teachings, including:

The Lord’s Supper (1 Corinthians 11:23–25) “This is My body… This cup is the new covenant in My blood…”
(cf. Matthew 26:26–28; Mark 14:22–24; Luke 22:19–20)
On divorce (1 Corinthians 7:10–11) “Now to the married I command, yet not I but the Lord…”
(cf. Mark 10:11–12; Luke 16:18)
On ministry support (1 Corinthians 9:14) “Even so the Lord has commanded that those who preach the gospel should live from the gospel.”
(cf. Luke 10:7)

This is solid evidence that Jesus’ teachings were already being preserved and passed along in oral form within just a few years of his death.

He Also Quotes Early Creeds and Hymns

Paul didn’t invent Christian doctrine from scratch—he inherited creeds and confessions that predate his writings. For example:

The Resurrection Creed (1 Corinthians 15:3–7): “Christ died for our sins according to the Scriptures… he was buried… he was raised on the third day… and appeared to Peter, then to the Twelve…”
Scholars widely agree this creed originated within 3–5 years after Jesus’ death, making it the earliest known Christian confession.
The Christ Hymn (Philippians 2:6–11):
A poetic passage describing Jesus’ divine nature, incarnation, death, and exaltation: “He humbled Himself… even to the death of the cross. Therefore God also has highly exalted Him…”
Scholars believe this hymn predates Paul and was likely sung or recited by early believers before the Gospels were written.

These creeds show that Christian theology didn’t evolve slowly over centuries—it was rich, reverent, and centered on the risen Christ from the very beginning.

Why This Matters

When we read the seven undisputed letters of Paul, we’re not peering through layers of centuries-old church tradition. We’re reading first-generation testimony—from someone who was personally transformed by the very movement he once tried to destroy.

And when even critics of Christianity agree that these letters are genuine, that tells us something profound: these writings are a shared historical foundation, offering common ground for skeptics, seekers, and believers alike.