Multiplying by Mission: Session 2 at Mission Lake

September 14, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

40% Growth Then, 5% Growth Now — What We Must Learn Anew

1. Review from Session 1

Last week we saw that even atheist and skeptical scholars agree on seven undisputed letters of Paul. These are the earliest Christian writings we possess, and they form the backbone of our historical knowledge of the first generation of the church. But that raises a crucial question: Can we be confident that the words we read in these letters today are the same words Paul actually wrote? Before we move forward in the Roman timeline, we need to look closely at how these letters were preserved.

2. Comparing Paul to Other Ancient Authors

When we compare the manuscript tradition of Paul’s letters with other works from antiquity, the results are striking:

Author	Work	Date Written	Earliest Copy	Time Gap
Josephus	Jewish War	75–79 AD	9th century	~800 years
Tacitus	Annals	~100 AD	~850 AD	~750 years
Pliny the Younger	Letters	~100–112 AD	~850 AD	~750 years
Suetonius	Lives of the Caesars	~121 AD	9th century	~700–800 yrs
Paul the Apostle	7 Undisputed Letters	48–64 AD	~175–200 AD (P46)	~125–150 yrs

Historians accept Josephus, Tacitus, Pliny, and Suetonius without hesitation, despite enormous gaps between the originals and our earliest copies. Yet Paul’s letters — with the shortest gap of all — are often treated with suspicion. That double standard says more about modern skepticism than it does about the evidence.

3. What Manuscripts Do We Actually Have?

When we talk about manuscripts here, remember: we are focusing only on the seven undisputed letters of Paul (Romans, 1–2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians, Philemon). If we were counting the entire New Testament, the totals would be much larger.

Approximate counts by language for these seven letters:

Greek: ~900 manuscripts.
Latin: 3,000–4,000+ manuscripts.
Coptic: 200–300 manuscripts.
Syriac: 200–300 manuscripts.
Other languages (Armenian, Gothic, Ethiopic, etc.): ~500 combined.
(By comparison, the entire New Testament is supported by over 5,800 Greek manuscripts, 10,000+ Latin, and another 10,000+ in other languages. But here our lens stays on the seven letters.)

Bart Ehrman, an agnostic scholar, concedes:

“We have more manuscripts of the New Testament than any other book from antiquity—many thousands. And many of these manuscripts date from quite early times.” (Misquoting Jesus, 2005, p. 88)

The Earliest Manuscript: P46

Papyrus 46 (P46), dated AD 175–225, is one of the earliest and most important witnesses to the seven undisputed letters. Originally 104 leaves; 86 survive.

Contents include:

Romans 5:17–16:27 (Romans 1–5:16 missing)
1 Corinthians 1:1–15:58 (chapter 16 missing)
2 Corinthians 1:1–9:6 (chapters 9:7–13:13 missing)
Galatians: fully preserved
Philippians: fully preserved
1 Thessalonians: fully preserved
Philemon: likely in the missing final leaves
Also present: Hebrews, Ephesians, Colossians, 2 Thessalonians.

This shows that by around AD 200, less than 150 years after Paul’s death, his letters were already being circulated as a collection, copied and bound together.

Manuscripts Between 200 and 325 AD

Other papyri confirm copying before the great codices:

P30 (c. 225–250): 1 Thessalonians 4:12–5:18.
P65 (c. 200–250): 1 Thessalonians 1:3–2:13.
P87 (c. 250–300): Philemon 13–15, 24–25.

These show that Paul’s letters were copied across regions before Constantine.

The Great Codices (after 325 AD)

Codex Vaticanus (c. 325–350): Preserves nearly the whole NT. Missing are 1–2 Timothy, Titus, Philemon, part of Hebrews, Revelation. Most likely due to physical loss.
Codex Sinaiticus (c. 330–360): Contains all 7 undisputed letters.

Though copied in different regions, they strongly agree with earlier papyri like P46.

Earliest Translations

Old Latin: The Freisinger Fragment (VL 64, late 2nd or early 3rd c.) preserves Romans 15:3–13.
Coptic (Sahidic): Papyrus Bodmer XIX (early 3rd c.) preserves Romans 1:1–2:3; 3:21–4:8; 5:8–13; 6:1–19.
Syriac: By the early 4th c., Paul’s letters circulated in Syriac. Aphrahat (c. 280–345) quotes them; the Peshitta included them.

So within 200–300 years of Paul’s life, his letters were available in Greek, Latin, Coptic, and Syriac.

4. What About Textual Variants?

For the seven undisputed letters, scholars count 7,000–8,000 variants. If we included the NT as a whole, the number would be much higher.

Most are trivial.

“Most of the textual changes in our manuscripts are completely insignificant.” (Ehrman, Misquoting Jesus, 2005, p. 208)

Examples of insignificant variants:

Romans 12:11 — “Serve the Lord” vs. “Serve the Spirit.”
Galatians 1:3 — “God our Father” vs. “God the Father.”

The Five Most Significant Variants in the Undisputed Letters

1. Romans 8:1
Short: “There is therefore now no condemnation for those who are in Christ Jesus.”
Long: “… who walk not according to the flesh but according to the Spirit.”
The longer phrase is almost certainly borrowed from verse 4 — a case of scribal harmonization. Either way, the chapter teaches both truths: freedom from condemnation and Spirit-led living.

2. 1 Thessalonians 2:7
“We were gentle among you” (ēpioi).
“We were like children among you” (nēpioi).
The difference hangs on a single Greek letter (eta vs. nu). Both readings make sense in context: Paul could be stressing either his gentleness or his childlike humility toward the Thessalonians.

3. Galatians 2:12
With the phrase: “… before certain men came from James…”
Without the phrase: “… before certain men came…”
Some manuscripts omit “from James,” likely to soften the perceived conflict between Paul and the Jerusalem leadership. The confrontation with Peter remains central in either reading.

4. 1 Corinthians 14:34–35
“Women should keep silent in the churches. For they are not permitted to speak, but should be in submission, as the Law also says. If there is anything they desire to learn, let them ask their husbands at home. For it is shameful for a woman to speak in church.”

In some manuscripts, these verses appear after verse 33.
In others, they are moved after verse 40.
In several, scribes marked the passage with symbols, signaling doubt about its original location.

This passage also creates tension with 1 Corinthians 11:5, where Paul assumes women are praying and prophesying aloud. Some scholars think the verses were originally a marginal note that later entered the text. Regardless, scribes preserved them — they did not erase what they weren’t sure about.

5. Romans 5:1
“We have peace with God…” (echomen, indicative).
“Let us have peace with God…” (echōmen, subjunctive).
A single vowel changes the sense from statement to exhortation. Both are ancient readings, and both are consistent with Paul’s theology — either declaring peace as a fact or urging believers to live in that peace.

Conclusion on Variants: Variants are real, but they are not a threat. None overturn Paul’s teaching. Our faith does not rest on the exact form of a single word — it rests on the total message Paul delivered about Christ. And that message comes through with clarity across the manuscript tradition.

5. Internal Evidence from Paul’s Own Letters

Even within the NT, Paul’s letters show awareness of being circulated and read widely:

1 Corinthians 1:2 — “…with all those who in every place call on the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, both their Lord and ours.”
2 Corinthians 1:1 — “…with all the saints who are in the whole of Achaia.”
Galatians 1:2 — “…to the churches of Galatia.”
2 Corinthians 10:10 — “‘His letters are weighty and strong, but his bodily presence is weak, and his speech of no account.’”
Even Paul’s opponents recognized his “letters” (plural) as influential.

But the most striking evidence comes from 2 Peter 3:15–16:

“And count the patience of our Lord as salvation, just as our beloved brother Paul also wrote to you according to the wisdom given him, as he does in all his letters when he speaks in them of these matters. There are some things in them that are hard to understand, which the ignorant and unstable twist to their own destruction, as they do the other Scriptures.”

This is extraordinary. The text not only names Paul directly, but refers to “all his letters” — a collection already known to the wider church — and explicitly places them alongside “the other Scriptures.”

The question then becomes: when was 2 Peter written?

If it is genuine (written by Peter before his martyrdom in AD 64), then Paul was still alive at the time, and his letters were already being gathered and treated as Scripture while he was still writing them. Notice the Greek verbs: Peter says Paul “wrote” (past tense) but also “he speaks” (present tense) in his letters, suggesting Paul was still actively writing. This would also imply that Peter himself, an Aramaic-speaking Jew, likely worked through a secretary (an amanuensis) to produce a polished Greek letter, as was common. Peter explicitly mentions Silvanus serving this role in 1 Peter 5:12. If Silvanus could serve for 1 Peter, then another amanuensis could easily explain the high-quality Greek of 2 Peter.
If it is not genuine but an early 2nd-century pseudepigraphon, it still proves that by that time Paul’s letters were being universally read and revered as Scripture. A forger could not have successfully passed off such a claim unless the churches already accepted Paul’s writings as Scripture and already knew them as a collection.

Either way, the conclusion is the same: 2 Peter 3:15–16 gives us decisive evidence that Paul’s letters were recognized as authoritative Scripture very early — whether during Paul’s own lifetime or within a generation after his death.

6. Early Christian Witness (95–180 AD)

Clement of Rome (c. 95 AD):

“Take up the epistle of the blessed Paul the Apostle. What did he write to you at the time when the Gospel first began to be preached? Truly, he wrote to you in the Spirit concerning himself, and Cephas, and Apollos, because even then you had formed parties.” (1 Clement 47)

Clement writes as if the Corinthians still physically possessed Paul’s letter — either the original or a faithful copy preserved in their church. His command to “take it up” makes no sense otherwise. Clement himself was also clearly familiar with the letter, meaning he too had access to a copy in Rome. Within one generation of Paul, his letters were present in multiple churches, available for reference and correction.

Ignatius of Antioch (c. 110 AD):

“You are associates in the mysteries with Paul, who was sanctified, who gained a good report, who is right blessed, in whose footsteps may I be found when I attain to God, who in every letter makes mention of you in Christ Jesus.” (To the Ephesians 12.2)

Ignatius assumes that the Ephesian Christians knew Paul’s letters well — they had them in their possession, whether in original form or in copies kept in the church. Ignatius himself had also read them, since he confidently appeals to “every letter” Paul wrote. This shows that by the early 2nd century Paul’s writings were already circulating widely and were accessible to multiple communities at the same time.

Polycarp of Smyrna (c. 110–140 AD):

“And when he was absent, he wrote you letters, which, if you study them, you will be able to build yourselves up in the faith that has been given you.” (To the Philippians 3.2)

Polycarp presumes that the Philippians still had Paul’s letters in their possession — originals or faithful copies carefully preserved in the church. And Polycarp himself had clearly read them too, since he urges them to “study” what he also knew. The fact that he treats these writings as ongoing sources of instruction shows they were viewed not as temporary notes but as enduring Scripture.

Theophilus of Antioch (c. 180 AD):

“And in another place, Paul says: ‘If you confess with your mouth that Jesus is Lord, and believe in your heart that God raised Him from the dead, you shall be saved.’” (To Autolycus 3.14, citing Romans 10:9)

Theophilus directly cites Paul’s words and calls them Scripture. This shows that by the late 2nd century Paul’s letters were not only preserved but already recognized as carrying the authority of the Word of God.

Irenaeus of Lyons (c. 180 AD):

“And Paul, too, says: ‘There is one God, the Father, who is above all, and through all, and in us all.’ And again, ‘There is one Lord Jesus Christ, by whom are all things, and we by Him.’” (Against Heresies 3.12.12, citing 1 Corinthians 8:6)

Across Against Heresies, Irenaeus cites all seven undisputed Pauline letters — Romans, 1–2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians, and Philemon. He names Paul explicitly, weaving his words into theological arguments, treating them as binding Scripture. Irenaeus knew them; the churches he wrote to knew them; and he expected his readers to recognize the authority of Paul’s letters immediately.

7. Reconstructing Paul’s Letters from Quotations

Between Clement of Rome (c. 95 AD) and Irenaeus of Lyons (c. 180 AD), every one of Paul’s seven undisputed letters is quoted or referenced. Even if all manuscripts had been lost, the content of Paul’s letters could still be reconstructed from these citations.

It is true that the Fathers sometimes paraphrased or quoted from memory, so not every line would be preserved word-for-word. But the essential message, theology, and teaching of Paul is fully present.

Bart Ehrman’s central challenge is this: since our earliest manuscript of Paul’s letters (P46) comes from around AD 175–225, how can we know the text was copied accurately in the first 100–150 years?

Ehrman himself concedes the point this way:

“Strictly speaking we can never know anything like this with 100% certainty. … we can’t know with absolute complete certainty what was said in each and every passage of the NT. … But that doesn’t mean that we cannot know with relative certainty what is said in most parts of the New Testament.” (The Accuracy of Paul’s Letter to the Galatians, ehrmanblog.org)

We agree: we cannot have mathematical certainty. We do not have the originals. There were surely variants in the earliest copies, maybe even more than in later ones. But the evidence we do have shows the same pattern century after century: variants exist, but they rarely affect meaning, and none change the core of Paul’s message.

And the positive case is strong:

The time gap between Paul’s writing and our earliest surviving copies is remarkably short compared to other ancient works that historians accept without hesitation.
The number of manuscripts is massive and unparalleled, giving us a wide base of comparison.
The variants that do appear rarely affect meaning, and none overturn any core doctrine of the Christian faith.
The writings of the Church Fathers confirm stability, since every one of Paul’s letters is quoted by the end of the 2nd century, providing an independent line of evidence alongside the manuscripts.
Most importantly, there is no plausible way the text could have been altered wholesale. By the end of the 2nd century, Paul’s letters had been copied and carried across the Roman world — from Rome to Corinth, from Antioch to Alexandria, from Asia Minor to North Africa. They were quoted in Greek, translated into Latin, Coptic, and Syriac, and cited by leaders as far apart as Clement in Rome, Ignatius in Syria, and Irenaeus in Gaul. To change Paul’s words in any significant way, someone would have had to gather up every copy, alter them in exactly the same fashion, and redistribute them across dozens of cities and multiple languages — without leaving any trace of disagreement. That never happened. The geographic spread of manuscripts and quotations itself is evidence of the stability of the text.

Taken together, this evidence shows that what we read in Paul’s letters today is the same message the earliest Christians received, studied, and preserved as Scripture.

8. Canon Lists and Heretical Canons

The Muratorian Fragment (c. 170–200 AD)

“As to the epistles of Paul, they themselves make clear to those desiring to understand which ones they are. First of all, he wrote to the Corinthians, addressing them in two letters. Then to the Ephesians, to the Philippians, to the Colossians, to the Galatians, to the Thessalonians — twice, and to the Romans. It is plain that he wrote these letters for the sake of instruction. There is yet another addressed to Philemon, one to Titus, and two to Timothy in affection and love. These are held sacred in the esteem of the Church and form part of the universal Church’s discipline and teaching.” (Muratorian Canon, lines 47–59)

The Muratorian list is the earliest surviving canon catalog. It carefully names nearly every Pauline letter — including all seven undisputed ones — and defends them as “sacred” and as part of the “universal Church’s discipline.” By around AD 180, Paul’s letters were not only being read but were already being formally recognized and defended as Scripture.

Marcion’s Canon (c. 140 AD)

Marcion, a heretic who rejected the Old Testament and much of Christianity, still accepted Paul as the true apostle. His canon included ten Pauline letters.

Ehrman comments:

“Marcion’s canon shows that the letters of Paul were already being collected and circulated as a group by the early second century.” (Lost Christianities, 2003, p. 104)

Even heresy confirms Paul’s letters were a recognized collection.

9. John’s Long Life

Irenaeus testifies that John lived until the reign of Trajan (Against Heresies 3.1.1). If John was a young man when he followed Jesus, he could have lived well into his 80s or 90s — stretching the apostolic witness into the closing years of the 1st century and the dawn of the 2nd.

Richard Bauckham notes:

“The Beloved Disciple… may well have been quite young during Jesus’ ministry. This possibility makes good sense of the tradition that he lived to extreme old age.” (Jesus and the Eyewitnesses, 2006, p. 390)

Even Bart Ehrman acknowledges:

“It is certainly possible—indeed plausible—that John was very young when he followed Jesus, which would help explain the later traditions about his longevity.” (How Jesus Became God, 2014, p. 124)

John’s long life bridged the gap between the first generation of apostles and the church of the 2nd century, anchoring the transmission of apostolic teaching.

10. Conclusion to Part 1

By the end of the 2nd century, Paul’s letters were:

Collected together in manuscripts like P46.
Quoted extensively by church leaders across the empire.
Preserved faithfully despite persecution.
Formally recognized in canon lists.
Respected even by heretics who tried to twist them.

The earliest Christians treated Paul’s writings not as casual correspondence but as sacred Scripture. They copied them carefully, spread them across the empire, quoted them as authoritative, and defended them in the face of challenges.

We do not have the originals. We cannot claim 100% certainty on every word. But the evidence — manuscripts, variants, patristic quotations, canon lists, and the geographic spread of witnesses — gives us extraordinary confidence that the letters we read today are the same message the earliest Christians received and preserved: the gospel of Christ through His apostle Paul.

Julius Caesar and the Jews

Now that we have seen why we can trust the preservation of Paul’s letters, we can step back into the wider Roman world where Christianity was born. To understand the setting of Jesus’ life and the early church, we begin with Julius Caesar and the unique place of the Jewish people in the empire.

1. Jewish Support for Julius Caesar (47–44 BC)

The Jews were not a marginal group in Caesar’s world — they were a significant presence across the Mediterranean, and their loyalty mattered.

During Caesar’s campaign in Egypt around 47 BC, Antipater, the father of Herod the Great, brought 3,000 Jewish troops to aid him:

“When Caesar had settled the affairs of Syria, he made his expedition against Egypt… Antipater brought three thousand armed men, partly Jews and partly foreigners. This force was very helpful to Caesar.” (Antiquities 14.8.1 §190)

Not long after, during Caesar’s campaign in Asia against Parthian-aligned forces, another 3,000 Jews under Hyrcanus II, the high priest, rallied to his side:

“The Jews in Asia also came to his assistance, being about three thousand armed men, and joined themselves to him. They did this, not only out of the goodwill they bore him, but also by the command of Hyrcanus the high priest, who at that time was in great friendship with Caesar.” (Antiquities 14.10.22 §295)

And when Caesar was assassinated in 44 BC, the Jews demonstrated their devotion in a way that astonished Roman observers:

“The Jews also mourned for him, and they even crowded about his house for many nights together bewailing their loss.” (Antiquities 14.10.1 §213)

The picture is consistent: the Jews fought for Caesar in Egypt, aided him in Asia against the Parthian threat, and grieved deeply at his assassination. Caesar, in turn, rewarded them richly and secured their privileges in the empire.

2. Size of the Jewish Population (1st century BC–1st century AD)

Why did Caesar value Jewish loyalty so highly? Quite simply, because the Jews were numerous, organized, and strategically placed across the empire.

Josephus emphasizes their strength in Rome itself:

“As for the Jews, they had already increased in numbers so greatly that it would have been hard to expel them from the city.” (Antiquities 14.7.2 §110)

Elsewhere, he insists their influence stretched across the entire Mediterranean world:

“There is not any city of the Grecians, nor any of the barbarians, nor any nation whatsoever, whither our custom of resting on the seventh day hath not come, and by which our fasts and lighting up lamps, and many of our prohibitions as to our food, are not observed.” (Against Apion 2.39 §282)

Philo of Alexandria, writing just after the time of Jesus, painted the same picture of their global dispersion:

“Countless myriads of Jews are in every region… in Asia and Europe, in the islands and mainland, in the East and the West.” (Embassy to Gaius §281, c. AD 41)

By the 1st century AD, Jews made up an estimated 7–10% of the Roman Empire — millions of people. Their largest concentrations were along the eastern frontier near Parthia, Rome’s greatest military rival. For Caesar, Jewish loyalty meant not just local support in Judea, but stability along the empire’s most contested border.

3. Caesar’s Decrees in Favor of the Jews (47–44 BC)

Julius Caesar did not merely thank the Jews with kind words; he issued a series of formal decrees guaranteeing their freedoms across the empire. Josephus preserves several of them in Antiquities 14, showing just how far Caesar was willing to go to secure Jewish loyalty.

Sabbath protection:

“It is not permitted to bring them before the tribunals on the Sabbath day, nor to require them to bear arms or to march, or to labor, on the Sabbath day.” (Antiquities 14.10.6 §213)

Right of assembly:

“They shall be permitted to assemble together according to their ancestral laws and ordinances, and to do so unhindered.” (Antiquities 14.10.8 §216)

Exemption from temple tribute taxes:

“They shall not be required to pay taxes on the sacred money which they send to Jerusalem, nor on their sacred offerings.” (Antiquities 14.10.8 §§213–216)

Provincial enforcement: Caesar repeated these protections in letters to governors in Asia Minor and Cyrene, instructing them to allow the Jews “to observe their own laws, and to enjoy the sacred money they collect for Jerusalem.” (Antiquities 14.10.8 §§223–225; 14.10.10 §235)

Taken together, these decrees amounted to a charter of Jewish privilege under Rome. Judaism was legally recognized, protected from interference, and granted rights unmatched by most other groups in the empire.

This made Judaism unique: an ancient religion formally safeguarded by Caesar’s laws. But it also created a problem for the future — because once Christianity emerged, the question would become: Does this new movement share in Jewish protections, or is it something new and therefore illegal?

4. Rome’s Respect for Ancient Religions

Why was Rome willing to tolerate the Jews? The answer lies in how Romans thought about religion. They admired what was old and distrusted what was new.

Pliny the Elder wrote in the 1st century AD:

“What is ancient is more holy; what is new is suspect.” (Natural History 28.3)

Tacitus, writing around 100 AD, echoed:

“Whatever their origin, the antiquity of their rites gives them credit.” (Histories 5.5)

Judaism, with its ancient laws and Scriptures, commanded a respect that protected it. Christianity, however, was seen as new — and therefore dangerous. Already, the seeds of conflict were planted.

5. Augustus: The Divine Son (27 BC–AD 14)

After Caesar’s assassination, his adopted son Octavian rose to power as Caesar Augustus. He carried his father’s legacy further, presenting himself as divine.

Suetonius records:

“He added the title ‘Son of a God’ to his name.” (Divus Augustus 94.1)

Augustus himself, in his Res Gestae (completed AD 14), boasts:

“After my death… the Senate decreed that my name should be included in the hymns of the Salii and be consecrated as a god.” (§35)

And the Priene Inscription (9 BC) celebrated him in language that should sound familiar to Christians:

“Since Providence… has filled [Augustus] with virtue so that he might benefit mankind… sending him as a Savior (sōtēr)… The birthday of the god Augustus was the beginning for the world of the good tidings (euangelion) that have come through him.” (OGIS 458)

Mark’s Gospel begins deliberately:

“The beginning of the gospel of Jesus Christ, the Son of God.” (Mark 1:1)

This was not just theology. It was a direct counter-claim to Rome’s imperial ideology.

6. Herod the Great and Mass Cruelties (37–4 BC)

Into this Roman world of Caesar’s decrees and Augustus’s divine claims came Herod the Great, Rome’s client king in Judea. He ruled from 37 BC until his death in 4 BC.

Josephus paints Herod as a man driven by paranoia and ruthless violence:

“His whole life was a continual scene of bloodshed; even his own sons were not spared.” (Antiquities 17.6.5 §§191–192)

“He gave orders to kill a great number of the most illustrious men of the whole Jewish nation.” (Antiquities 17.6.5 §204)

Among Herod’s victims was Hyrcanus II, the very same high priest who had once supported Julius Caesar and had brought troops to his aid. The execution of Caesar’s old ally showed that loyalty to Rome did not guarantee survival under a client king’s suspicion.

It is in this context that Matthew records Herod’s order to slaughter the infants in Bethlehem:

“Then Herod, when he saw that he had been tricked by the wise men, became furious, and he sent and killed all the male children in Bethlehem and in all that region who were two years old or under, according to the time that he had ascertained from the wise men.” (Matthew 2:16)

Some modern critics question this account because Josephus does not mention it. But considering what Josephus does report — the executions of Herod’s own sons, the planned massacre of Jerusalem’s leaders, and his general record of bloodshed — the killing of children in a small village is tragically consistent with his character. For Josephus, who focused on political and military events, such an atrocity may not have been considered significant enough to record. For Matthew, it carried theological and prophetic weight.

This also helps us with the dating of Jesus’ birth. Since Herod died in 4 BC, and Matthew describes Jesus as up to two years old at the time of the slaughter, most historians conclude that Jesus was born around 6 BC.

When Herod died, Judea erupted in revolt. The Roman governor Publius Quinctilius Varus marched swiftly from Syria to suppress it. His response was brutal:

“Varus… crucified about two thousand of those that had been the authors of the revolt.” (Jewish War 2.5.2 §75)

The roads around Jerusalem lined with crosses, the infants of Bethlehem slaughtered at a king’s command — these were the realities of the world into which Jesus was born.

7. The Census and Judas the Galilean (AD 6)

In AD 6, Rome removed Archelaus, Herod’s son, and made Judea a Roman province under direct rule. A census for taxation was ordered.

Josephus says:

“Coponius, a man of the equestrian order, was sent by Caesar to govern the Jews, and he had the power of life and death put into his hands by Caesar.” (Antiquities 18.1.1 §2)

A Galilean named Judas stirred rebellion:

“Judas of Galilee… said that this taxation was nothing less than slavery, and exhorted the nation to assert their liberty.” (Antiquities 18.1.6 §4)

Josephus describes their conviction:

“They say that God alone is their ruler and lord… and they do not value dying any more than living.” (Jewish War 2.8.1 §§117–118)

And he marks this moment as the beginning of a movement that would plague Rome for decades:

“This was the beginning of great disturbances.” (Antiquities 18.1.8 §27)

Jesus was about 12 years old at this time. He grew up in Galilee, the very region where Judas had raised his banner of revolt, and where memories of Rome’s response — arrests, crucifixions, suppression — were seared into the minds of families.

8. Rome Never Forgets (AD 46–48)

Rome did not forgive rebellion quickly. Even decades later, the family of Judas was hunted down. During the procuratorship of Tiberius Alexander (AD 46–48), two of Judas’s sons were captured:

“Two of his sons, James and Simon, were taken and crucified.” (Antiquities 20.5.2 §102)

This shows Rome’s long memory. Not only rebels, but their families were targeted. Even after Jesus’ crucifixion, Judas’s line was still being crucified.

9. Other Revolts, Other Crosses (1st century AD)

It is important to remember that Judea was not the only province to resist taxation. Tacitus records that in AD 21, the Gauls protested a census:

“The Gauls… declared they were being reduced to slavery under the guise of a census and taxation.” (Annals 3.40)

And in AD 60–61, the Britons under Boudica rose up violently against Rome’s abuses and tribute demands:

“The Britons… outraged by abuses and tribute, rose in fury to throw off the Roman yoke.” (Annals 14.31)

But there was a difference. For Gauls and Britons, taxation was political slavery. For Jews, taxation was also a theological affront. To pay tribute to Caesar was to confess him as lord, something only God could be. That is why resistance in Judea carried such intensity — it was not just about politics, but about worship.

10. Conclusion to Part 2

From Caesar’s decrees to Augustus’s divine titles, from Herod’s paranoia to Varus’s mass crucifixions, from Judas the Galilean’s revolt to Rome’s relentless vengeance, the Jewish world into which Jesus was born was dominated by imperial propaganda, oppressive taxation, and violent suppression.

The first Christians grew up in this environment. They knew what Rome demanded: loyalty, taxes, sacrifice, even worship. They also knew what Rome did to those who resisted: crosses by the thousands.

So when they proclaimed Jesus as Lord and Savior, they were not speaking safe religious words. They were directly challenging the claims of Caesar himself.

Faith in the Age of Commodus: From Senate Martyrs to Catacomb Worship

September 13, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

When Marcus Aurelius died in AD 180, the Roman world changed. For nearly a century the empire had been governed by what historians often call the “five good emperors”: Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, and Marcus Aurelius. Each was chosen by adoption, trained for years, and admired for discipline and stability. But Marcus broke the pattern. He left the empire to his son, Commodus — a move that ancient writers say marked the decline of Rome’s golden age.

Executions in the Imperial Household

At the very end of Marcus’ reign, even members of the imperial household were executed. Dio Cassius records:

“Many others, however, who adopted foreign customs were persecuted, and great numbers of them perished. And, in particular, those who were accused of atheism were executed. Among these were several of those who belonged to the imperial household.” (Roman History 72.4, Loeb)

The Romans used the charge of atheism not in our modern sense of denying all gods, but of rejecting the gods of Rome. Jews and Christians were the ones most often branded as atheists, because they refused to sacrifice to the gods and the emperor. The fact that Dio says members of the imperial household were executed strongly suggests that Christianity had already reached into Caesar’s own palace — and that believers there paid with their lives.

This makes what followed under Commodus all the more striking.

The Character of Commodus

Dio Cassius, who lived through Commodus’ reign, offers us a vivid portrait:

“Commodus was not naturally wicked, but, on the contrary, as guileless as any man that ever lived. His great simplicity, however, together with his cowardice, made him the slave of his companions, and it was through them that he at first, out of ignorance, missed the better life and then was led on into lustful and cruel habits, which soon became second nature.” (Roman History 72.1, Loeb)

Herodian likewise describes Commodus as a man given over to entertainment and self-indulgence:

“He showed no interest in military campaigns nor in the hardships of war; he devoted his entire attention to the amusements of the circus and the theater, delighting in gladiatorial spectacles and contests with wild beasts.” (Roman History 1.15.9, Loeb)

This is the emperor who styled himself Hercules, fought in the arena, and renamed Rome after himself. Ancient authors despised him as cruel and debased.

And yet — Christians found unexpected favor in his reign.

A Turning Point for Christians

Eusebius tells us:

“In the time of Commodus, our affairs took an easier turn. By the grace of God the emperor’s concubine, Marcia by name, who was highly honored by him, was friendly to the Christians. She rendered many favors to our brethren, for she requested the emperor to grant the release of those who had been condemned to labor in the mines of Sardinia. And he readily granted her request.” (Church History 5.21, Loeb)

Think of the contrast: under Marcus, Christians in the imperial household were executed; under Commodus, a member of the imperial household — his concubine Marcia — became the protector of Christians, winning freedom for many. The palace went from being a place of death to a place of refuge.

Eusebius’ Perspective

Eusebius interprets Marcia’s intervention as proof that the whole situation of Christians “took an easier turn” under Commodus. But this is the same mistake he had made when describing Hadrian. In Church History 4.9, he claimed that Hadrian’s rescript lessened persecution, when in fact it only required Christians to be executed after formal accusation and trial. The legal status of Christianity never changed.

So too under Commodus: while individual figures like Marcia could grant relief, the “ancient law” still condemned Christians once accused. As the case of Apollonius shows, the empire’s hostility remained intact.

The Case of Apollonius

Eusebius also preserves the case of Apollonius, a Christian senator:

“At this time Apollonius, a senator who was well learned and of great distinction, came forward as a champion of the faith. Accused by one of his servants, he gave an eloquent and philosophical defense of Christianity before the Senate. Yet he was not permitted to go free, but in accordance with an ancient law that no Christian who had once been brought before the tribunal should be dismissed unpunished, he was condemned and executed.” (Church History 5.21, Loeb)

Apollonius was not a slave or artisan, but a senator — a member of Rome’s ruling elite. This alone shows how far Christianity had spread in just 150 years. Yet even his status could not shield him from the law.

What Did “Ancient Law” Mean?

Eusebius says Apollonius died under an “ancient law.” For Romans, a law could be called ancient (vetus or antiqua) if it had been established by earlier emperors or the Senate and had been observed continuously. It did not require centuries of distance. Cicero used vetus in the 1st century BC to describe laws less than a hundred years old. By Apollonius’ time, Nero’s precedent (AD 64) was already more than a century old — plenty of time for it to be viewed as antiqua lex.

This fits perfectly with Trajan’s rescript to Pliny (c. 112). When Pliny asked how to handle Christians, Trajan didn’t invent a new rule; he assumed the principle was already established. His ruling — “They are not to be sought out, but if accused and proven guilty, they must be punished” — shows that the criminality of Christianity itself was a recognized policy across the empire. By Commodus’ day, the Senate could legitimately call this an “ancient law.”

So the martyrdom of Apollonius was not local prejudice. It was the outworking of a Roman legal culture that had, since Nero, considered Christians criminal by definition.

Christianity in High Places — and Under Empire-Wide Law

By Commodus’ reign, Christianity had a paradoxical position. On the one hand, it had entered the palace: Marcia secured the release of prisoners. It had entered the Senate: Apollonius confessed Christ before Rome’s rulers. On the other hand, the very same Senate invoked the ancient law that bound them to execute Christians once accused.

This shows why skeptical historians are mistaken to portray persecution as local and sporadic. The record of Apollonius proves otherwise: Christianity had been treated as a crime throughout the empire since Nero’s precedent. Trajan’s rescript only confirmed what was already assumed to be Roman policy. By calling it an “ancient law,” the Senate in Commodus’ day acknowledged that Christians had been subject to execution for generations.

The stories we possess come from certain places — Lyons, Smyrna, Rome, Bithynia — but the law itself was empire-wide. Every Christian in every province lived under its shadow.

And yet, Christians did not retreat into silence. Even while the empire branded them criminals, they carved out spaces where their hope was made visible. Nowhere is this clearer than in the catacombs of Rome, which became both burial grounds and gathering places for a people who lived under constant threat.

What Are Catacombs?

Catacombs are underground burial galleries dug out of the soft volcanic stone (tufa) beneath Rome and other cities. They began as family tomb networks, but by the late 2nd century Christians began using them extensively. Unlike pagan necropoleis, which were mostly above ground, catacombs gave Christians a way to bury their dead together and to mark their faith with symbols of hope — the fish, the anchor, the Good Shepherd.

They were not secret hideouts (as legend sometimes imagines) but cemeteries that doubled as gathering spaces. Christians would hold memorial meals (refrigeria) on the anniversaries of a martyr’s death, or gather to pray and read Scripture. These underground spaces gave Christianity a physical presence in Rome that was both practical and symbolic.

Who Was Domitilla?

The Catacomb of Domitilla takes its name from Flavia Domitilla, a noblewoman of the Flavian dynasty (the same imperial family as Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian). Ancient sources say she was exiled by Domitian, possibly for sympathy with Jews or Christians.

Her property outside Rome became the site of one of the largest Christian cemeteries. This link to the Flavian family shows that Christianity was not only present among the poor but was also connected, even from the 1st century, with Roman aristocracy.

The Unique Chamber in Domitilla

Within the Catacomb of Domitilla is a chamber unlike any other known space from this early period — the so-called hypogeum of the Flavians:

Architectural design: benches carved into the walls on three sides, allowing 30–40 people to recline for meals.
Decoration: Christian frescoes on the plastered walls — symbols like the fish, the Good Shepherd, and biblical scenes.
Function: communal banquets for the dead (refrigeria), and likely the Eucharist as well.

This is the earliest surviving space adapted for Christian assembly. Before this, house churches left no archaeological trace distinct from other homes. The Domitilla chamber is different: it was carved and decorated in ways that mark it as intentionally Christian.

Here, during the same years Apollonius stood in the Senate and Marcia interceded in the palace, Christians were gathering underground in spaces designed for their worship and remembrance.

Christian Authors and Contested Writings

The reign of Commodus also coincided with one of the richest bursts of Christian literature in the 2nd century. While some believers were dying under law and others were carving chambers in the catacombs, Christian teachers were laying down the intellectual and theological foundations of the faith.

Irenaeus of Lyons

Irenaeus had been born in Asia Minor, most likely in Smyrna, where as a youth he had listened to Polycarp, the disciple of the apostle John. Later he moved west to Gaul, where he served as a presbyter in Lyons. After the persecutions of AD 177 that left his community devastated and their bishop Pothinus martyred, Irenaeus returned from a mission in Rome and was chosen as the new bishop of Lyons.

It was from this place of pain and resilience that he composed one of the most important works in Christian history. Its title was “Detection and Overthrow of Knowledge Falsely So-Called” — what we call Against Heresies. Unlike earlier apologists (Justin Martyr, Athenagoras), who wrote defenses to pagan rulers, Irenaeus aimed his work inward: to protect Christians from the flood of Gnostic sects and rival “gospels” circulating in his day.

He begins by describing the danger:

“They set forth their own compositions, boasting that they have more gospels than there really are. But in truth they have not gospels which are not full of blasphemy. For indeed there can be no more or fewer than the number of the gospels we have declared.” (Against Heresies 3.11.9, Loeb)

On Persecution

“The suffering of the righteous… is not new, but has been foreshown by the prophets, and fulfilled in Christ, and is now being fulfilled in the Church.” (Against Heresies 5.30.1, Loeb)

Here he interprets martyrdom itself — the loss of his own flock — as fulfillment of God’s plan. Persecution was not failure, but continuity with Christ.

On the Unity of the Church

“The Church, though dispersed throughout the whole world, even to the ends of the earth, has received from the apostles and their disciples this faith… She likewise believes these things as if she had but one soul and the same heart, and she proclaims them, and teaches them, and hands them down with perfect harmony, as if she possessed but one mouth. For, although the languages of the world are dissimilar, yet the import of the tradition is one and the same.” (Against Heresies 1.10.2, Loeb)

Even after his own community was ravaged, Irenaeus could insist that the church was one body, one voice, one heart across the world.

On the Fourfold Gospel

“It is not possible that the Gospels can be either more or fewer in number than they are. For, since there are four zones of the world in which we live, and four principal winds, while the Church is scattered throughout all the world… it is fitting that she should have four pillars, breathing out immortality on every side.” (Against Heresies 3.11.8, Loeb)

Against those who produced “more gospels,” Irenaeus anchored the church to the fourfold Gospel.

On Apostolic Continuity

“For it is a matter of necessity that every Church should agree with this Church [Rome], on account of its preeminent authority… The blessed apostles, then, having founded and built up the Church, committed into the hands of Linus the office of the episcopate… and now, in the twelfth place from the apostles, Eleutherus holds the inheritance of the episcopate.” (Against Heresies 3.3.2–3, Loeb)

This list of bishops, written during Commodus’ reign, was a defiant declaration: the church had unbroken succession from the apostles, while heretical sects had none.

On Christian Generosity

“The Jews were constrained to a regular payment of tithes; but Christians, who have received liberty, assign all their possessions to the Lord, bestowing joyfully and freely not the lesser portions of their property, since they have the hope of better things; like that poor widow who cast all her living into the treasury of God.” (Against Heresies 4.18.2)

This illustrates the distinctive spirit of the early church: while Roman officials often accused Christians of atheism or secrecy, their actual way of life was one of generosity, freely giving to the Lord and to the poor.

In Irenaeus we see the Christian mind under Commodus: scarred by persecution, yet confident in Scripture, united across the world, rooted in apostolic succession, and marked by radical generosity.

The Muratorian Fragment

The Muratorian Fragment, written around AD 180 in Rome, is our earliest surviving canonical list. It is preserved in a damaged Latin manuscript, so the very beginning and end are missing, but what remains is invaluable. It shows that by Commodus’ reign, the church already recognized a core New Testament canon.

On the Gospels

The opening lines are broken, but it clearly names Luke and John as the third and fourth Gospels — which implies Matthew and Mark were already listed. It says:

“The third book of the Gospel is that according to Luke… The fourth Gospel is that of John, one of the disciples.”

This affirms what Irenaeus said about the fourfold Gospel: no more, no fewer.

On Acts

“The Acts of all the apostles have been written in one book. Luke so comprised them for the most excellent Theophilus, because the several events took place when he was present.”

Acts was treated as authoritative history, alongside the Gospels.

On Paul’s Letters

“The blessed apostle Paul himself, following the order of his predecessor John, writes only to seven churches by name… But although he writes twice to the Corinthians and Thessalonians for correction, it is yet shown — one Church is recognized as being spread throughout the whole earth.”

Paul’s letters are described in a symbolic sevenfold pattern (like Revelation’s seven churches), but the list also included Philemon, Titus, and Timothy.

On Catholic Epistles and Revelation

The fragment accepts Jude and two letters of John. It recognizes the Apocalypse of John, and even mentions the Apocalypse of Peter — though it notes that some in the church did not want it read publicly.

On Spurious Works

The fragment draws a sharp line against forgeries:

“But the Epistle of Paul to the Laodiceans, and another to the Alexandrians, forged in Paul’s name for the heresy of Marcion, must be rejected… neither may gall be mixed with honey.”

This shows the church was not passively receiving every book that claimed apostolic authorship — it was testing and rejecting fakes.

On the Shepherd of Hermas

“But Hermas wrote the Shepherd quite recently, in our times, in the city of Rome, while his brother Pius was occupying the bishop’s chair. And therefore it ought indeed to be read; but it cannot be read publicly to the people in church, either among the prophets, whose number is complete, or among the apostles.”

This is remarkable. It shows that Roman Christians in Commodus’ day valued Hermas, but they knew it was recent and therefore not apostolic Scripture. It was good for private devotion, not for the public canon.

Why the Muratorian Fragment Matters

The Muratorian Fragment proves that by Commodus’ reign, the church already:

Recognized the four Gospels as the only Gospels.
Affirmed Acts, Paul’s letters, Revelation, and several Catholic Epistles.
Debated a few books (like the Apocalypse of Peter).
Rejected outright forgeries tied to heretical groups.
Distinguished between useful writings (like Hermas) and canonical Scripture.

Canon formation was not a 4th-century invention; it was already well advanced in the 2nd century.

Theophilus of Antioch

Theophilus, bishop of Antioch until about AD 183, was the earliest Christian writer to use the word “Trinity” (trias). Earlier Christians (like Justin Martyr) had spoken in triadic ways — Father, Son, and Spirit — but Theophilus is the first whose writings explicitly use the term.

On the Trinity

“In like manner also the three days which were before the luminaries are types of the Trinity (trias), of God, and His Word, and His Wisdom… The first is God, the second is the Son, the third is the Spirit of prophecy.” (To Autolycus 2.15)

This is one of the earliest explicit triadic statements: Father, Son, and Spirit named together.

On Scripture

“But if you will give yourself to a more exact study of the Scriptures, you will learn from them more accurately concerning God and His Christ, and concerning all things that are revealed.” (To Autolycus 2.9)

On Creation

“God, having His own Word internal within His own bowels, begat Him, emitting Him along with His own Wisdom before all things. He had this Word as a helper in the things that were created by Him, and by Him He made all things.” (To Autolycus 2.10)

On Idolatry

“Do not wonder if the truth is belabored by the lie; for first the lie is more ancient, but truth appeared later. For the truth always conquers, and falsehood is overcome.” (To Autolycus 1.14)

These words capture the apologetic spirit of Commodus’ era: Christians accused of atheism for rejecting idols, yet proclaiming Christ as the eternal Word, and the Spirit as the Spirit of prophecy.

Gnostic Rivals — The Gospel of Judas and Other Apocrypha

At the same time that orthodox leaders were defending the apostolic faith, rival groups were producing their own “gospels” and “acts.”

Irenaeus described one such group, the Cainites:

“They declare that Judas the traitor was thoroughly acquainted with these things, and that he alone, knowing the truth as no others did, accomplished the mystery of the betrayal. They produce a fictitious history which they style the Gospel of Judas.” (Against Heresies 1.31.1, Loeb)

For centuries this was our only evidence for the Gospel of Judas. Then, in the late 20th century, a Coptic manuscript was discovered in Egypt. Its contents matched Irenaeus’ account exactly.

In the text, Jesus mocks the disciples’ prayers:

“When he came to his disciples … they were gathered together and offering a prayer of thanksgiving over the bread. When he approached, he laughed.” (Gospel of Judas 33)

And to Judas, he offers a shocking commendation:

“You will exceed all of them. For you will sacrifice the man that clothes me.” (Gospel of Judas 56)

This bizarre inversion makes Judas the hero, praised for helping to discard Jesus’ human body. The discovery confirmed Irenaeus was right: the Gnostic “gospel” glorified the betrayer and denied Christ’s true incarnation.

Other apocrypha from this period were equally strange:

Apocryphal Gospels (30+ known by this time)

Gospel of Judas — Judas exalted for “sacrificing the man that clothes me.”
Gospel of Truth — Valentinian meditation redefining salvation as knowledge.
Gospel of the Egyptians — cited by Clement of Alexandria; ascetic in tone.
Gospel of Peter — fragment portrays a docetic Christ whose body feels no pain.
Gospel of the Hebrews — fragments used among Jewish-Christian groups.
Infancy Gospel of Thomas — boy Jesus curses playmates and strikes them dead, then raises them again.
Protoevangelium of James — elaborates Mary’s miraculous birth and childhood.
Gospel of the Ebionites — fragments depict a vegetarian Jesus, denying his divinity.
Gospel of the Nazarenes — fragments cited by Jerome.

Apocryphal Acts

Acts of Peter — includes the “Quo Vadis” scene; Peter crucified upside down.
Acts of Paul and Thecla — Thecla survives fire and beasts, preaches, baptizes herself.
Acts of John — Jesus leaves “no footprints,” appears in shifting forms.
Acts of Andrew — legendary missionary journeys and martyrdom of Andrew.
Acts of Thomas — missionary work in India, includes the famous “Hymn of the Pearl.”

Apocryphal Apocalypses

Apocalypse of Peter — visions of heaven and hell; debated in some churches.
Apocalypse of Paul — visionary journeys that became very popular later.
Apocalypse of Adam — Gnostic cosmology denying the Creator God.
Apocalypse of Zephaniah — Jewish-Christian apocalypse with angelic visions.

Other Gnostic Treatises Already Circulating

Gospel of Mary — Mary Magdalene as the revealer of secret knowledge. “Peter said to Mary, ‘Sister, we know that the Savior loved you more than the rest of women. Tell us the words of the Savior which you remember…’” (Gospel of Mary 10)
Apocryphon of John — a Gnostic retelling of Genesis, portraying the Creator God as an ignorant “demiurge.” “And he [the demiurge] said, ‘I am a jealous God, and there is no other god beside me.’ But by announcing this, he indicated to the angels who attended him that another God does exist.” (Apocryphon of John)
Teachings of Silvanus — wisdom text urging the pursuit of knowledge as the highest good.

By the year 200, at least 50–60 apocryphal works were already circulating — dozens of gospels, multiple acts, several apocalypses, and a growing shelf of Gnostic treatises. Some exalted Judas, others denied Jesus’ humanity, others turned Mary Magdalene into the revealer of hidden truth, and still others recast the Creator God as a blind and ignorant impostor.

Against this avalanche of counterfeits, the defenses of Irenaeus, the canon list of Rome, and the clarity of Theophilus stand out all the more. And archaeology has confirmed that they were not exaggerating. The rediscovery of the Gospel of Judas proved Irenaeus was right: the heretics really did produce “fictitious histories” that glorified the betrayer and denied Christ.

Conclusion

Commodus was assassinated in AD 192, strangled in his bath after twelve years of misrule. His death plunged Rome into the bloody “Year of the Five Emperors.” For the empire, his reign was remembered as a disgrace. But for Christians, Commodus’ years were remembered as a respite — a surprising turn from death in the palace to protection in the palace.

What began as a persecuted movement among the poor now had defenders in Caesar’s own household, a senator willing to declare Christ before Rome’s highest assembly, believers carving out rooms in the catacombs as their first communal spaces, and teachers like Irenaeus and Theophilus shaping the canon of Scripture and even the very word “Trinity” — all while the shadow of an “ancient law” reminded believers that the empire still considered them criminals.

Commodus’ reign thus marks a turning point: the faith of Jesus Christ was no longer hidden at the margins but had reached the heart of the empire, the underground corridors of Rome, and the contested battlefield of competing gospels — with the apostolic church proving itself the reliable guardian of the truth.