The Forty Year Peace, AD 260 TO 303

November 25, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

The Little Peace of the Church

For more than two centuries Christians lived with the expectation that violence could begin at any moment. The memory of Nero’s accusations after the fire of Rome, the pressure under Domitian, the legal judgments of Trajan that treated the name “Christian” as a crime, the local troubles recorded throughout the second century, the martyrdoms under Marcus Aurelius, the hostility under Severus, and especially the empire wide edicts of Decius and the targeted punishments of Valerian created an atmosphere of continual uncertainty.

Everything changed abruptly in the year 260. Valerian was taken captive by Shapur of Persia. His son Gallienus became sole emperor and immediately reversed the policies that had brought Christian property under seizure and bishops under threat. From this point until the year 303 Christians experienced the longest period of stability they had known. The era from the year 260 to the opening of Diocletian’s persecution in 303 is commonly called the Little Peace of the Church.

The surviving evidence for these decades includes an imperial letter recognizing Christian property, Christian testimony describing renewed festival gatherings, the minutes and letters of a public synod in Antioch, the writings of Christian scholars, and the archaeological remains of worship spaces and burial complexes. Together these sources show a Church entering a new phase of public life in the empire.

Gallienus and the Restoration of Christian Rights

The Edict of Gallienus

The beginning of this transformation is marked by the letter of Gallienus, preserved in Eusebius’ Church History. Gallienus orders that Christian properties be restored and instructs provincial governors to protect Christian assemblies:

I have ordered that the places which were formerly taken from the lawful possession of the Christians be restored to them.

Let the administrators of the provinces see to it that this decree is carried out with all diligence, so that no one shall prevent the Christians from assembling in the places belonging to them.

(Letter of Gallienus to the bishops of Egypt, Eusebius, Church History 7.13.9 to 10, written around AD 260)

This is the earliest surviving imperial statement that grants explicit legal protection to Christian meeting places. It recognizes Christians as lawful owners of property and commands Roman officials to protect their gatherings.

Dionysius of Alexandria and the Renewed Assemblies

Dionysius of Alexandria had lived through both the Decian and Valerian persecutions. His description of the change that followed Gallienus’ decree gives a vivid sense of how Christians experienced the new peace. He writes:

Then straightway there came again upon us a peace unbroken and indescribable, so great that even the least suspicious were amazed.

The festival assemblies were held, and our gatherings, formerly hindered, were restored with more splendor than before.

(Dionysius of Alexandria, letter preserved in Eusebius, Church History 7.22, written in the early 260s)

This testimony shows that Christian assemblies were restored immediately and that they were conducted openly and joyfully. The language of “festival assemblies” and “gatherings formerly hindered” describes concrete public worship practices returning to life.

Paul of Samosata and the Public Character of Christian Communities

Public Synods and the Imperial Decision

A further indication of the Church’s new public standing is the controversy surrounding Paul of Samosata, who served as bishop of Antioch during the 260s. Paul taught that Christ was a mere man in whom the divine Word dwelt as it had in earlier prophets. He was also accused of personal pride and of treating his role as bishop as a means of civic advancement.

A synod of bishops met in Antioch to examine Paul’s life and teaching. Their decision survives in Eusebius:

Though Paul was present with us for a long time, yet we found him not to be among us, for his manner of life was alien to the rule which has been handed down.

He has brought reproach upon our order by worldly pride, by arrogance in dress, and by the company of officials, and he has introduced teachings contrary to the faith, saying that our Saviour is a mere man, and that the Word and Wisdom of God are in him as in one of the prophets.

(Synodical letter concerning Paul of Samosata, Eusebius, Church History 7.30.19 to 20, written around AD 268)

Paul refused to relinquish the church building after the synod removed him, and the dispute eventually reached the emperor Aurelian. Eusebius records the decision:

When after much time had passed and many synods had been held, and Paul still occupied the church building, the matter was referred to the emperor Aurelian. He ordered that the building be given to those with whom the bishops of Italy and of the city of Rome were in communion.

(Eusebius, Church History 7.30.18, describing events around AD 272)

The presence of a Christian church building in Antioch, substantial enough to require an imperial ruling, reflects a broader pattern of Christian worship spaces that had already developed before the Little Peace.

Early Evidence for Designated Christian Buildings for Worship

(Distinguished from catacombs, burial spaces, and ordinary house gatherings)

Approx. Date	Location	Type of Christian Gathering Place	Primary Evidence	Source Citation and Date of Writing
Late second to early third century	Alexandria	Distinct Christian “houses of prayer”	Origen refers to “the houses of prayer where the Christians meet”	Origen, Against Celsus 8.75, c. AD 248
AD 201	Edessa	Recognized meeting place damaged in a flood	Chronicle notes damage to “the meeting place of the Christians”	Chronicle of Edessa, entry for AD 201
AD 230–250	Dura Europos	House converted into a worship complex	Excavated building destroyed in AD 256	Archaeological excavation
AD 249–251	Carthage	Christian gathering places seized	Cyprian reports “the places where we were accustomed to gather”	Cyprian, Letter 80.1, c. AD 250
AD 249–260	Alexandria, Caesarea, Rome	“Large and spacious churches” already present	Eusebius describes “large assemblies and spacious churches”	Eusebius, Church History 8.1.5
AD 260	Provinces under Gallienus	Christian buildings restored	Gallienus orders meeting places returned	Eusebius, Church History 7.13.9–10
AD 268–272	Antioch	Major designated church building	Aurelian’s legal ruling	Eusebius, Church History 7.30.18–20

Christian Teaching, Literature, and Community Life During the Little Peace

The stability that followed the decree of Gallienus allowed Christian communities to focus on worship, moral instruction, doctrinal clarity, and pastoral care. The literary and archaeological sources that survive from these decades give a fuller picture of Christian life than would first appear from the scarcity of surviving manuscripts. The harmony between these sources shows a Church whose thought, worship, and communal structures were developing in an atmosphere largely free from imperial disruption.

Voices from North Africa: Commodian

One of the earliest clear voices from this period is Commodian, a Christian teacher writing in North Africa. His Instructiones, composed around the years 260 to 280, offer moral admonitions and exhortations to purity. His tone reflects a community navigating daily life in a pagan world with confidence in divine judgment. He writes:

You who believe in Christ, keep your hearts undefiled.
Do not mingle with unbelievers or walk in the counsel of the wicked.
The Judge sees all things and will render to each according to his deeds.

(Commodian, Instructiones 1.8, written around AD 260 to 280)

He also warns Christians to remember their calling and avoid the practices that had once shaped their former lives. He says:

The world hates the servants of God because they are mindful of Him.
Remain steadfast, for the Lord Christ will come and will judge the living and the dead.

(Commodian, Instructiones 1.35, written around AD 260 to 280)

These writings reveal a Christian moral consciousness that fits well with what we see in inscriptions and other texts from these years. Christians understood themselves as a people distinct from their surroundings, committed to purity of conduct, confident that Christ would return.

The Didascalia Apostolorum: Church Order in the East

A second window into Christian life during these decades comes from the Didascalia Apostolorum, a church manual originating earlier in the third century but widely used across the Syrian churches during the Little Peace. Its instructions reflect the pastoral and communal expectations of the time. It says:

Let the bishop be your leader and shepherd, for he watches over your souls.
Let the deacons be like the eyes of the Church, caring for the poor and examining the needs of all.

(Didascalia Apostolorum 9, widely used 260 to 300)

The Didascalia also describes Christian worship and the discipline of community life:

Gather every Lord’s Day, and break bread, and give thanks, having confessed your sins,
that your sacrifice may be pure.

(Didascalia Apostolorum 13, circulating 260 to 300)

And it describes the role of prayer within the community:

Let the widows be honored, for they are the altar of God.
Let them pray unceasingly for all who are in the Church.

(Didascalia Apostolorum 15, circulated 260 to 300)

These instructions show a well-structured Church with an ordered hierarchy, regular weekly worship, roles for widows and deacons, and a commitment to purity and unity.

The Disputation at Antioch: Malchion and Paul of Samosata

The doctrinal life of Christian communities during these years appears most clearly in the dispute centered on Paul of Samosata. The public disputation between Paul and Malchion, a presbyter in Antioch trained in philosophy, provides a rare look at third-century theological debate. Malchion says:

You say the Word came to dwell in Jesus as in a prophet, yet you deny that He is the eternal Wisdom who was with God before all things.

(Malchion, Disputation with Paul, preserved in Eusebius, Church History 7.29, written around AD 268)

Malchion insists that Christian teaching must affirm the eternal preexistence of the divine Word:

You speak of Jesus as a man who attained glory, but we proclaim Him as the divine Wisdom who became man for us.

(Malchion, Disputation with Paul, c. 268)

These fragments demonstrate the level of intellectual engagement Christians could sustain during these decades of peace.

Methodius of Olympus: Theology at the End of the Peace

Near the end of the Little Peace another major Christian thinker appears in Methodius of Olympus. His works reflect deep concern for virtue, purity, and the resurrection. Writing around the years 290 to 300, Methodius says:

The soul is adorned with the virtues as a bride, and Christ receives her when she has purified herself
and kept herself from corruption.

(Methodius, Symposium 2.6, written around AD 290 to 300)

He also affirms the unity of body and soul in the resurrection:

The resurrection is the restoration of the whole man, the body joined again to the soul, that both may receive the reward of their deeds.

(Methodius, On the Resurrection 1.4, written around AD 290 to 300)

His work shows the maturity of Christian theology just before the outbreak of the Great Persecution.

Victorinus of Pettau: The First Latin Commentary on Revelation

Latin Christianity also produced writings in this period. Victorinus of Pettau, the earliest known Latin commentator on Revelation, wrote during the decades before he was martyred in the year 303. In his commentary he says:

The Church is the virgin who keeps herself for Christ and refuses to be defiled by the world.

(Victorinus, Commentary on Revelation 3.14, written around AD 260 to 303)

He also emphasizes perseverance:

He who perseveres in faith, even in the face of death, receives the crown of life promised by the Lord.

(Victorinus, Commentary on Revelation 2.10, written around AD 260 to 303)

Victorinus reveals a Latin Christian world confident in the teaching of Scripture and the promise of Christ’s return.

Arnobius of Sicca: A North African Voice

A North African voice from the very end of this period appears in Arnobius of Sicca, who wrote Against the Nations around the years 295 to 303. Arnobius defends Christian belief in the divinity of Christ and the moral transformation produced by Christian conversion. He writes:

We are mocked for confessing that Christ is God, yet we persevere, knowing that His power has transformed our lives.

(Arnobius, Against the Nations 1.5, written around AD 295 to 303)

He also describes the growth and moral influence of Christian communities:

The Church grows not by the sword but by persuasion and by the example of a holy community.

(Arnobius, Against the Nations 2.1, written around AD 295 to 303)

Arnobius gives voice to the public confidence of Christians at the end of the Little Peace.

Other Christian Writings of the Era

The Acts of Archelaus and Manes, a Christian dialogue against Manichaeism written around the years 278 to 280, states:

The truth of Christ is confirmed by the harmony of the prophets and by the lives of the apostles who sealed their testimony with their blood.

(Acts of Archelaus and Manes 42, written around AD 278 to 280)

Syriac Christianity also produced texts in this era. The Teaching of Addai, associated with Edessa and dated to the late third century, proclaims:

Blessed are those who keep themselves from the idols of the world and walk in the way of Christ who brings life to those who believe.

(Teaching of Addai 7, Edessa, late third century)

And the Syriac exhortation texts call believers to renewal:

Beloved, let us put off the old man and put on Christ, for He has called us into the light of His kingdom.

(Syriac Exhortation, Homily 3, written around AD 270 to 300)

Archaeological Testimony

Archaeology provides further evidence. Catacomb inscriptions from Rome in the late third century show Christians identifying themselves openly as believers and noting the offices they held. One reads:

Aurelius Gaius, servant of Christ, rests in peace.

(Catacomb inscription, Rome, late third century)

Another says:

Severianus the presbyter sleeps in the peace of the Lord.

(Catacomb inscription, Rome, late third century)

Such inscriptions demonstrate that Christians were organized, confident, and socially visible even before the dramatic expansion of the fourth century.

Porphyry and the Wider Intellectual World

These Christian voices existed alongside the intellectual resistance of Porphyry of Tyre, a Neoplatonic philosopher who wrote a detailed critique of Christianity between the years 270 and 300. His work shows that Christian Scripture, teaching, and community life were prominent enough to draw attention from the most educated circles of the empire. Although his writings survive only in fragments, their existence demonstrates that Christianity was part of the larger intellectual conversation during the Little Peace.

The Lost Literature of the Little Peace

The Destruction of Christian Writings Under Diocletian

The relatively small number of surviving writings from this forty year period is not an indication that Christians were inactive or silent. The primary reason for the loss is the deliberate destruction of Christian literature during the Great Persecution that began in the year 303.

The first edict of Diocletian required the destruction of Christian writings. Lactantius describes the order:

It was commanded that the churches be torn down, and that the Scriptures be burned with fire. Those who held office in the churches were to be arrested.

(Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 12.1, written after AD 313)

Eusebius, who witnessed the persecution in Palestine, records the same reality:

We saw with our own eyes the houses of prayer thrown down to their foundations, and the divine Scriptures burned in the open marketplace.

(Eusebius, Church History 8.2.1, describing events beginning in AD 303)

He adds:

Search was made for the sacred books, and they were delivered to be burned.

(Eusebius, Church History 8.3.1)

Because Christian writings were kept in churches, bishop’s houses, cemeterial chapels, and teaching centers, these locations were primary targets. Eusebius laments:

Many writings of the ancient martyrs and of those who bore witness to the truth have perished in the persecution recently suffered by the churches.

(Eusebius, Church History 8.13.7)

The persecution targeted not only people but memory. Books were easy to find and burn, and many of the writings produced in the peaceful years between 260 and 303 were lost.

The Emperors Who Maintained the Peace

The stability that Christians experienced after the decree of Gallienus continued under the emperors who followed him. Claudius, Aurelian, Tacitus, Florian, Probus, Carus, and the sons of Carus left no record of empire wide action against the Church. Christian assemblies continued openly. Pastors taught. Writers composed treatises and commentaries. Disputes such as the one surrounding Paul of Samosata were resolved by synods rather than by fear of imperial coercion.

Aurelian’s involvement in that controversy is the clearest window into imperial engagement with the Church during these years. When Paul refused to surrender the church building at Antioch after the synod deposed him, the case was appealed to the emperor. Eusebius writes:

When after much time had passed and many synods had been held, and Paul still occupied the church building, the matter was referred to the emperor Aurelian. He ordered that the building be given to those with whom the bishops of Italy and of the city of Rome were in communion.

(Eusebius, Church History 7.30.18, describing events around AD 272)

This ruling favored the wider episcopal consensus and shows that Christian property was recognized in law and that Christian disputes could be settled by appealing to imperial authority. It is an image of the Church operating within public legal structures rather than in hiding from them.

When Diocletian became emperor in the year 284 he preserved the long tradition of toleration that had begun under Gallienus. Christians served in public roles and lived in the orbit of imperial families. Eusebius later reflects on their presence within the administration:

When the rulers employed Christians in their services and entrusted them with authority, those who observed their lives admired the faith and the zeal that marked their conduct.

(Eusebius, Church History 8.1.2, referring to the years before AD 303)

Christians therefore lived openly, engaged in civic responsibilities, and were regarded with respect in many public contexts. Their faith was not confined to private spaces but was visible within the structures of the state.

Christian Soldiers During the Little Peace

The most striking evidence of Christian integration into public life during this period is the presence of Christians in the Roman military. Several accounts from different regions show Christians serving as soldiers and officers, and some being executed when they refused to participate in rites that conflicted with their faith.

A notable case appears at the very beginning of the Little Peace in Caesarea. Marinus, a Christian serving as a centurion, was accused when he was about to receive promotion. His refusal to offer sacrifice led directly to his death. The account states:

Marinus was in the army and had the rank of centurion. When he was about to receive a promotion, he was accused of being a Christian. He refused to offer sacrifice, declaring that he had long served Christ.
He was led away and immediately beheaded.

(Marinus of Caesarea, martyr account preserved in Eusebius, Church History 7.15, describing events around AD 260)

This testimony shows that Christians held rank in the military and that their refusal to obey sacrificial commands could lead to execution even during years of general peace. The issue was not their military service as such, but their refusal to participate in religious rites that they believed violated their allegiance to Christ.

Another important account appears in North Africa in the year 295. The Acts of Maximilian record a Roman proconsul acknowledging that Christians were numerous in the army. When Maximilian refused the oath of service, the outcome was immediate. The transcript reads:

When Maximilian refused the military oath, the proconsul said to him, There are Christians serving today in the army. Maximilian remained firm.
The sentence was read: Maximilian is to be executed by the sword.
And he was executed at once.

(Acts of Maximilian 3 to 9, dated AD 295)

The key line is the admission that “there are Christians serving today in the army.” This statement confirms that Christian military service was common by the late third century. The fact that Maximilian is executed for refusing service shows that the empire could tolerate Christians in the army, but not when they openly rejected the obligations of the oath.

A related case comes from Tingitana in the year 298. Marcellus, a centurion of the Seventh Legion, refused to participate in a military ceremony honoring the emperor. His profession of loyalty to Christ cost him his life. The account states:

Marcellus, a centurion of the Thundering Legion, cast aside his military belt and declared, I serve Jesus Christ the eternal King.
The sentence was read: Marcellus is to be executed with the sword.
He was executed immediately.

(Passion of Marcellus 3 to 6, dated AD 298)

This episode demonstrates that Christians did not always see military service and allegiance to Christ as compatible when imperial ritual demanded a form of worship they could not give. Their refusal brought the penalty of death even before any empire wide persecution began.

A similar moment occurred at the court of Diocletian, where a soldier refused to join in a sacrificial act. Lactantius describes the event:

A certain man, who was a soldier, refused to take part in the sacrifice and confessed that he was a Christian.
He was immediately put to death.

(Lactantius, On the Deaths of the Persecutors 10.3, describing events around AD 298)

This account confirms the presence of Christians serving very near the emperor himself and shows that clashes over ritual obedience were already occurring before the outbreak of the wider persecution.

Eusebius summarizes the general condition of Christians in public and military life during these decades:

Many of those who later became most violent against us had before this time lived familiarly with the brethren, and some of them had wives who were believers.

(Eusebius, Church History 8.1.1)

Taken together, these testimonies confirm that Christians served throughout the Roman army during the Little Peace and that some chose martyrdom rather than conform to religious practices they believed to be forbidden. The Little Peace was therefore not an absolute end of suffering, but a period in which persecution became localized and was often triggered by specific conflicts over ritual and loyalty.

The Tetrarchy and Subtle Shifts in Imperial Expectations

In the year 293 Diocletian reorganized the government by appointing Maximian as co emperor and elevating Constantius and Galerius as junior rulers. This arrangement, often called the Tetrarchy, strengthened the structure of the state but also renewed attention to the religious rituals that were believed to protect the empire.

Christians continued to live and worship freely during the early years of the Tetrarchy. Communities gathered, inscriptions were carved, writers taught, and synods addressed questions of faith. Yet the presence of Christians within imperial service, combined with their refusal to participate in certain traditional sacrifices, meant that their relationship to public ritual stood in sharper contrast against the renewed emphasis on ancestral observance and the favor of the gods.

Christian writers of the period were aware of the contrast between Christian faith and pagan practice and urged perseverance and holiness. Victorinus, in his commentary on Revelation, speaks of Christian endurance:

He who perseveres in faith, even in the face of trial, receives the crown of life promised by the Lord.

(Victorinus, Commentary on Revelation 2.10, written around AD 260 to 303)

Arnobius, writing in North Africa near the close of this period, emphasizes the moral distinctiveness of Christian communities:

The Church grows not by the sword but by persuasion and by the example of a holy community.

(Arnobius, Against the Nations 2.1, written around AD 295 to 303)

These voices show how Christians understood their place in the empire. They did not seek power by force but by persuasion and by the witness of a distinct way of life.

In these same decades the philosopher Porphyry of Tyre wrote an extended critique of Christian belief and biblical interpretation. Although his work survives only in fragments, its existence within this period demonstrates that Christian teaching had become significant enough to draw detailed examination and opposition from the philosophical world. Christianity was no longer only a social and moral presence. It had become part of the intellectual discourse of the empire.

Conclusion: The Mature Christian Life of the Little Peace

The years between 260 and 303 represent the first sustained era in which Christians lived, worshiped, taught, and organized themselves openly under Roman authority. The evidence from Christian writings, synodical decisions, inscriptions, martyr acts, and imperial rulings shows that Christian communities were confident and active. They built designated worship spaces, gathered each Lord’s Day, instructed converts, cared for widows and the poor, debated doctrine in public, and produced theological writings and commentaries.

Some Christians served in the army and wore the uniform of Rome. Some were executed for refusing to perform rites they believed violated their faith. Others taught, wrote poetry, engaged in philosophical argument, or preserved the memory of the martyrs. All of these activities unfolded within a world of relative stability, shaped by the legal protection first granted by Gallienus.

The Little Peace was therefore a formative period for Christian identity. It revealed how the Church lived when not under threat, showed the kind of structures and teachings that emerged when Christians were able to gather freely, and demonstrated that their faith could flourish not only in times of persecution but also in seasons of peace.

Plague, Persecution, and the Strength of the Early Church: From Decius to Valerian

November 23, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

In AD 249, the Roman emperor Decius looked across an empire in decline and believed he saw the cause clearly. Rome had forgotten the gods. Old discipline had collapsed. Armies rebelled, frontiers failed, provinces grew restless, and a strange new disease was beginning to appear in major cities. His solution was drastic: force every inhabitant of the empire to offer sacrifice to the ancestral gods, renewing the divine favor that had once made Rome strong.

Aurelius Victor, a pagan Roman historian writing around AD 360, explains Decius’s reasoning:

“Decius wished to restore the old discipline, for he thought the state had been corrupted by the neglect of ancestral customs.”
(De Caesaribus 29)

Zosimus, a pagan historian hostile to Christianity writing around AD 500, reports the same motive:

“Decius strove to restore the ancient religion.”
(New History 1.23)

Cyprian of Carthage, a Christian bishop writing in the AD 250s, saw the truth directly:

“Decius wished to compel every man to sacrifice.”
(Letter 55)

Decius believed enforced religious unity would stabilize Rome. Instead, the empire fell into one of the worst crises in its history.

Rome’s Crisis Deepened and the Plague Swept the Empire

Within two years of Decius’s edict:

he died in battle against the Goths (AD 251),
military rebellions multiplied,
pretenders seized the throne,
frontier defenses collapsed,
and the plague exploded.

Eutropius, a pagan Roman imperial official writing around AD 369, summarizes these years in a single devastating sentence:

“The state was wasted by pestilence, devastated by enemies, and its strength exhausted.”
(Breviarium 9.5)

Aurelius Victor, writing as a secular historian around AD 360, echoes it:

“The State was collapsing under its misfortunes.”
(De Caesaribus 30)

The most severe blow was not military—it was biological.

The Plague of Cyprian (AD 249–262): One of the Deadliest Pandemics of Antiquity

The epidemic we now call the Plague of Cyprian lasted roughly thirteen years (AD 249–262). Evidence suggests it reached nearly every major region of the Roman Empire:

North Africa (Cyprian’s home)
Egypt (Dionysius’s letters)
Rome and Italy
Asia Minor (Firmilian of Caesarea)
Syria, Judea, and Palestine
Greece
Gaul
The Danube provinces
Possibly Britain

Firmilian of Cappadocia, a Christian bishop writing around AD 256, states plainly:

“The pestilence is raging everywhere, and the whole world is devastated.”
(Epistle 74 to Cyprian)

Historians estimate:

Urban mortality: 20–30%
Some cities: up to 50%
Total empire-wide deaths: 5–10 million

No Roman epidemic produced more detailed Christian eyewitness testimony.

Cyprian’s Full Plague Description (On Mortality 14)

Cyprian of Carthage, a Christian bishop writing in the mid-250s, recorded the most vivid medical description of the plague. Here is the complete account:

“This trial, that is now common to all, puts us on equal terms. Whatever is the character of the plague which now ravages the human race, it attacks all without distinction. It lays waste the people equally as it perpetually rages among them; and though it may injure many, still it should improve the discipline of all.

This death, in its devastations, as it attacks the righteous and the unrighteous, does not spare the brave or the peaceful; the man of learning and the unlearned; the strong and the weak.

This trial, that now the bowels loosen into a constant flux; that a fire originated in the marrow boils up in the throat; that the intestines are shaken with continual vomiting; that the eyes are on fire with the injected blood; that in some cases the feet or some parts of the limbs are taken off by the contagion of diseased and corrupted putrefaction; and that from the weakness caused by the failing and loss of the body, either the gait is enfeebled, or the hearing obstructed, or the sight darkened—this devastates countless bodies, and destroys whole families and households…

But nevertheless it profits, in that it searches out the righteousness of each one and examines the minds of the human race: whether one who is in health cares for the sick; whether a relation affectionately loves his kindred; whether masters have compassion on their languishing servants; whether physicians do not desert the afflicted; whether the fierce restrain their violence; whether the rapacious can quench the ever insatiable fire of their furious desires; whether the haughty bend their necks; whether the wicked soften their daring; whether, when their dear ones perish, the rich, even then, give anything.”
(On Mortality 14)

Christian Bravery During the Plague

Dionysius of Alexandria, a Christian bishop writing c. AD 260, preserved by Eusebius:

“Most of our brethren, in their exceeding love and affection for the brotherhood, did not spare themselves. They visited the sick fearlessly, ministered to them continually, tended to them in Christ, and died with them most joyfully.”
(Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 7.22.7–8)

He adds:

“The heathen thrust aside those who began to be sick and fled from their dearest. They cast the dying into the roads before they were dead.”
(Eusebius, HE 7.22.10)

Christians stayed.
They carried the sick.
They buried the dead.
And they died doing it.

Cyprian’s Theology of Charity During Crisis

Cyprian’s On Works and Alms (c. AD 252–254) shows how Christians understood charity in plague and persecution.

“What a great and honorable thing it is, beloved brethren, to wash away the stains of sin by the works of mercy! What a glorious thing to convert earthly possessions into heavenly treasures!”
(On Works and Alms 2)

“Christ taught that He was hungry in His poor… Whatever is given to these is given to Christ.”
(On Works and Alms 6–7)

“Let no one be hindered from doing good by the fear of death. He cannot fear to die who is already dying to the world.”
(On Works and Alms 20–21)

“Even the widow’s two mites were accepted… He who gives to the poor makes God his debtor.”
(On Works and Alms 18)

“Almsgiving prepares us for the crown. He who shows mercy learns to suffer.”
(On Works and Alms 34)

This ethic shaped Christian identity more deeply than any imperial decree.

Gallus and Aemilian: Crisis Without Coherence

Trebonianus Gallus (AD 251–253) inherited an empire collapsing under plague and war.

Aurelius Victor, a pagan historian around AD 360, writes:

“Gallus possessed neither the authority nor the industry necessary for ruling a state collapsing under its misfortunes.”
(De Caesaribus 30)

Eutropius, a pagan imperial official writing c. AD 369, says:

“Pestilence and war wasted every part of the state.”
(Breviarium 9.5)

Cyprian of Carthage, a Christian bishop writing in the mid-250s, provides direct testimony:

“Gallus, at once hostile and timid, succeeded the empire. He drove Cornelius, the bishop, into exile, and pursued the pastors of the Church with wicked fury.”
(Epistle 55.9)

Aemilian (AD 253) ruled only months.
Zosimus, the pagan historian hostile to Christianity, says:

“Aemilian ruled so briefly that nothing worth remembering could be accomplished.”
(New History 1.24)

Valerian: A Brief Peace and Then a Sharp Persecution

Valerian (AD 253–260) began with unusual favor toward Christians.

Dionysius of Alexandria, writing c. AD 260, recalls:

“In the early days of Valerian, there was not even a whisper of hatred against us. Men of God were in his household.”
(Eusebius, HE 7.10.3–4)

But everything changed dramatically under the influence of Macrianus, his powerful financial officer.

Macrianus: The Architect of Valerian’s Shift

Macrianus was a pagan imperial financial officer—the Rationalis, responsible for taxation, troop pay, and imperial expenditures. With Rome’s finances collapsing under plague, invasion, and mutiny, he wielded enormous bureaucratic power and shaped the emperor’s thinking. Christian writers remembered him as deeply hostile toward Christians, viewing them as destabilizing because they refused state sacrifices.

Lactantius, a Christian historian writing c. AD 310–320, explains Valerian’s reversal:

“He was corrupted by Macrianus, who was long hostile to the Christian name.”
(De Mortibus Persecutorum 5)

Valerian’s First Edict (AD 257)

Lactantius, a Christian historian writing c. AD 310–320, preserves the full legal summary:

“He sent a rescript that bishops, presbyters, and deacons should be punished immediately.

Senators and men of importance who practiced Christianity were to lose their dignities, and if they persisted, be deprived of their property.

Matrons were to be deprived of their goods and banished.

And all members of the imperial household who confessed Christ were to be sent in chains.”
(De Mortibus Persecutorum 5)

Dionysius of Alexandria, Christian bishop writing c. AD 260, adds a key detail:

“It was not permitted for us to assemble, not even in the cemeteries.”
(Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 7.11.10)

Banning Christian burial gatherings was a direct attack on the most basic expression of the Christian community.

Valerian’s Second Edict (AD 258)

Valerian’s second edict escalated sharply.

Lactantius:

“He ordered that bishops, presbyters, and deacons be executed immediately.

Senators and men of rank who persisted in Christianity were to lose their property and, if they continued, be beheaded.

Matrons were to be deprived of their property and exiled.

And members of the imperial household who confessed Christ were to be sent in chains and assigned to work on the imperial estates.”
(De Mortibus 6)

This was the most targeted persecution since Nero, and the most systematically organized until Diocletian.

It ruthlessly attacked:

The clergy (execution)
The upper classes (confiscation, then execution)
Wealthy Christian women (exile)
Christian imperial slaves and staff (forced labor)

By striking at bishops and deacons first, Valerian tried to dismantle Christian leadership.
By attacking Christian senators and matrons, he tried to destroy Christian influence.
By enslaving Christian palace staff, he tried to cleanse the imperial household of the faith.

The Execution of Sixtus II and the Roman Deacons

Eusebius, Christian historian c. AD 310–325, writes:

“Sixtus was seized in the cemetery and put to death with four deacons.”
(Ecclesiastical History 7.14)

The Liber Pontificalis (drawing on much earlier Roman records) gives the names of the deacons:

Januarius
Magnus
Vincent
Stephen

Fourth-century bishop Ambrose of Milan, using earlier Roman tradition, expands this event:

“The prefect found Sixtus seated, preaching to the brethren, and said, ‘Are you the bishop?’
Sixtus replied, ‘I am.’
And he was led away to suffer with his deacons.”
(De Officiis 2.28)

Rome remembered that Sixtus and his deacons died during worship, defying Valerian’s ban on assembly in cemeteries, choosing obedience to God over obedience to Rome.

The Full Interrogation of Cyprian of Carthage

This is one of the best-documented martyrdom interrogations from the ancient world.

Eusebius, quoting the official Roman court transcript:

“When Cyprian had been brought before the tribunal, the proconsul said to him:

‘Are you Thascius Cyprian?’

Cyprian replied: ‘I am.’

The proconsul Galerius Maximus said: ‘The most sacred emperors have commanded you to sacrifice.’

Cyprian said: ‘I will not sacrifice.’

Galerius Maximus said: ‘Consider your position.’

Cyprian replied: ‘Do what you are commanded. In so just a cause there is no need of deliberation.’

After conferring with his council, Galerius Maximus reluctantly pronounced the sentence:

‘You have long lived sacrilegiously and have attracted many by your wickedness.
You have shown yourself an enemy to the gods and the laws of Rome.

The sacred emperors have commanded that those who do not sacrifice shall be executed with the sword.

Therefore Thascius Cyprian, you are to be executed with the sword.’

Cyprian responded: ‘Thanks be to God.’”
(Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 7.11*)

This transcript is extraordinary:
It shows a bishop speaking directly, calmly, and fearlessly to the Roman state.

Eyewitness Account of Cyprian’s Final Moments (Pontius the Deacon)

Pontius of Carthage, Cyprian’s deacon and an eyewitness writing in the AD 260s, describes what happened next:

“When he came to the place appointed for execution, Cyprian prayed on his knees.

He took off his cloak and folded it carefully before kneeling upon it.

He removed his dalmatic and handed it to the deacons, remaining in his linen tunic.

Then he bound his own eyes with his handkerchief.

The faithful spread cloths and napkins before him to catch his blood.

Cyprian himself commanded the executioner to do his duty, and the executioner struck the blow.”
(Pontius, Life of Cyprian 19–20)

Pontius adds one more vivid detail:

“There was a great cry from the brethren, many saying: ‘Let us be slain with him!’
But Cyprian had already received the crown.”
(Life of Cyprian 20)

Additional 3rd-Century Witnesses to Cyprian’s Martyrdom

Early Carthaginian martyr traditions remember:

“He knelt upon the earth and clasped his hands in prayer.
The soldiers marveled at his calmness.”
(Acts of Cyprian, fragment)

And:

“He offered himself willingly, and the people wept as for a father.”
(Acts of Cyprian, fragment)

These traditions formed part of the earliest Christian liturgical memory in North Africa.

Valerian’s Catastrophic End

In AD 260, Valerian marched east to confront the rising Persian king Shapur I.
He was defeated, captured alive, and humiliated—an unprecedented disaster.

Shapur I, Zoroastrian Persian king writing c. AD 260, proudly carved:

“We captured Valerian, the emperor of the Romans, with our own hands.”
(Res Gestae Divi Saporis)

Roman historians—pagan and Christian—agreed that nothing like this had ever happened in Rome’s history.

For Christians, it confirmed the justice of God.
For pagans, it proved the empire was in unprecedented crisis.

Valerian’s son, Gallienus, now ruled alone.

The First Pro-Christian Law in Roman History

Gallienus immediately reversed his father’s policies.
He issued a rescript restoring Christian property and protecting their right to assemble.

Eusebius, Christian historian c. AD 310–325, preserves the text:

“The places which were seized are to be restored to you,
and the governors shall desist from molesting you.”
(Ecclesiastical History 7.13)

This was the first legal recognition of Christianity by a Roman emperor.

It inaugurated what historians call the Little Peace of the Church (AD 260–303)—a 40-year span of relative safety before the Great Persecution under Diocletian.

Why Gallienus Did This

Gallienus reversed the persecution because the empire needed stability, not conflict.
After Valerian’s capture, the Roman world was breaking apart:

provinces were rebelling,
armies were mutinying,
and the plague still ravaged cities.

Christians were:

organized,
peaceful,
widespread,
and exceptionally charitable.

Restoring their property strengthened urban life at zero cost to the state.

Another major reason was the downfall of Macrianus, the architect of the persecution.
Macrianus was the empire’s powerful financial officer. After Valerian’s capture, he betrayed the imperial family by attempting to put his own sons on the throne. His rebellion failed, discrediting both his faction and his policies.

Continuing a persecution designed by a traitor would have undermined Gallienus’s legitimacy.
Ending it unified support behind his rule.

Gallienus’s toleration was not theological. It was practical statecraft in the middle of collapse.

Why Christianity Grew Stronger While Rome Collapsed

From Decius to Valerian, Rome tried to save itself through:

fear,
coercion,
forced sacrifice,
and violence.

Christians grew through:

sacrificial charity,
unity across classes,
courage in martyrdom,
doctrinal clarity,
care for the sick,
and unshakable resurrection hope.

Where Rome fled the plague, Christians carried the dying.
Where Rome cast out its sick, Christians welcomed them.
Where Rome fractured, Christians unified.
Where Rome enforced loyalty through fear, Christians won loyalty through love.

This is why Christianity endured Rome’s darkest decades—not through power, but through faithful love in the face of death, a way of life no emperor could crush.

From the Giant to the Wonder-Worker: The Church of Maximinus Thrax to Philip the Arab

October 14, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

For nearly two decades, the Christian movement had lived in relative peace. Under Severus Alexander (AD 222–235), believers were tolerated, even respected. The Historia Augusta claimed he placed images of Christ and Abraham in his private chapel and inscribed the words “Do not do to another what you would not have done to yourself” on the walls of his palace. Whether or not every detail is true, the tone of his reign was unmistakably mild.

That peace ended in blood.

1. Maximinus Thrax (r. 235–238 AD): The Giant Who Hated His Predecessor

When Alexander was murdered by his own troops in 235 AD, the army raised a Thracian soldier of enormous stature—Gaius Julius Verus Maximinus, known to history as Maximinus Thrax. With him began both the Crisis of the Third Century and the first targeted persecution of Christian clergy.

Eusebius of Caesarea, writing around AD 312–324, gives our earliest account:

“Maximinus then ordered that the leaders of the churches should be put to death.
The reason for this persecution was the hatred that he bore toward his predecessor Alexander, whose household was full of believers.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.28 (Loeb)

This was not an empire-wide assault but a surgical strike against the heads of the churches. Maximinus saw in bishops and presbyters a rival network of loyalty. In his eyes, purging them was devotion to the gods of Rome.

The Harsh Provinces: Pontus and Cappadocia

Eusebius continues:

“In some places the persecution was scarcely felt, but in others—especially in Pontus and Cappadocia—it raged fiercely, as the governors there, moved by zeal for idolatry, put to death great numbers of the faithful with various kinds of tortures.
And many of the martyrs of that time were famous, the records of whose martyrdoms are still preserved among the brethren.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.28–29 (Loeb)

Among those caught in the storm were Pontian, bishop of Rome, and Hippolytus, a learned presbyter who had long opposed him.
Eusebius gives the earliest account:

“At this time also Pontianus, who was then bishop of the church of Rome, and Hippolytus, who was distinguished among its presbyters, were exiled to the mines of Sardinia by the decree of Maximinus; and there they were put to death by hardship.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.23 (Loeb)

Their shared suffering and death ended years of division and became one of the church’s earliest examples of reconciliation through martyrdom.

Origen’s Exhortation to Martyrdom (AD 235–238)

At the same time, Origen of Caesarea wrote a remarkable letter to his imprisoned friends Ambrose and Protoctetus, who faced death under Maximinus Thrax.
His Exhortation to Martyrdom is one of the few surviving works written during persecution itself, not after it.

Who Were Ambrose and Protoctetus?

Both men were students and patrons of Origen’s school in Caesarea.
Ambrose—not to be confused with the later bishop of Milan—was a wealthy Alexandrian who had once been drawn to Gnostic philosophy. Origen’s teaching brought him to orthodox faith, and he became one of Origen’s closest allies, financing his commentaries and employing scribes to preserve his work.
Protoctetus was a presbyter of the church in Caesarea, a man of deep integrity and one of Origen’s most loyal companions.

When the persecution of Maximinus reached Palestine, both men were arrested and imprisoned at Caesarea Maritima, the Roman capital on the coast of Judea.
Eusebius writes that their courage made them models for others:

“In these times Origen composed his Exhortation to those suffering persecution, full of encouragement and power, and strengthened many for the contest, among whom were Ambrose and Protoctetus, who were at that time distinguished for their confession of faith.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.28 (Loeb)

Later in his narrative, Eusebius adds:

“Ambrose, who was called Origen’s friend, and Protoctetus, a presbyter of the church at Caesarea, after many trials and noble endurance, were perfected by martyrdom in the persecution under Maximinus.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.39 (Loeb)

Both were executed at Caesarea, probably by beheading around AD 238, remembered as martyrs “distinguished for their confession.”
Origen himself narrowly escaped the same fate; the governor had ordered his arrest, but he hid until the edict was withdrawn.

It was to these two men—waiting in prison for the sentence he expected himself—that Origen wrote his Exhortation to Martyrdom. It was not theory; it was farewell.

“If persecution comes upon us, let us not be disturbed as though something strange had happened.
The Son of God was the first of all martyrs, and He calls us to share His sufferings that we may share His glory.”
— Exhortation to Martyrdom 1–2 (Loeb)

He urged them to love even those who condemned them:

“We must love our enemies, bless those who curse us, and pray for those who persecute us.
It is not enough to bear stripes; we must conquer hatred with patience.
The victory of the Christian is not in killing his persecutor but in dying for the truth.”
— ibid. 24–25

He described martyrdom as the perfection of baptism:

“Baptism cleanses, but martyrdom enlightens.
Baptism receives the forgiveness of sins; martyrdom obtains the crown of righteousness.
By baptism we are born again; by martyrdom we become perfect.”
— ibid. 50–51

He cautioned that believers should never provoke danger but be ready when called:

“We must not throw ourselves into danger, for Scripture says, ‘When they persecute you in one city, flee to another.’
Yet when the hour comes and we are called, we must not deny Christ, even in thought.”
— ibid. 34

And he closed with serene strength:

“Do not imagine, friends most beloved, that the soul is conquered when the body is overcome.
The soul conquers when, though the body is slain, it departs unvanquished.
For no iron can pierce faith, no flame consume virtue, no wild beast devour love.”
— ibid. 37

Eusebius later said this work “strengthened many for the contest.” (Ecclesiastical History 6.28.)
It shows Origen not as an academic but as a pastor under siege—teaching that victory lay not in survival but in transformation.

Within three years the soldiers who made Maximinus emperor turned on him. He was murdered outside Aquileia in 238 AD, ending the first Christian persecution since Severus.

2. Gordian III (r. 238–244 AD): The Boy Emperor and a Season of Quiet

After the chaos of six emperors in one year, the Senate placed power in the hands of a boy—Gordian III, only thirteen. The brief reign that followed was remarkably calm. No persecutions are recorded, and Christian writers reemerged into view.

“The churches throughout the world enjoyed peace, and the word of salvation was daily increasing.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.39 (Loeb)

During this lull, Origen completed massive scriptural projects—his Hexapla and commentaries on Matthew and John.
His influence also radiated outward through a new generation of leaders—Firmilian of Caesarea and Gregory Thaumaturgus in the East.

Firmilian of Caesarea: The Theologian of Cappadocia

Firmilian, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, was one of the key bridges between Origen’s intellectual world and the organized episcopal networks that later defined the Church.
He invited Origen north to Cappadocia, where theological councils were held during this time of peace.

“Being invited especially by Firmilian, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, Origen stayed with him a considerable time, being of the greatest assistance in the ecclesiastical discussions held there.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.27 (Loeb)

Firmilian’s circle shaped the theological life of Cappadocia decades before Basil or Gregory of Nyssa.
He saw bishops as physicians for wounded souls, not magistrates of punishment.

A generation later Cyprian of Carthage would write directly to him:

“Beloved brother, we have received your letter, which has given us great delight by your faith and wisdom; for you have rightly maintained the truth of the Gospel, and by the vigor of your reasoning strengthened the fellowship of our faith.”
— Cyprian, Epistle 74.1 (CSEL 3.2, AD 256)

This East–West friendship was built on Origen’s foundations.
From Firmilian’s school would come his most famous student—Gregory Thaumaturgus.

Gregory Thaumaturgus: The Wonder-Worker of Pontus

Gregory Thaumaturgus—“the Wonder-Worker”—was born around AD 210 in Neocaesarea in Pontus.
He came to Origen as a skeptical philosopher but left as a missionary bishop.

“When I came to him I was enslaved to many false opinions, but he freed me from them all, leading me by the hand to the truth, as from darkness to light.
He opened to us the whole treasure of divine wisdom, showing the harmony of all things and the unity of the Creator.”
— Panegyric to Origen 10, 13–14 (Loeb, c. AD 240)

Returning to Pontus, Gregory became bishop of Neocaesarea and composed a Confession of Faith that anticipates the Nicene language:

“There is one God, the Father of the living Word, of wisdom and power and eternal image; perfect begetter of the perfect, Father of the only-begotten Son.
There is one Lord, the only-begotten of the only One, God of God, image and likeness of the Deity, Word through whom all things were made, true Son of the true Father.”
— Confession of Faith 1 (Loeb, c. AD 260)

During plague and civil turmoil he guided his church with courage.
His Canonical Epistle—written c. AD 263–265—offers a vivid picture of Christian life under duress.

“Those who were called of Christ rejoiced in the danger; they visited the sick without dread, ministered to their needs, and attended to them in Christ.
Thus they departed this life in gladness, for they were infected by others’ disease, drawing to themselves the affliction of their neighbors and taking their pain upon themselves.”
— Canonical Epistle 11 (Loeb)

“Some, being of little faith, abandoned the brethren in distress; others even denied the faith to save their lives.
To such, leniency is to be shown if they repent, yet they shall stand apart for a season, that their penitence may be proven.”
— ibid. 12

“Let the widows be honored as the altar of God, for they continually intercede for the Church.
Let virgins keep themselves in purity, knowing that they are the portion of Christ; for the crown of chastity is not gained by words but by life.”
— ibid. 24–26

Basil the Great, writing a century later, said:

“The faith which Gregory the Wonder-Worker received from Origen was preserved without spot among us down to our fathers.”
— Basil of Caesarea, Letter 28.1 (Loeb, AD 375)

Why He Was Called “The Wonder-Worker”

His title Thaumaturgus (“Wonder-Worker”) came from the miracles remembered by later generations.

“When he came to Neocaesarea he found only seventeen Christians, and when he departed this life there were not more than seventeen unbelievers.
For the signs and wonders which he worked drew the whole people to the faith.”
— Gregory of Nyssa, Life of Gregory Thaumaturgus 3 (Loeb, AD 380)

One account tells of a flood stopped by his prayer:

“Gregory, seeing the danger to his flock, took a staff and planted it in the ground, praying that the waters would go no farther.
Immediately the torrent stopped, as if held back by an invisible wall, and from that day the place was called ‘The Boundary of the Wonder.’”
— ibid. 4–5 (Loeb)

Another recounts justice revealed by resurrection:

“At his prayer a man slain by his brother arose and named his murderer before returning to death.
The spot is still called ‘The Resurrection Field.’”
— ibid. 7 (Loeb)

Whether literal or legendary, these memories portray a man whose faith transformed an entire region.
He turned Pontus from a land of martyrdom into a mission field.

3. Philip the Arab (r. 244–249 AD): A Christian on the Throne?

When Gordian died during the Persian campaign, his Praetorian Prefect Marcus Julius Philippus, later called Philip the Arab, seized power.

“Philip, the Roman Emperor, is said to have been a Christian, and desired to join in the prayers of the Church on the vigil of Easter;
but he was not permitted by the bishop until he had made confession of his sins and taken his place among the penitents.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.34 (Loeb)

Even if legendary, the story shows that by mid-century an emperor could be imagined kneeling with Christians.
Under Philip, churches met openly and owned property; the faith’s visibility was now empire-wide.

4. Cyprian of Carthage: The Western Counterpart

While Origen’s disciples shaped the East, the West produced a new leader from Africa—Thascius Caecilius Cyprianus, or Cyprian of Carthage.

Conversion during Philip’s Peace (c. AD 246–248)

A wealthy teacher of rhetoric, Cyprian was converted in Philip’s later years:

“When I lay in darkness and the gloomy night closed me in, I used to think that what was promised of God’s light was a thing incredible…
But after the stain of my former life had been washed away by the water of rebirth, a light from above poured into my heart.”
— Cyprian, Ad Donatum 4–5 (c. AD 246–248)

Bishop of Carthage (AD 248–249)

Soon after baptism he was chosen bishop—about the same year Origen finished Against Celsus and Dionysius took over in Alexandria.

“Under Philip, the churches enjoyed peace, and bishops were freely appointed everywhere. At that time Thascius Cyprian became illustrious at Carthage, a man most skillful in both word and deed.”
— Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 6.43 (Loeb)

Cyprian would soon face what Origen, Firmilian, and Gregory had trained their flocks for—the empire-wide ordeal under Decius.

5. Between Persecution and Peace

The years 235–249 AD formed a fragile hinge in Christian history:

Maximinus Thrax tried to sever the Church’s head.
Gordian III let it rebuild.
Philip the Arab perhaps even prayed with it.
Origen taught courage under fire.
Firmilian built theological bridges in Cappadocia.
Gregory Thaumaturgus turned Origen’s learning into creed, charity, and wonder.
Cyprian arose in the West to lead through the coming storm.

The persecution under Thrax was brief but real; the calm under Gordian and Philip allowed the faith to mature in scholarship, discipline, and compassion.
When Decius seized power in 249 AD, that peace—and all it had built—would face the empire’s first universal test.

Teenage Emperors and the Triumph of Christian Purity

October 4, 2025 / Jason Conrad / Leave a comment

1. Introduction

After Macrinus’ fall, the empire turned to Elagabalus (AD 218–222), a teenage priest from Syria whose reign shocked Rome with depravity and religious upheaval. Ancient historians describe him as one of the most corrupt rulers in history. Yet in his chaos, Christians were not singled out for persecution.

When he was assassinated, his cousin Severus Alexander (AD 222–235) rose to power. Under his mother’s guidance, he tolerated and even respected Christianity, creating the first extended season of peace for the church since the reign of Claudius. In this calm, Christian thinkers—above all Origen—flourished, even as the imperial household promoted a rival pagan holy man, Apollonius of Tyana, beside Christ himself.

2. Elagabalus (AD 218–222): Depravity on the Throne

Elagabalus was only 14 years old when he was proclaimed emperor. Raised as a priest of the Syrian sun god, he imported his cult into Rome and shocked the empire with both religious upheaval and sexual depravity.

Cassius Dio records the emperor’s religious madness:

“He carried his madness to such a pitch that he attempted to set up his own god as greater than Jupiter, and even to transfer to that god the sacred fire, the Palladium, the shields, and all that the Romans held sacred from the beginning.”
—Cassius Dio, Roman History 80.11 (c. AD 222–230, Loeb)

On his private conduct, Dio spares no detail:

“He married many women, and even a Vestal Virgin, whom he dragged from her sanctuary, declaring that he was marrying a priestess and so a match worthy of himself.

He carried his lewdness to such a point that he asked doctors to contrive a woman’s vagina in his body by means of an incision, promising them large sums for doing so.”
—Cassius Dio, Roman History 80.13–14 (c. AD 222–230, Loeb)

Dio also makes clear:

“He established a room in the palace as a brothel and there committed his shameful acts, always collecting money as if for his embraces.”
—Cassius Dio, Roman History 80.13 (c. AD 222–230, Loeb)

Herodian echoes the same picture of degradation:

“He considered nothing disgraceful, but thought that by his own conduct he was giving pleasure to the gods. He went about in public in the company of actors and dancers, and he took male partners as husbands, calling himself their wife. He gave himself up to every form of depravity.”
—Herodian, Roman History 5.6 (c. AD 240, Loeb)

The Historia Augusta, though later, preserves the same traditions:

“He would choose out the man who was most celebrated for the size of his organ and couple with him most shamelessly… He set up a house of prostitution in his palace and there collected actors, dancers, and the most notorious of men, so that he might rival the foulest brothels in Rome.”
—Historia Augusta, Life of Elagabalus 5.3–4 (4th century, preserving earlier traditions)

Key Insight: The Roman emperor was expected to guard piety and moral order. Elagabalus instead flaunted sacrilege and lust, turning the imperial palace itself into a brothel and humiliating his office before the world.

3. Christian Sexual Ethics in Stark Contrast

While the emperor paraded immorality, Christians proclaimed chastity, fidelity, and holiness. Their ethic touched every sphere of life: marriage, personal purity, entertainment, and even the use of the senses.

1. Marriage and Family Life

Roman culture treated marriage largely as a social and economic contract. Husbands often kept mistresses, and wives were expected to tolerate it. Divorce was easy, and sexual double standards were everywhere. Against that backdrop, the Christian idea of marriage was revolutionary.

For early Christians, chastity in marriage didn’t mean abstaining from intimacy — it meant faithfulness, self-control, and holiness within the union. The sexual bond was exclusive, sacred, and tied to covenant love rather than lust or convenience.

Tertullian (Carthage, c. AD 197–200):

“We are not as your brothel-haunters, nor do we indulge in every form of licentiousness. Each man has his own wife, as the Word of God has allotted him. In the modesty of our marriage, chastity is the rule of life.”
—Apology 39

Here “chastity” means fidelity and restraint within marriage — a partnership marked by purity, not indulgence.

“Our women, the more they are distinguished, the more they walk about as if they were unknown. They know nothing of the immodesties which are practiced in public; their beauty is not for the public eye, but for their husbands alone.”
—Apology 46

Hippolytus (Rome, c. AD 220–230):

“Christians marry, as do others, but they marry only once; for their marriage is according to God, not for passion but for childbearing. Their women are chaste, their men temperate, their life in the flesh is conducted with holiness.”
—Refutation of All Heresies 9.12

Letter to Diognetus (late 2nd century, still read in the 3rd):

“They marry, as do all; they beget children; but they do not destroy their offspring. They have a common table, but not a common bed. They are in the flesh, but they do not live after the flesh.”
—5.6–7

Key Insight: Early Christian marriage emphasized equality before God, mutual faithfulness, and moral discipline. Chastity was not the absence of intimacy but the sanctification of it — turning something physical into an act of covenant love. In a world where sexual pleasure was often detached from virtue, Christian couples viewed their bodies as part of their worship, belonging to one another under the authority of Christ.

2. Personal Purity and Virginity

Tertullian (Carthage, c. AD 200):

“Chastity is the bodyguard of faith, the partner of holiness, the preserver of purity. Without it, no one shall see the Lord.”
—On the Apparel of Women 2.9

In this passage, Tertullian is speaking broadly of chastity (castitas) as the moral safeguard of all believers—married or single. It is the virtue that protects faith and holiness by disciplining desire and modesty alike. For the married, it meant faithfulness; for the unmarried, self-restraint and purity of heart.

Origen (Alexandria/Caesarea, c. AD 220–230):

“It is not possible to accept Christ unless we crucify our flesh with its passions and lusts. For the soul that would please God must first be purified of every defilement, especially the defilements of lust.”
—Homilies on Leviticus 7.4

“Virginity is practiced among us, not out of contempt for marriage, but for the sake of God. For the virgin looks to the things of the Lord, how she may please Him. We thus train the soul to mastery over the body, that it may rise to contemplate divine things.”
—On First Principles 3.1.9

Key Insight: Early Christians saw the body as the instrument of the soul’s worship, not its prison. To “crucify the flesh” meant learning self-control, not despising creation. Virginity, for those called to it, was viewed as a voluntary offering—an imitation of Christ’s single-hearted devotion. For married and unmarried alike, purity was about mastery rather than repression, ordering human desire toward love of God and neighbor.

3. Spectacles and Entertainment

Roman “spectacles” included the circus, the theater, and the gladiatorial arena. But one of the most popular forms of entertainment was pantomime — a stage performance where a solo dancer acted out mythological stories of seduction, rape, and adultery, accompanied by music and chorus. Every gesture was sexually charged.

These shows were notorious for their erotic suggestiveness. Roman satirists like Juvenal mocked women who lusted after pantomime actors. The line between art and pornography was blurred. And emperors like Elagabalus filled their palaces with pantomime dancers and actors.

Tertullian condemned the shows fiercely:

“The show of the theatre stirs up lust. For where the subject is love, there can be no modesty. The language is unchaste, the gesturing unchaste; nothing is more lascivious than the playhouse, nothing more destructive to modesty.”
—On the Shows 17

“What of the pantomime, that disgraceful imitation of all things, where every gesture is a corruption, every movement a provocation to lust? Why should we who renounce even the modest pleasures of the eye and ear endure such provocations?”
—On the Shows 22

“What is not lawful to say or to do, it is not lawful to see or hear. Why should things that defile a man when spoken defile him less when seen?”
—On the Shows 17

4. Guarding the Senses

Origen extended the warning beyond theaters and brothels, to the inner life of the believer:

“If we abstain from fornication and adultery but still fill our eyes with shameful sights and our ears with shameful sounds, how are we different from those who commit them in deed? For what enters through the senses lodges in the heart and produces its fruit in action.”
—Homilies on Proverbs 5.1 (c. AD 230)

“It is not only the act of sin that defiles a man, but also the will and intention. For when the eyes are defiled, the whole body is full of darkness. And so the Christian must be chaste not only in body but also in look, word, and thought.”
—Commentary on Matthew 14.23 (c. AD 245)

“The eyes and ears are the doors of the soul. If what enters is holy, the soul is illuminated; if what enters is shameful, the soul is darkened. Therefore the Christian must close his eyes and ears against what is evil, as he closes his mouth against unclean food.”
—Homilies on Leviticus 7.4

Key Insight: The emperor of Rome turned his palace into a brothel and surrounded himself with pantomime dancers and actors. Christians, by contrast, were told that even watching or listening to such things was defiling. Tertullian condemned the external spectacles; Origen pressed the point inward, warning against corrupting the eyes, ears, and thoughts. Together, they show how Christianity offered a radically different ethic — purity not only in deed, but in sight, sound, and imagination.

Even the pagan physician Galen, writing c. AD 170, admitted:

“For discipline and self-control in sexual matters, Christians are in no way inferior to true philosophers.”
—On the Passions and Errors of the Soul (fragment, c. AD 170)

4. Severus Alexander (AD 222–235): A Season of Peace

Severus Alexander was just 13 years old when he became emperor after Elagabalus’ assassination. Unlike his cousin, he was closely guided by his mother, Julia Mamaea, who sought out instruction even from Christian teachers like Origen.

Eusebius records:

“Mamaea, who was especially celebrated for her devotion to religion, sent for Origen and received instruction from him, and honored him greatly.”
—Church History 6.21 (c. AD 325, citing events of c. AD 230, Loeb)

And of Alexander himself:

“It is said that Alexander had in his private chapel statues of Abraham, Orpheus, Apollonius, and Christ.”
—Church History 6.28 (c. AD 325, citing tradition from Alexander’s reign, Loeb)

Key Insight: This was the first extended peace since Claudius (AD 41–54). Just as Paul had once carried out his missionary journeys under Claudius, Christians now found space for theological and moral development under Alexander.

5. Apollonius Beside Christ: The Witness Question

The inclusion of Apollonius in Alexander’s shrine shows how the empire was beginning to put Christ alongside other sages. Around this time, Philostratus wrote the Life of Apollonius of Tyana (c. AD 217–238), commissioned by Julia Domna. He claimed to use the memoirs of a disciple named Damis — but we do not possess them, and no one else ever mentions them. Whatever Damis may have written has vanished. What survives is Philostratus’ polished literary creation, composed 150 years after Apollonius lived.

Apollonius:

Based on one shadowy “witness.”
Written long after, by a sophist in the imperial court.
Offered nothing new, only a revival of ancient Pythagorean philosophy.
Left no enduring movement or transformation of the empire.

Christ:

The Gospels (AD 60–90): written within one lifetime, still in living memory.
Paul’s letters (AD 50s): written 20–25 years after, already citing earlier traditions.
Paul’s autobiography (Gal 1; 1 Cor 15:8): his conversion occurred within a year or two of the crucifixion.
The earliest creeds: especially the Resurrection Creed (1 Corinthians 15:3–5) and the Christ Hymn (Philippians 2:6–11), both pre-Pauline and already in circulation within months of the cross.

Together, these creeds show that the proclamation of Christ crucified and risen, and His worship as Lord, began immediately after Easter — not generations later.

Origen, facing critics who compared Christ to Apollonius, drove the point home:

“What has Apollonius left behind as a testimony to his divine mission? Where are those who have been persuaded by him to change their lives? But Jesus has persuaded not only men then living, but also men of all nations today, to accept His doctrine and to live as those who have been transformed by Him.”
—Contra Celsum 3.34 (c. AD 248, Loeb)

Key Insight: Even pagans could be fascinated by Apollonius’ story, but fascination is not transformation. Jesus left behind not just tales, but witnesses, creeds, and a movement that reshaped the Roman world.

6. Origen’s Voice in the Calm

This peaceful window allowed Origen to produce the earliest Christian systematics and massive commentaries. His On First Principles (De Principiis) was the first attempt at a comprehensive Christian theology, weaving together Scripture, philosophy, and moral reflection.

God and the Trinity

“God the Father, who holds the universe together, is superior to every being that exists, for He imparts to each one from His own existence that which each one is. The Son, being less than the Father, is superior to rational creatures alone, for He is second to the Father. The Holy Spirit is still less, and dwells within the saints alone.”
—On First Principles 1.3.5

Christ as Eternal Wisdom

“There never was a time when He did not exist. For He is called the Wisdom of God; and it is impossible that God should ever have been without wisdom. Thus we must believe that the Savior always existed.”
—On First Principles 1.2.2

Sovereignty, Foreknowledge, and Predestination

“God knows all things before they exist, and He knows not only the past and present but also the future. Nothing can happen contrary to what He knows will be. Yet His foreknowledge does not impose necessity upon what is to come; rather each one acts by the freedom of his own will.”
—On First Principles 3.1.15

“The saints are said to be predestined by God not according to an arbitrary decree but according to His foreknowledge. For He knew before the foundation of the world who would be conformed to the image of His Son, and for this reason He predestined them to be called and justified.”
—On First Principles 3.5.7

“Nothing takes place in the world without God. All is arranged by Him in wonderful order, even what seems contrary is ordered by Him toward the salvation and advantage of the whole universe.”
—On First Principles 2.1.1

Free Will

“The liberty of the will is preserved, and the freedom of choice remains, because God has set before every soul life and death, the good and the evil, in order that we may choose life and walk in the way of righteousness, keeping the commandments of God.”
—On First Principles 3.1.6

Suffering and Apparent Unfairness

“When we see infants afflicted with grievous sufferings, or souls that seem to be punished beyond their deserts, we must not suppose that chance rules the world, nor that there is injustice with God. There are causes hidden from us, older than the present life, which the divine judgment considers, so that to each is given according to what it has deserved.”
—On First Principles 2.9.7

“Even if one cannot at once perceive the reason why the good are afflicted or the innocent seem to suffer, we must believe that God orders all things with justice. For some are corrected in the present, others are reserved for correction in the future; but all are arranged by the providence of Him who alone knows what each one requires.”
—On First Principles 3.1.18

“What appears unequal and unjust will be set right in the restitution of all things, when every soul shall be brought to that end which is worthy of God. Then all who suffered undeservedly will find reward, and those who prospered in wickedness will be brought to judgment.”
—On First Principles 3.6.6

Origen included his controversial belief in the pre-existence of souls to explain hidden causes of suffering. Later generations rejected that idea, but it shows how earnestly he wrestled with the scandal of pain while defending God’s justice.

The Purpose of Scripture

“The Scriptures were composed by the Spirit of God, and have not only that meaning which is obvious, but also another which is hidden, as it were, beneath the surface. The whole law is spiritual, but the spiritual meaning is not recognized by all, but only by those on whom the grace of the Holy Spirit is bestowed in the word of wisdom and knowledge.”
—On First Principles 4.2.4

Final Judgment and Restoration

“The end is always like the beginning. As then we began with God, so in the end we shall be with God, and all enemies being subdued and overcome, God shall be all in all. For we must believe that the goodness of God, through Christ, will recall all His creatures to one end, even His enemies being conquered and subdued.”
—On First Principles 1.6.1

Key Insight: On First Principles shows Origen building the first grand map of Christian thought: God and the Son’s eternal Wisdom; God’s sovereign ordering joined to true human freedom; Scripture’s layered meaning; and a final restoration where God’s justice and goodness answer every wrong.

7. Conclusion

Elagabalus: depravity and scandal, but no persecution. Crowned at just 14, he degraded the office with sacrilege and lust.
Severus Alexander: peace and curiosity, enthroned at 13, guided by his mother, who welcomed Origen.
Apollonius: a late literary creation, based on one shadowy source, reviving old ideas, leaving no impact.
Christ: proclaimed immediately in the earliest creeds, testified by many witnesses, and transforming the Roman world.

This was the first extended peace since Claudius, but it was fragile. Nero’s precedent still lingered. And within fifteen years of Alexander’s death, Decius would unleash empire-wide persecution.

Key Insight: This era shows the battle lines clearly. Pagan elites tried to honor Christ as just another sage, even inventing rivals like Apollonius. Christians answered with witnesses, creeds, and transformed lives — proclaiming that Christ was not one among many, but the eternal Son of God.